Infant Feeding Practices Among the Mothers of Selected Different Socio-economic Groups in Dhaka City

Background: In addition to physical welfare, reproductive health is also vital for psychological well-being. All stages of reproduction can take place safely if reproductive health is well cared for, and it ultimately leads to the formation of healthy new offspring. The aim of this study is to know about reproductive health-related knowledge and practices in women of reproductive age in an underdeveloped area in Pakistan and to identify the associated factors that give a meaningful impact on reproductive health.Methods: A cross-sectional study was carried out among women of childbearing age in underdeveloped areas in the province of Punjab, Pakistan. A sample of 400 was taken on a random basis. All the relevant data were collected from February 1, 2022, to August 30, 2022, with the help of a structured questionnaire, designed specifically for the study, informed consent was taken from all of the participants before data collection. Questions were asked about their menstrual cycles, use of contraceptives, knowledge about sexually transmitted diseases, screening of cervical cancer, pap test, human papillomavirus vaccine, and related to home or hospital deliveries. Socioeconomic classes were defined by different income ranges per month as lower class, upper lower class, middle class, upper middle class, and upper class.Results: Ten percent of participants with education up to fifth grade have never used any method of contraception while 70% of participants who studied up to eighth grade never used the same. In lower class and upper lower class, the prevalence is 33.3% and 41.7%, respectively. The prevalence of screening for cervical cancer is 50% in married women and 60% in the upper middle class. Of women with education up to eighth grade, 65% answered with No, and the prevalence is 50% for lower-class women. Regarding the human papillomavirus vaccine, 41.7% of married women, 33.3% of women in upper class, and 50% of women in the middle class mentioned that they know about it, while 68.4% of women have education up to eighth grade and 47.4% of lower-class women answered with No. Of women with education up to eighth grade, 92.5% had one to two deliveries at home, and 68.8% of women with education up to fifth grade had three to four deliveries at home. Fifty percent of women from both lower and upper lower classes had one to two deliveries at home. Twelve women from the upper middle class had all of their deliveries at home and 20 had five to six deliveries at home. Of women with education up to fifth grade and eighth grade, 64.3% and 28.6%, respectively, had their all deliveries at a hospital; 22.9% of women from the upper class and 20% of the upper middle class also had all deliveries at the hospital, Thirty-three women who graduated from college had one to two deliveries in the hospital. All of these results are found to be significant with a p-value <0.05.Conclusion: Knowledge about reproductive health is less prevalent in women with low education and the same is for lower and lower middle socioeconomic class. The education level of women and their socioeconomic class is one of the major factors that have a meaningful impact on their reproductive health and practices.

ABSTRACT. This article focuses on the analysis of some of the main concepts of social stratification, such as class and status. The paper then examines the particularities of social stratification in the US, including factors leading to the stratification of society (e.g. wealth, income, education, occupation) and the three types of social classes in this country: upper class, middle class and lower class. In comparison, social stratification in Romania is influenced by historic circumstances (e.g. ex-communist elite members identified in the upper class). There are three social classes in Romania, too, but the upper and middle class are still coagulating, while the lower class is well established.JEL Codes: A14; Z13Keywords: social stratification; class; status; US; Romania1. IntroductionThe analysis of social inequality is one of the most important concerns of sociologists, economists, scholars and many others. Inequalities have always existed and will continue to exist in human societies. Even in the most primitive communities, where wealth and property are minimal, there is inequality among individuals, men and women, young and old, and the list can go on. How certain groups in a society have became richer or more powerful than others, how unequal modem societies are, what chance someone coming from a less privileged background would have to reach the top of the economic hierarchy and for what reasons poverty still exists in developed countries - are questions that sociologists are attempting to answer in order to clarify the ways in which societies were stratified and the processes through which status was achieved.In order to draw attention to the unequal positions occupied by individuals in society, sociologists speak of social stratification - structural inequalities between different groups of people. Societies are composed of several layers in a hierarchy, the most privileged on top and the less privileged at the bottom.2. StratificationThere are four major types of stratification systems: slavery, caste, estates and class (Giddens, 2010: 263-309). Slavery is an extreme form of inequality in which some individuals are actually owned by others. Caste is associated with the cultures of the Indian subcontinent. The term caste is not of Indian origin; it comes from the Portuguese word casta, meaning race or purebred. The caste system is highly complex and structurally varies so much from one area to another, that it is not basically a single system, but a diversity of insufficiently linked beliefs and practices. Estates were part of European feudalism and consist of social strata with different obligations and rights, some of these differences established by law (the nobility, the clergy and the commoners).Class differs in many respects from slavery, caste or estates. It can be defined as a large-scale group of people who share common economic resources which strongly influence their lifestyle (Giddens, 2010:267). Unlike other stratification systems, class membership is not based on a position specified by law or by custom. Class systems are more fluid than other types of stratification, and the boundaries between classes are not clearly defined. Class membership is at least partially acquired. Classes depend on economic differences between groups of individuals (inequalities in the possession and control of material resources). Class systems mainly operate through large-scale impersonal links (e.g. unequal working conditions).Specialists in various domains consider that society is made up of a certain number of classes. According to Giddens (2010), in a society we distinguish the upper class, the old middle class, the upper middle class, the lower middle class, the upper working class, the lower working class and the underclass.The Goldthorpe class scheme is more intricate: 1) higher-grade professionals, administrators, and officials; managers in large industrial establishments; large proprietors; 2) lower-grade professionals, administrators, and officials, higher-grade technicians; managers in small industrial establishments; supervisors of non-manual employees; 3a) routine non-manual employees, higher grade (administration and commerce); 3b) routine non-manual employees, lower grade (sales and services); 4a) small proprietors, artisans, etc. …

On the Updating and Reformulations, Added by Adam Smith and J M Keynes, to Aristotle's Universal, General Theory of Economics, Politics, Civics, and Institutions

The Present study was conducted in the Department of Pediatrics of Lala Lajpat Rai &amp; Associated Hospital GSVM Medical College, Kanpur. All the children aged between 1-5 years, admitted in Department of Pediatrics were asked to participate in this study. Information regarding vaccination, socio-demographic factors was collected from their parents and care takers. Accuracy and validity of information were confirmed by immunization card in possible situation and inspection for BCG scar. Hospital based descriptive cross-sectional study.In upper class, 100% of children were completely immunized. In upper middle class, 80.8% children had complete and 19.1% partial immunization status. No one remained unimmunized in upper middle class. In lower middle class, 33.9% of children were completely immunized, 59.6% partially immunized and 6.4% remained unimmunized.Children who were 1stin birth order, had maximum immunization coverage (44.8%). Minimum immunization coverage was in birth order &amp;#62;4 (3.2%). P value is &amp;#60;0.001, indicates the significant relation between birth order and immunization status. As birth order increased, immunization coverage decreased. In this present hospital based descriptive cross –sectional study, we found that 51.2% children were fully immunized, 45.6% were partially immunized and 3.2% children were unimmunized as per National immunization schedule. Children belonging to upper class were 100% completely immunized. In upper middle class 80.8% children in lower middle class 33.9%, in upper lower class 55.7% and in lower class 50.9% children were completely immunized respectively. In lower class immunization coverage was higher than lower middle class. Droprate for BCG to pentavalent 1 was 10.64%, similarly dropout from BCG to measles was 12.7%. Dropout rate of pentavalent 1 to pentavalent 2 was 1.4%, pentavalent2 to pentavalent3 was 2.6%. It indicates that system is not able to hold the child once registered. Steps for improvement should focus on reducing the drop rate from BCG to pentavalent and measles.

Introduction: Exclusive breastfeeding (EBF) for the first six months of life improves health and increases infant survival. In Asia, Pakistan ranks second in child mortality. Socioeconomic status (SES) is an important predictor of healthy behaviors. The study aims to understand the barriers to exclusive breastfeeding faced by mothers from different socioeconomic classes in Pakistan.&#x0D; Method: The cross-sectional study was done in the Pediatric outpatient department (OPD) of Shifa International hospital and community health center from November 2020 to 1 March 2021. Mothers and their children 1 to 3 years of age were included in the study.&#x0D; Results: A total of 175 mothers and their children were included. EBF for the first six months was done by 120 (68.6%). However, by one year of age, only 99 (56%) continued breastfeeding. Out of these 175 mothers, 79 (45%) were from the lower class, 69 (39.4%) were from the middle class, and 27 (15.4%) were from upper SES. Among the lower, middle, and high socioeconomic classes frequency of EBF practiced by mothers was 51, 54, and 15 (p 0.03), respectively. Pre-lacteals were given to 102 (58.2%). This practice was more frequent in lower SES families (0.03). The majority of working women belonged to upper SES (0.04). Mothers in the upper class are least likely to EBF their children (OR 0.5 CI 0.2-1.3). The adjusted odds ratio for EBF is highest for lower SES mothers, followed by the middle class.&#x0D; Conclusion: Support from family, place and mode of delivery, working mothers, and high socioeconomic class are important factors affecting exclusive breastfeeding in Pakistan.

Background:It is widely accepted that there are socioeconomic inequalities in oral health. A socioeconomic gradient is found in a range of clinical and self-reported oral health outcomes.Aim:The present study was conducted to assess the differences in oral hygiene practices among patients from different socioeconomic status (SES) visiting the Outpatient Department of the Sudha Rustagi College of Dental Sciences.Materials and Methods:A cross-sectional survey was conducted from June to October 2014 to assess the effect of SES on the oral hygiene habits. The questionnaire included the questions related to the demographic profile and assessment of the oral hygiene habits of the study population.Results:Toothbrush and toothpaste were being used significantly (P < 0.05) more by lower middle class (84.4%) and upper middle class (100.0%). A significantly higher frequency of cleaning teeth (twice a day) was reported among the lower middle class (17.2%) and upper middle class (21.5%). The majority (34.3%) of the study population changed their toothbrush once in 3 months. The cleaning of tongue was reported by patients belonging to the upper middle (62.0%), lower middle (52.1%), and upper lower class (30.0%). The use of tongue cleaner was reported to be significantly (P < 0.05) more among upper middle (10.1%) class patients. A significantly higher number of patients from the lower class (81.3%) never visited a dentist.Conclusion:The oral hygiene practices of the patients from upper and lower middle class was found to be satisfactory whereas it was poor among patients belonging to lower and upper lower class.

This study aimed at establishing the determinants and distribution of the health-seeking behaviours of Port Harcourt residents, and comparing them between the upper and lower socio-economic classes. A descriptive cross-sectional study using 204 respondents was carried out. The socio-economic classification used occupation and average monthly income. Multi-staged sampling technique was used; stage one being by stratified sampling using socio-economic classes for stratification; stage two involved clustered sampling; following which five-sectioned structured questionnaires were administered. Differences (P<0.05) in Health facility used existed: the upper class used mostly Government and Private Hospitals; the lower class additionally used health centres and un-orthodox health facilities. Reasons for using a health facility was similar (P>0.05) as both classes mostly go for treatment or medical check-ups. Health facility preference was mostly for good treatment outcome and accessibility; cost also, for the lower class. Commonly and last used health-care giver differed (P<0.05); upper class mostly saw a doctor, the lower saw the doctor, pharmacist and nurse. Competence; the major reason for health-care giver selection by the upper class differed (P<0.05) from the lower that had previous good treatment outcome and illness severity. The upper socioeconomic classed have better health-seeking behaviours because they use more competent Health facilities and health-care givers.

This study aimed at establishing the determinants and distribution of the health-seeking behaviours of Port Harcourt residents, and comparing them between the upper and lower socio-economic classes. A descriptive crosssectional study using 204 respondents was carried out. The socio-economic classification used occupation and average monthly income. Multi-staged sampling technique was used; stage one being by stratified sampling using socio-economic classes for stratification; stage two involved clustered sampling; following which five-sectioned structured questionnaires were administered. Differences (P&lt;0.05) in Health facility used existed: the upper class used mostly Government and Private Hospitals; the lower class additionally used health centres and un-orthodox health facilities. Reasons for using a health facility was similar (P&gt;0.05) as both classes mostly go for treatment or medical check-ups. Health facility preference was mostly for good treatment outcome and accessibility; cost also, for the lower class. Commonly and last used health-care giver differed (P&lt;0.05); upper class mostly saw a doctor, the lower saw the doctor, pharmacist and nurse. Competence; the major reason for health-care giver selection by the upper class differed (P&lt;0.05) from the lower that had previous good treatment outcome and illness severity. The upper socioeconomic classed have better health-seeking behaviours because they use more competent Health facilities and health-care givers.

Height measurements taken in a mixed longitudinal manner on 1084 German-born boys aged 7 to 21+ at the Carlschule Academy in Stuttgart during the period 1771-93 have been examined. The boys can be divided into upper (aristocrat), middle and lower (artisan, servant) classes, nearly all housed and fed in this boarding school. Preece-Baines curves have been fitted to a subsample of 155 boys whose measurements cover at least the period 12-16 years at a density of two or three per year. In addition, the whole data, totalling 11,040 observations, have been examined as if purely cross-sectional; and the height-at-entry measurement for each of 670 students has been examined. The results of the longitudinal subsample and the cross-sectional analyses agree reasonably well. Social class differences existed both in tempo of growth as signified by age at peak height velocity, and in adult height. The longitudinal analysis gives adult differences of about 2 cm between upper and middle classes and a further 2 cm between middle and lower, even amongst these boys all resident in the same, very privileged, school. Tempo differences between upper and middle class were minor, amounting to only 0.3 year, but lower-class boys had their maximum growth increment about a year later than the others. Amongst middle classes a secular trend of about 2 cm averaged over all ages was found between those born before 1770 and those born later. This mainly represents a trend in tempo rather than in adult height. The heights of these boys are compared with those of contemporary Austrian upper and lower classes, English upper and lower classes, American Army cadets, and American slaves. The increase in German middle-class heights during the 18th century indicates that this group was improving its nutritional status and well-being, at a time when the heights of the remainder of the population were constant or declining. This is evidence in favour of the view that at the beginning of economic development the distribution of income tends to become more skewed.

Purpose of the Study The purpose of the study was to (1) discover if the value system of blacks is different from the value system of whites, and (2) to determine if social class is a significant influencing factor in the shaping of values. Methods and Procedures Many studies have been conducted in which the values of blacks and whites of both sexes in the lower, middle and upper classes were examined. Schuster (1968) conducted a study in which the values of blacks and whites of both sexes in the upper social class were examined. Lott and Lott (1963) examined the values of both races and sexes in the middle and lower social classes. Parrilla (1971) studied the values of blacks and whites of both sexes in the lower class. The present study, however, examined blacks and whites of both sexes and looked at all three social classes simultaneously. A total of 165 pupils in grades 5 and 6 were examined. Warner's criteria of social class were adhered to in deciding the social class of each pupil. A modified version of the Allport- Vemon-Lindzey Study of Values was used to assess the Aesthetic, Social, Political, Economic, Theoretical, and Religious values of the subjects. Statistical Design A 2 x 2 x 3 (3 way) analysis of variance without replications, as designed by Crow,, Davis, and Maxfield was used in the analysis of data in this study. Where significant interactions occurred, the t-test procedure was carried out on each level of interaction. Limitations There were sizable differences between many of the mean scores but the statistical design used made it less likely that statistical Conclusion The analyses of data in this study indicated that 1. Race appears to be a determiner of values in some cases, but in other cases it does not seem influential. 2. Social class does not appear to be a statistically significant determinant of values. 3. Sex appears to be a determinant of values in some cases but not an important factor in other cases. 4. It appears that the differences within the races and classes are greater than the differences between the races and classes. As far as values are concerned, there is a large area of homogeneity between the races, classes and sexes. Human beings are more alike than they are different!

BackgroundCOVID-19 has restricted the education of students on a global scale. With the nationwide stay-at-home directives, schools, colleges and universities have been shut down. Online education is a measure for continuing the learning of the students in times of pandemic. However, the school-going children of urban slum areas face challenges in attending online classes. Through this study, we have tried to highlight the problems and challenges faced by the students and their parents from an urban slum area of Mangalwarpeth, Pune for attending online education in times of COVID. The urban slum area mainly consists of people from low socioeconomic backgrounds lacking the necessary resources and supportive environment for an online mode of education. We have observed and recorded the response of the participants in the context of online education in times of COVID and challenges faced by the lower socio-economic strata due to reasons like non-availability of resources, poor internet connectivity, poor understanding, and distractions while classes leading to low attendance.MethodsA cross-sectional qualitative study was conducted in an urban slum area of Mangalwarpeth, Pune. Data was collected over four months after receiving consent from the parents of the children from the metropolitan slum area of Mangalwarpeth. A structured questionnaire was used. Data was coded on an excel sheet and was transferred to SPSS software version 21 (IBM Corp., Armonk, NY) and was represented in frequency and percentage.ResultAfter the data collection and analysis, we found that (according to the modified Kuppuswamy scale for socioeconomic status) around 53% of the study population were from the lower middle class followed by the upper lower class (27.16%), upper middle class (9.87%), lower class (8.64%) and upper class (1.23%). Sixteen percent of participants do not have smartphones available, and 95.5% do not have a laptop required for online classes. A total of 19.5% of the students do not have access to internet services. Eighty-four percent of parents agreed on increased expenses of the internet.ConclusionStudents from urban slum areas belong to lower socioeconomic classes and face problems while attending online classes like the nonavailability of resources and lack of a supportive environment. There are increased expenses of the internet as a result of the online mode of education, with increased distractions from the surroundings, concentration problems, and less understanding of the subjects. The students cannot interact with their teachers and friends and as a result, their social interaction is reduced. A supportive environment and proper resources are essential for the learning of students to continue education in times of emergencies like pandemics.

Poverty drove Indonesian poor households (e.g. their family members) to find other livelihoods. One popular choice is becoming an international migrant. This paper describes and analyzes the change in agrarian structure which causes dynamics in agrarian poverty. The study uses qualitative approach and constructivism paradigm. Research results showed that even if migration was dominated by farmer households from lower social class; it also served as livelihood strategy for middle and upper social classes. Improved economics brought dynamics on social reality. The dynamic accesses to agrarian resources consist of (1) horizontal social mobility (means that they stay in their previous social class); (2) vertical social mobility in the form of social climbing; low to middle class, low to upper class, and middle class to upper class; and, (3) vertical social mobility in the form of social sinking: upper class to middle class, upper class to lower class, and middle class to lower class. The dynamic in social classes indicates the presence of agrarian poverty cycle, they are social climbing and sinking.

This study employs a replicative task design using time invested in a task as an index of tolerance of defeat compare working-class and middle-class subjects. Subjects were given independently and in random order a logico-manipulative task and a motor-manipulative task. Following standardized instructions subjects were asked try complete the task. The relation of tolerance for defeat (defined as a function of time) social class level is positive. Middle-class subjects spend more time attempting accomplish a difficult task than working-class subjects. Tolerance levels do not appear be affected by age or residence of subject, ordering of tasks, or addition of tasks. The results suggest a possible relation the empirically documented findings on variations in aspiration levels by social Many studies have examined people's aspiration levels and most of them suggest that individuals in different social classes have different levels of aspiration. Leonard Reissman (1959:361) writes, There are several independent studies, of widely different samples of individuals, that all come a reasonably common conclusion about aspirations: the striving for 'success' is strongest among those in the middle and upper classes and is lowest among those in the lower class. The question Reissman asks is why such a class difference exists. He suggests that individuals in the lower class are simply being realistic. Those in the upper and middle classes have a fairly good chance of achieving high aspirations whereas those in the lower class do not. Lower-class individuals are either forced transfer their levels of aspiration their children or lower their aspirations reachable goals. Knupfer (1947) comes a similar conclusion on aspiration levels but offers a somewhat different explanation. Lower status individuals hold low levels of aspiration 'to make life tolerable,' a fact which in some cases is a sign of apathy and ingrained acceptance of defeat rather than of adjustment reality. Knupfer's phrase to make life tolerable suggests that members of the lower class have a low level of tolerance of defeat. This, then, may be one of the reasons why they set their levels of aspirations low. At the same time it slggests that middle- and upper-class persons may have a higher level of tolerance of defeat. They can afford set their goals higher without threatening their egos. The problem for investigation here is examine the relationship between tolerance of defeat and social Here tolerance is operationally defined as time spent attempting perform a task. The main working hypothesis is that middle-class subjects will spend more time on a difficult task than will working-class subjects. To account for the influence of certain other conditions we also hypothesize that the amount of time spent on difficult tasks within social class will not be significantly affected by the ordering of tasks, or addition of a second task, or the communities from which the samples are drawn.

In a previous report the authors and their co-workers found treated prevalence of schizophrenia in the lowest social class 11 times more frequent than in the upper class. The present paper analyzes this striking distribution. From our data it may be concluded that the difference is not due to downward social mobility. Tabulating approximate treated incidence of schizophrenics (patients in treatment for less than 1 year) we found that approximately twice as many schizophrenics occur in class V than in classes I and II combined. At the more chronic levels the ratio between upper- and lower-class schizophrenics is much higher. We found 31 times as many schizophrenics in class V as in classes I and II. This increase of chronic patients in class V appears to be related to significant differences in treatment. Our data demonstrate that schizophrenics in the upper and middle classes enter treatment earlier than those in the lower class. The upper- and middle-class schizophrenic is referred for treatment through medical channels; the lower-class schizophrenic through legal ones. The schizophrenic of the upper and middle classes is more likely to be treated by psychotherapy; the lower-class patient by organic treatment and, in far too many cases, he is not treated at all. The patient in the upper and middle classes has a greater chance of being discharged to his family and community than has the lower-class schizophrenic. Implications of these findings for the pathology and therapy of schizophrenia need to be discussed more thoroughly than space allows us here.

Population movements in a rural township in South Carolina were studied by comparing the years 1900 and 1930. Classification of the population into upper, middle, and lower classes indicates that the township has sustained a severe depletion in its upper class, largely due to migration to cities. There has been a 15 per cent increase in the middle class. The heaviest losses have been incurred by the lower class, which has been attracted mainly to employment in adjacent textile mills. The middle class, in largest proportions, has remained on the farm. From a vigorous middle class, under conditions of a profitable agriculture, depletions in the ranks of the upper class may be partly repaired.