India’s Soft Power as a Pillar of Foreign Policy

The power dynamics of nation-states around the world have undergone a significant change in the twenty-first century with regard to how governments define and demonstrate their authority. Since today's political world is becoming increasingly interconnected, governments have no choice but to spend heavily in both their soft and hard power matrices. Because of the current state of world politics, India has a better chance than ever before of becoming a major player in international affairs. In India and around the world, the election of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has caused a sea change in public opinion about the dangers of religious militarism. These rights have become increasingly popular due to the increase of Hindutva rights. "Soft power" refers to the ability of a nation to achieve its foreign policy goals and objectives without resorting to coercion. With or without the use of "hard power," which can refer to methods such as the use of force or other very effective diplomatic initiatives, it is still a critical tenet of foreign policy. Hard power can be utilized in international and bilateral diplomacy to create a more expansive narrative. Economic, sociocultural, and even civilizational aspects all play a significant part in this wide-ranging topic. It all starts with messaging, which can be done through official channels like speeches and press conferences, or through the wide variety of media outlets available in today's hyper-connected world. Using India's "soft power" in international politics is the primary subject of this article.

India's political aspirations are rising along with its economy, which is seeing phenomenal growth. By utilizing resources and soft power tools, the nation is attempting to strengthen its position in the world. India is relearning this art by referring to its ancient traditions and drawing on its vast cultural heritage. The state's armory also includes references to democracy and religious diversity. The state's foreign policy has also been refocused on fostering and preserving positive relationships with other nations in order to assist the state's economic growth. Soft power tools are becoming increasingly important, particularly when it comes to culture and values. When combined with Pacific policies, this has created an excellent opportunity to use soft power. In terms of how governments define and use their authority, the power dynamics of soft nation-states have significantly changed in the twenty-first century. Governments are forced to invest substantially in both their soft and hard power matrices because the political world of today is becoming more linked. Due to the status of global politics, India now has a stronger possibility than ever before of playing a significant role in international affairs. The election of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has altered public perceptions of the perils of religious militarism in India and throughout the world. Due to the rising popularity of Hindutva rights, these rights have grown in popularity. The capacity of a country to carry out its foreign policy goals and objectives without using force is referred to as "soft power." It remains a crucial component of foreign policy, with or without the application of "hard power," which can refer to techniques like the use of force or other very effective diplomatic measures. International and bilateral diplomacy can make use of hard power to tell a bigger story. This broad subject involves economic, social, and even civilizational factors in equal measure. Everything begins with messaging, which can be done through normal channels like news conferences and speeches or through the many media outlets that are available in today's hyper-connected society. The main focus of this article is the ascension of India to the position of a global soft power.

Since its reunification, Germany has struggled with the dilemma of power. Many of Germany’s European allies feared the possibility of a resurgently powerful German nation that would revert to power politics and endanger the established European order. Such worries were prevalent even among many Germans who, still struggling with their past, weren’t sure that they could trust themselves with the use of power. Yet Germany, just as any other country, had foreign policy objectives and global responsibilities that sometimes required the use of power to achieve. This article examines how Germany responded to this dilemma and how the use of both hard and soft power have evolved in German foreign policy since reunification. It demonstrates that at first Germany relied almost exclusively on the use of soft power. As Germany established trust among its allies, the international community, and its own citizens, it gradually began to increase its use of hard power and to take on greater international responsibilities. Today Germany uses a mixture of soft and hard power – what Richard Armitage and Joseph Nye have dubbed smart power – to meet its foreign policy goals and to fulfill its international responsibilities.

The article focuses on power and its ramifications which has always been the central point in all security studies in international relations. Power is a crucial element of international relations that influences world affairs. As a result, power plays a significant role in foreign policy formulation. Realism is the dominant theory of international relations, and it revolves around the concept of power. Power can come in a variety of forms and implies the capacity to influence others to do what one wants. There are two types of power: hard power and soft power. These two types of power influence international politics, security, economy, and foreign policy. Whereas hard power derives from a country’s military or economic might, soft power derives from the attractiveness of its culture, political ideals, and policies. In international relations, soft power is just as important as hard power. This paper argues that soft power is one dimension of power that refers to one’s ability to persuade others to do something. Different countries place a high value on soft power in today’s international politics. In international relations, the concept of soft power discourse emerged in the early 1990s. This article also argues that foreign policy of a country consists of self-interest strategies. It contains a general objective that guides the activities and relationship of one state in its interaction with other states. This paper intends to explain and analyze India’s foreign policy on the ideas of friendly relations, international cooperation, and peaceful coexistence among all nations, regardless of their political systems. Maintaining national security, advancing democracy, fostering world peace, providing aid, and establishing open trade are the main objectives of India’s foreign policy. The purpose of this paper is to theorize the dynamics of soft power in international relations and to analyze India’s soft power potential. In recent years soft power has become an important tool for governments to achieve their foreign policy goals. India, a country with rich sources of soft power, has made great efforts to use this capacity to achieve its foreign policy goals. Among Indian leaders Narendra Modi has paid considerable attention to the capacity of soft power in India’s foreign policy.

One of the major reasons behind assassination of General Qasim Soleimani in US attack on Jan 3, 2020, was that he had projected Iranian hard and soft power in different parts of the world particularly in the Middle East. He was recognized as the architect of Iran's influence and presence from Lebanon to Syria, Iraq to Yemen and Bahrain. That is why, the killing of Qassem Soleimani has considered as an enormous setback to the country’s regional ambitions. This study is mainly focusing on utilization of hard and soft power by revolutionary ran as foreign policy tools especially in the Middle East. American war in Iraq (2003) and Hezbollah-Israel war of 2006 have provided Islamic Republic of Iran with an opportunity to expand its power in the Middle East in general and Lebanon in particular; King Abdullah of Jordan predicted that as “Shi’a Crescent” in 2004. Iran’s successful resurgence is widely misperceived as sole reliance on hard power and Shi’a proxies and partners. This study argues that it’s the effective use of “smart power” and complementary synergy between soft and hard power tactics, which has led to consolidation of Iranian influence in the countries like Lebanon. Hezbollah as the tool of Iran’s hard power is being supported by soft power tactics like Education, Media, cultural diplomacy and bonyads (Foundations). The study also argues that Iranian success in Lebanon in terms of hard power greatly lies with its ideological inspiration for Hezbollah both for institution of Vilayat-e-Faqih and Iran’s regional ambitions and being sole supporter for its followers.

This essay's first section defines hard and soft power and how they work together to create soft power. Next, various instances of the two principles' application in the formulation of foreign policy are discussed in order to evaluate their efficacy. There are also instances of the application of smart power in this discussion. According to the article, soft power's durability and longevity make it a more effective and efficient notion in modern global politics. Hard power, however, is becoming less valuable as the world order shifts against it. In the modern international system, smart power tactics are just as significant as soft power tactics. Nye proposed the concept of hard power and soft power distinctions almost twenty years ago. He characterizes command or hard power as coercive power used through inducements or threats, and power as the "ability to affect others to get the outcomes one wants" in general. Hard power depends on concrete power resources like armed troops or financial resources and is based on economic sanctions , forceful diplomacy, and military action. Hard power examples include the German invasion of Poland in 1939 and the UN economic sanctions imposed on Iraq in 1991 after the first Gulf War. Because of all of the above, it is important to analyze the types of power and their effectiveness, what is the impact of soft and hard power in modern international relations, both separately and in tandem.

<p>Power in international relations can be defined in several different ways. Power can be understood as a goal of states or leaders involving a measure of influence or control over outcomes, events, actors and issues; achieving victory in conflict and the attainment of security; control over resources and capabilities; or status, which some states or actors possess and other do not. Modern discourse in international relations generally speaks in terms of state power, indicating both economic and military power. The capabilities to handle those above functions are different from state to state and can be measured in different ways as well as with respect to different dimensions, among which “hard” and “soft” power can be taken into consideration. In the policy-making process of any states, hard power and soft power strategies are rarely separated but they are, in fact, closely related. The relationship between hard power and soft power has become an increasingly popular topic both inside and outside the USA in considering how to strengthen its status in the world arena, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region. American politicians, businessmen and scholars have constantly stressed the need and the opportunities of using soft power instead of hard power to manage the USA’s international relations, especially in this important region. The policy of the U.S. government towards this region is reflected through its strategic rebalance towards the Asia-Pacific region, which was announced by the Obama Administration in 2010. Since it came into being, this strategy has been described by several names including “return”, “pivot” or “rebalancing to Asia”. Although the strategy may be referred to by different names, it aims at describing the new prioritization in the foreign and national security policy of the United States. In order to examine the importance of both “hard” and “soft” power in international relations, American soft power and the implementation of its soft power in the “rebalancing” strategy, four research questions come to mind. They are: 1. What are the definitions soft power and hard power in international relations? 2. How does the US make use of both hard and soft power in building its capabilities and position in the region of Asia-Pacific? 3. What are the US’s intentions in its announced shift in focus to the Asia-Pacific region? 4. What are the regional responses to the US’ policy including by Vietnam? 5. What ensures the future success of the rebalance in the region? Due to the US’s growing emphasis on the use of soft power, the research will focus specifically on two questions; what are the soft power strategies of the US in this region; and what are Vietnam’s attitudes towards these strategies. If one can distinguish soft power elements in this policy shift, it is still important to consider the role of hard power elements and what larger regional role the US will play if its policy shift is successful. The focus of the research is on US actions and will exclude the effects of the policy on domestic policies in the Asia-Pacific, with the exception of briefly summarizing the changing stance of regional countries, thereby, showing the effects of American soft power on the region and on the US itself. Before examining the research questions, a theoretical framework will be provided in the first section of this paper discussing the content of hard power and soft power as described by several political analysts and theorists. This aims at giving an idea of the numerous definitions attached to hard and soft power as well as to lay out the analytical tools for the third section in which the “pivot” in the US’s Asia-Pacific policy will be examined. In the next section, regional attitudes towards the US’ “rebalancing” strategy, especially Vietnam’s, will be surveyed. The thesis will conclude with a discussion on whether these strategies are in line with the US’s use of soft power with their policies in other parts of the world and why the use of soft power, which can help to ensure the successes of this policy direction, does not yet seem to have received adequate attention. The significance of the study will be to enhance understanding of the role of hard and soft power in building the US’s status in the world arena, especially in realizing its “return to Asia” strategy. Moreover, this study may interest those whose work is closely related to the US and its policies, especially in the Asia-Pacific region, enabling them to have more understanding, which they can use to initiate appropriate strategies in their work. It is obvious from the broad audiences above that a census is not feasible for this study. Accordingly, the research approach includes informal interviews in which a sample from the target population of interested parties is used for the study. In total, a sample of 20 was selected. First, the target population was divided into political leadership, governmental officials and other relevant peoples in the Asia-Pacific region. Then they were grouped into those who are experienced, non-experienced and little experienced in working with the US. This ensured a fair representation of each group since their understanding and experiences are significantly different. The focus of the study is on personal attitudes and perceptions and the importance of primary data cannot be over-emphasized. Before the collection of actual data, the researcher sent introductory letters from the Vietnam Union of Friendship Organizations to the sampled offices and institutions. The initial visit to the selected offices and institutions was therefore to introduce the researcher, obtain familiarity with those offices and institutions as well as seek their consent for the study. The researcher collected data by administering a questionnaire. The questionnaire used open questions, consisting of five questions seeking to answer research questions related to soft power and the U.S. rebalance to the Asia-Pacific. The results of the study should provide interested parties with a panorama of the US’s “return to Asia” strategy, its contributions to development in relations between the US and the region’s countries and Vietnam’s responses to it with specific respect to its soft power elements. In particular, the insights yielded by the study into the role of soft power should tell much about the likely success of this policy and its implications for those in the region who interact with the US. Although this research was carefully prepared, it still has some limitations. First, the research was conducted in such a short time that it was not possible for the researcher to read all the materials related to the topic. Therefore, the thesis cannot reflect all aspects of the issue. Second, the population of the sample population was small, only 20. In addition, since the researcher conducted the interviews herself, it is unavoidable that a certain degree of subjectivity can be found in this study.</p>

The article examines the correlation of two concepts: «soft power» and «propaganda» in International Relations. The author argues that within realism these concepts are used synonymously, but within neoliberalism they have fundamental differences. The parameters of comparison of the neoliberal and realistic approaches are given with reference to the concept of soft power. It is noted that, despite the differences between these approaches and between the concepts of hard power and soft power, the opposition of the concepts is not an absolute one. Soft power and hard power, according to J. Nye, can be represented as a continuum. Similarly, propaganda and soft power can also merge into one another. It is shown that, contrary to the widespread notion that the field of application determines the choice between soft and hard power (for example, education, culture are associated with soft power), in fact it does not. The coercive imposition of cultural norms, educational models is a manifestation of hard power. One of the most common tools for implementation of soft power is public diplomacy, which can be carried out through both official channels (public speeches of officials) and informal channels (NGOs, universities, etc.). It is emphasized that non-state actors can be agents of states’ soft power. There are also a number of other features of soft power that must be considered. Among them are such characteristics as specificity of a region and a country; competition in soft power of different countries in the same region; negative consequences of the use of soft power and others.

Political marketing can be categorized with three aspects: the election campaign as the origin of political marketing, the permanent campaign as a governing tool and international political marketing (IPM) which covers the areas of public diplomacy, marketing of nations, international political communication, national image, soft power and the cross‐cultural studies of political marketing. IPM and the application of soft power have been practiced by nation‐states throughout the modern history of international relations starting with the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Nation‐states promote the image of their country worldwide through public diplomacy, exchange mutual interests in their bilateral or multilateral relation with other countries, lobby for their national interests in international organizations and apply cultural and political communication strategies internationally to build up their soft power. In modern international relations, nation‐states achieve their foreign policy goals by applying both hard power and soft power. Public diplomacy as part of IPM is a method in the creation of soft power, as well as, in the application of soft power.This paper starts with the definitional and conceptual review of political marketing. For the first time in publication, it establishes a theoretical model which provides a framework of the three aspects of political marketing, that is electoral political marketing (EPM), governmental political marketing (GPM) and IPM. This model covers all the main political exchanges among six inter‐related components in the three pairs of political exchange process, that is candidates and party versus voters and interest groups in EPM ; governments, leaders and public servants versus citizens and interest groups in GPM, including political public relations and lobbying which have been categorized as the third aspect of political marketing in some related studies; and governments, interest group and activists versus international organizations and foreign subjects in IPM. This study further develops a model of IPM, which covers its strategy and marketing mix on the secondary level of the general political marketing model, and then, the third level model of international political choice behaviour based the theory of political choice behaviour in EPM. This paper continues to review the concepts of soft power and public diplomacy and defines their relation with IPM.It then reports a case study on the soft power and public diplomacy of the United States from the perspectives of applying IPM and soft power. Under the framework of IPM, it looks at the traditional principles of US foreign policy, that is Hamiltonians, Wilsonians, Jeffersonians and Jacksonians, and the application of US soft power in the Iraq War since 2003. The paper advances the argument that generally all nation states apply IPM to increase their soft power. The decline of US soft power is caused mainly by its foreign policy. The unilateralism Jacksonians and realism Hamiltonians have a historical trend to emphasize hard power while neglecting soft power. Numerous reports and studies have been conducted on the pros and cons of US foreign policy in the Iraq War, which are not the focus of this paper. From the aspect of IPM, this paper studies the case of US soft power and public diplomacy, and their effects in the Iraq War. It attempts to exam the application of US public diplomacy with the key concept of political exchange, political choice behaviour, the long‐term approach and the non‐government operation principles of public diplomacy which is a part of IPM. The case study confirms the relations among IPM, soft power and public diplomacy and finds that lessons can be learned from these practices of IPM. The paper concludes that there is a great demand for research both at a theoretical as well as practical level for IPM and soft power. It calls for further study on this subject.Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

In the international system, state actors often employ soft power tools to achieve their state-oriented goals and further their national interest, branded in what is called foreign policy. Soft power is a theory which advocates for the use of non-coercive or military force to achieve state-oriented goals, rather than the use of ideology, innovations, institutions or culture toW attract other states. Qatar is no exception when it comes to the effective utilization of soft power for projecting the state’s international image. Qatar is a small Middle Eastern country situated in the Arabian Peninsula that seeks to gain international prominence and recognition in world politics by positively enhancing its international image, using the medium of soft power, particularly sports diplomacy, by hosting the 2022 FIFA World Cup. This study, therefore, analyses Qatar’s engagement in sports diplomacy as an oriented and effective tool in achieving its foreign policy objectives. The study adopted the globalization and soft power theory as the theoretical framework of analysis. This study, as part of a wider project, examines the magnitude and the quantifiable benefit derived by Qatar from hosting the 2022 FIFA World Cup in terms of an increment in Foreign Direct Investments by 30%. There is also an upsurge in the Qatar Tourism Sector, making Qatar the centre of tourism in the Middle East, improving diplomatic and foreign relations, exploration of Qatar’s rich sporting legacy, a chance to improve Qatar’s external reputation, dissuasion of global stereotypes and perception of Islamic culture, making Qatar the centrepiece of Middle Eastern Geopolitics, and regional hegemonic power in the Middle East, a growing sense of pride in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Arab Countries are becoming the destination of global tourism, and other socioeconomic and political benefits are procured by Qatar in hosting the 2022 FIFA World Cup. This study examines how the soft power apparatus is reflected in Qatar’s foreign policy by hosting the 2022 FIFA World Cup in line with the doctrine of sports diplomacy. The study found that the 2022 FIFA World Cup, as an instrument of soft power and sports diplomacy, had a positive impact on Qatar’s external image. Other major findings of this study are that the 2022 FIFA World Cup improved Qatar’s Foreign Direct Investments. It also earned Qatar global recognition and prominence in world politics. The study recommends among the following: that small states like Qatar who relatively lack large population size and military might, could rely on soft power mechanisms in achieving their foreign policy goals, the study also recommends that soft power is not enough for a country like Qatar to secure itself in such a complex and competitive environment like the Middle East.

This chapter explores the conditions for soft power to deliver the desired results and the need to combine soft and hard power in the exercise of smart power. First, it discusses the use of hard power in public governance and administration. Next, it accounts for the emergence of the notion of soft power in International Relations (IR) theory and then proceeds to discuss the changing face of public governance and the growing importance of soft power. Drawing on Foucault’s governmentality theory (Foucault, 1991) and the dual notions of “technologies of agency” and “technologies of performance,” it scrutinizes how public health campaigns mobilize citizens as active and self-responsible agents who are caring for their own health by behaving in accordance with public standards for healthy living. This analysis is followed by a study of crime prevention that illustrates how soft and hard power can be combined in the exercise of smart power. The conclusion reflects on the future research on hard, soft and smart power in the field of public administration and governance.

: This monograph introduces a method of better capturing the interaction of hard and Hybrid Power. Hybrid power captures the essence of simultaneity as hard and soft power is exerted by a single element to create the desired foreign policy effects. The term hybrid power also eliminates the politically charged and divisive term, smart power. The basis of the research question for this monograph is to analyze the potential for military forces, Mobility Air Forces (MAF) in particular, to contribute to foreign policy in other than hard power methods. This monograph asks: what contribution, if any, does the USAF's Mobility Air Forces have in the execution of smart power in United States foreign policy? The hypothesis of this monograph is that the military, particularly MAF, can contribute both positively and negatively to the hard and soft power elements of foreign policy. This hypothesis also challenges CSIS' categorization of separate but complementary soft and hard power as smart power and asks if there is a better way to approach those activities to further United States policy.

There are two main diplomatic strategies used by states in International Relations: hard power and soft power. Hard power uses the tools of military force or other coercive strategies to achieve the desired result. Soft power, on the other hand, tries to achieve the desired result with persuasive tactics. In short, hard power uses force, while soft power uses charm and attractiveness or makes the other party do what you want.These days, political scientists and other experts have begun to emphasize the increasing effectiveness of using a combination of hard and soft power, or smart power. In International Relations, US foreign policy is often positioned as an example of hard power, as in some cases it uses military or economic pressure to achieve the desired result. The European Union, on the other hand, tends to implement soft power policies through the creation of European values and European identity in order to attract new members and gain new allies. In addition, the European Union exhibits values such as freedom, democracy, equality and the rule of law to the world. These values also help to increase the soft power of the European Union in the world. In this study, soft power policies and soft power activities of European Union countries such as England, France and Germany are examined.

Indonesia's Soft Power: Why Leaders Matter

The foreign policy realized by Turkeys president clearly evidences the fact that Erdogan does not accept todays world order as a model for the near future. This has led to the proposition of The World Is Bigger than Five formula since 2013. At least in several key regions, Ankara attempts to change the world order through more than emotional declarations; it uses both hard and soft power in the Eastern Mediterranean, Middle East, Black Sea region, Caucasus, and Central Asia. The main indicators of Turkish soft and hard power (military, economic, technological factors, and attractiveness of mass culture) are examined to identify possibilities of Turkey to change the balance of power in key regions and on a global scale. From 2007, the vision of Turkey as an influential actor globally has been propagated by the Turkish elite of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Geopolitical, civilizational, and systematic approaches are used. The research process is carried out within the paradigm of classical and critical geopolitics. During the AKPs time in power, moderate Islamists gave Turkey a new impetus - a return to its civilizational roots. One must note the states development of its economy, military-industrial complex, and the new national position globally as a patron of every Muslim. Modern Turkey can be considered a great regional power with sectoral global leadership in its military attainment, and due to the attractiveness of its model of development. Ankara invests heavily in soft power, its success is based on the Turkish development ideology, which represents a synthesis of neo-Ottoman, neo-Pan-Turkic and pan-Islamic ideas. The revival of Turkey as a regional power and its desire to become a world power will inevitably increase the space of contradictions in Russian-Turkish relations, reducing the sphere of cooperation between the two countries.