In the Shadows of the State: Community as a Mode of Political and Economic Organisation

The Titicaca Basin straddles the modern countries of Peru and Bolivia and represents one of the great areas of prehistoric cultural evolution on the globe. While it is common to view the Andes as a culturally-unified whole, the reality is that there were three very distinct cultural, geographical, and linguistic regions in the Andes in the 16th century where these state societies developed (Figures 9.1, 9.2). These regions corresponded to the general areas of Wari, Moche, and Tiwanaku state expansion in the late Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon where proto-Quechua, Mochic, and Jaqi languages dominated respectively (Browman 1994; Mannheim 1991; Stanish 2001). In short, the Titicaca Basin, where Jaqi or proto-Aymara was dominant and was most likely the language of the Tiwanaku state (see Janusek 2004 for a fuller discussion), represents one of the great areas of first-generation state development in world. In areas where first-generation states developed without much influence from neighboring areas, such as the Titicaca Basin, we can study the processes by which complex society develops. The term “complex society” is of course controversial. We reject totalizing notions of cultural evolution and instead see the evolution of complex society as confined to political and economic organization. Cultural complexity is defined as a process of increasing heterogeneity in economic and political organization with craft specialization, proliferation of political and social statuses, creation of economies of scale and so forth as the key indices of complexity. Evolution is likewise not stepwise nor unidirectional. Political and economic organizations become increasingly more heterogeneous as well as becoming more homogenous with some frequency (see Marcus 1992 for a discussion of cycling complex societies). It is critical to note that other aspects of human culture do not evolve in this way. The evolution of complex society can therefore be measured by the increase or decrease in the differentiation and heterogeneity of political and economic lifeways (Plourde 2005; Stanish 2004). In this paper we examine this critical question in anthropological archaeology— the emergence of the first politically and economically complex societies—with information from the Titicaca Basin. We will show that while our knowledge of this

Current research on Chaco Canyon and its surrounding outlier communities is at an important juncture. Rather than trying to argue for the presence or absence of complexity, archaeologists working in the area are asking different questions, especially how Chacoan political, economic, ritual, and social organization were structured. These lines of inquiry do not attempt to pigeonhole Chaco into traditional neoevolutionary types, but instead seek to understand the historical trajectory that led to the construction of monumental architecture in Chaco Canyon and a large part of the northern Southwest in the 10th through 12th centuries. This review discusses the conclusions of current research at Chaco including definitions of the Chaco region, recent fieldwork, histories of Chaco archaeology, chronology, paleoenvironmental reconstruction, demography, political organization, outlier communities, economic organization, social organization, ritual, violence, and the post-Chacoan reorganization. Although many issues are hotly debated, there is a growing concensus that power was not based in a centralized political organization and that ritual organization was a key factor in the replication of Chacoan architecture across a vast regional landscape. Exactly how ritual, social, and political organization intersected is a central question for Chaco scholars. The resolution of this problem will prove to be of interest to all archaeologists working with intermediate societies across the globe.

Why can't you sell brotherhood and rational thinking like you sell soap? (Weibe 1952, 679) Introduction Throughout this book there is reiteration that neoliberalism has become the dominant mode of social, political and economic organisation over the past three decades in the Western industrialised nations and beyond. As noted in the introduction, the purpose of the book is to substantiate this assertion and to add to the wealth of discussion and analysis which has already been contributed by further illustrating not only how this new doxa has profoundly shaped the macro political and economic organisation of nation states, but, further, to illuminate its operation at the micro level of institutions and organisations. In doing this, it is intended that the chapters presented add weight to Harvey's (2005, 3) assertion that as a mode of governance, Neoliberalism…has pervasive effects on ways of thought to the point where it has become incorporated into the common sense way many of us interpret, live in, and understand the world. This is to be achieved through critical analysis of the institutionalisation of neoliberal values and modes of thought in a variety of settings. The empirical focus of this chapter is the growing use of social marketing for health as a new public health methodology in the United Kingdom. Public health is a complex discipline which draws on a range of cognate subjects and methodologies with the broad aim of protecting and improving the health of populations.

This volume brings together a series of case studies on the social and economic interaction and organisation in the medieval and early modern European countryside. In particular, it focuses on rural and smaller trade and markets that have remained relatively underexposed so far. It provides comprehensive presentations of new research on rural socio-economic interactions and networks, and how these are integrated into regional, trans-regional and even global exchange systems. The volume is characterised by an interdisciplinary scope and a broad geographical range, and provides new insights into the diversities and complexities of trade and rural landscape organisation. The exchange of goods and services were integrated in cultural patterns and social strategies, which were part of the mechanisms of regionalisation and the formation of common cultures and identities. Markets and trading places were also important in terms of noneconomic aspects of society, with different types of social ties and networks, all essential components for dissemination of innovation and ideas. The volume investigates who benefitted, and who controlled the trade. The more or less unresolved question of how we can identify these smaller and informal trading places is a central topic of discussion in this volume. Presented research suggests a considerably higher complexity in social and economic organisations and networks in rural areas than has previously been assumed. Both on local and regional as well as temporal scales. Local and regional differences in organisation and trade networks can highlight different modes of social organisation. Recognising how rural trade and markets were organised, and why, is fundamental for an understanding of the complexities of societies and regional variations in Europe as a whole.

In the era of scientific management and increasing rigor in the social sciences, there has been wide appeal in the idea that a simple geometric model could provide predictive and prescriptive information on the growth and design of social and economic organizations. And in the recent years that have seen the development of organic and open system theories of organizational behavior, the idea of biological geometries and related biological notions such as homeostatic equilibrium have been increasingly used by the social scientists to construct their models. The new behavioral scientists and organizational theorists have been particularly attracted to this course by the chance to legitimize their activity since it leads readily to quantification. Increasingly, attempts are being made to find empirical data which will support analogies to phenomena well established in the biological sciences. In the rush to become quantitative-and thus scientific-leaps of fancy have been taken to explain data generated from all kinds of economic, social, and political organizations. In this paper, the writer reappraises some attempts to fit empirical data derived from organizational statistics to biological and geometric models. The purpose is not so much to compare one analogy with another, as it is to suggest there is a lack of evidence for these biological or geometric analogies. William H. McWhinney is assistant professor of organizational behavior at the Graduate School of Business Administration, University of California, Los Angeles.

The article presents information on the role of globalization on Latin American cities. Cities have long been enmeshed in global economic and cultural networks, so the challenge is to differentiate what is distinctive in the current processes of globalization from long-standing trends. The major cities of Latin America have played an important role in global economic and political organization since the conquest of the Americas by Spain and Portugal. Primacy is itself a feature of integration into the global economy. By the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century, the economies of most Latin American countries were developing as a result of their 'natural' advantage in providing primary products to Europe and the United States. Despite persisting national differences in urbanization processes in Latin America and the weak development of a globally organized system of cities, globalization does have important consequences for urban social and economic organization in the region.

����� The investigation of gender relations remains a central concern of feminist scholarship, though feminists have often vigorously debated how best to define them. Almost all American feminist scholars now agree that gender relations are social constructions. They define gender as a social category that must be distinguished from sex, the biological substratum on which gender rests and which allows various societies to define masculinity and femininity as opposite, if dialectically related, terms. In the 1970s and early eighties, particularly under the influence of poststructuralism, much academic feminism in the United States concentrated on defining the nature of women's difference from men. But in the course of the 1980s, as a consequence of developments within academic feminism as well as external political pressures, feminist scholarship in the United States moved from an emphasis on women's difference from men to an exploration of differences among women. Now, in the nineties, feminist scholars confront the problem of how to refine the concept of women's difference—both from men and from other women—and to move beyond it. Here I want first to outline four major areas of debate within feminist scholarship in the United States that are also of particular relevance to feminist literary criticism. Then I would like to suggest a number of areas in which feminist literary criticism might respond concretely to questions raised by feminist theory.1 1. Throughout the 1980s feminist scholars increasingly came to recognize that, if femininity was a social construction, it was no longer possible to speak simply of without specifying which women one meant, since definitions of femininity were dynamic and constantly changing, varying historically, culturally, racially, ethnically, by class and religion and for many other reasons. Feminist scholars thus began to investigate the multiple and shifting relationships of any culture's categories of femininity to their categories of masculinity, other symbolic categories, and other modes of cultural, political and economic organization and experience. Some feminists argued that femininity was internally as well as externally unstable:2 because gendered subjects within any particular culture inhabit a variety of subject positions simultaneously, the discourses (on gender and on other issues) that call them into being are

From accounts of indirect rule to African socialism and structural adjustment programs, the socio-economic effects of policies have loomed large in debates regarding colonisation, post-colonial development, and the historical trajectory of African societies. Engaging with the effects of particular policies has deepened our collective understanding of how historical and institutional continuities continue to reverberate in the present, influencing the scope of social transformation while also facilitating particular modes of social, political, and economic organisation. However, an approach that focuses primarily on policy effects has left the social processes through which policy is produced largely unattended. Building on anthropological approaches to the study of policy, this collection aims to contribute to debates on state and society in contemporary Africa through a set of articles that analyse policy processes and outline how the interactions of actors, organisations, and institutions produce and reflect social continuity and change across the colonial and post-colonial periods.

Examining the place of noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) on the health security agenda is fundamentally a diagnosis of absence. Despite claims that the threats posed by infectious disease are distinct from traditional state-based enemies, the construction of disease as a security threat in the discourse does little to validate this argument. While disease has been omnipresent across human history, it has only relatively recently become part of the security studies literature as an issue other than its ramifications as a weapon, or the implications of war for population health. To assert that infectious diseases are favored in this discourse is to recognize that they, more than NCDs, are compatible with existing modes of conceptualizing and providing for security. There are multiple ways in which this is manifest; one is that infectious diseases have historically demonstrated transformative power capable of restructuring modes of political and economic organization.

The concept of restructuring rose to prominence in economic geography in the 1980s and refers to radical qualitative rather than simply incremental, quantitative change and innovation in product, process, and organizational forms in economies and economic geographies. It can also refer to changes in territorial economies at a range of spatial scales. Restructuring is endemic to capitalist economies and their practices. As a consequence, especially with the expansion of capitalism into the former state-socialist economies of Central and Eastern Europe and China, restructuring remains an important concept in understanding economies and their geographies. It also remains important to policy makers and politicians seeking to steer economic change and development in particular ways, both in terms of territorial development and ecological sustainability, not least in recognizing the limits to their capacity to bend the strategies of capital in the directions that they consider desirable. Finally, we can note that while the theoretical space exists in which to consider more radical forms of restructuring and moves from capitalism to other modes of political and economic organization, in practice, there is little practical exploration of this space – although that is not to say that capitalist forms of restructuring are not contested by a variety of social actors.

This essay is a personal reflection on the double-bind that we as critical management studies academics feel we face in our pedagogic practice. We want to bring about more ethical and responsible management through teaching our students critiques of the excesses of capitalism, but we are all too aware of capitalism’s extraordinary resilience as a mode of social, political and economic organization. We know how its tendencies readily co-opt even the most ardent criticism into its own ever-mutating paradigm. We thus feel torn between wanting our students to think and act critically, and the fear that critique is simply a part of the process itself. Rather than calling for raising awareness, relationality and the creation of difference, we present an accelerationist provocation. We invite critical management studies educators to struggle with us through upsetting considerations – that perhaps the most effective tactics for resistance might be to encourage and exacerbate capitalism’s excesses. We conclude with a note on melancholy pedagogy and the powers of hopelessness.

In Revenge Capitalism Max Haiven draws on a rich set of historical scholarship and theoretical traditions to formulate the concept of the revenge economy and outline its characteristics. Haiven also examines modes of social, political, and economic organisation that run counter to the revenge economy and explores the avenging imaginaries that underlie them. After highlighting some of the traditions that inform Haiven’s thesis, I focus on his engagement with different theories and arrangements of debt. I suggest that a distinguishing aspect of Haiven’s thesis is the way he reads debt as a fundamental principle of social and economic life. At the same time, I put this reading into conversation with our own context in Aotearoa New Zealand and suggest that a serious engagement with the institution and philosophy of utu is indispensable for both transforming debt relations as well as abolishing revenge capitalism.

In the early 1980s, a prominent urban sociologist spelt out what he saw as the distinguishing features of a new paradigm in the study of the city, that had become established over the previous decade. Variously described as ‘the new urban studies’ or ‘urban political economy’, the approach was characterised by a number of assumptions: urbanism (and urbanisation) could not just be taken for granted but required definition and explanation, since they took various forms under various modes of social and economic organisation and political control. The approach was concerned with the interplay between relations of production, consumption, exchange and the structure of power manifest in the state. Urban processes — whether community organisation, class and ethnic politics (or physical and spatial urban form), had to be understood in terms of their structural bases, or how they are conditioned by the larger economic, political and socio-cultural milieu. The approach was connected with social change and this was seen as growing out of conflicts among classes and groups. Changes in the economy were socially and culturally generated and mediated.3

Many authors have attempted co-incorporate the local into the global. World-systems analysis, though, is rooted in processes of production, and all production remains profoundly local. Understanding the expansion and intensification of the social and material relations of capitalism that have created and sustain the dynamic growth of the world-system from the local to the global requires analysis of material processes of natural and social production in space as differentiated by topography, hydrology, climate, and absolute distance betweenplaces. In this article, I consider some of the spatio-material configurations chat have struc-tured local effects on global formations within a single region, the Amazon Basin. I first detail and criticize the tendency in world system and globalization analysis, and in the modern social sciences generally, to use spatial metaphors without examining how space affects the material processes around which social actors organize economy and policy. I next examine thework of some earlier social scientists who analyzed specific materio-spatial configurations as these structured human social, economic, and political activities and organization, searching for possible theoretical or methodological tools for building from local to global analysis. I then review some recent analyses of spatio-material determinants of social and economic organiza-tion in the Amazon Basin. Finally, I show that the 400-year-long sequence of extractive econ-omies in the Amazon reflected the changing demands of expanded industrial production in the core, and how such processes can best be understood by focusing our analysis on spatio-material configurations of local extraction, transport, and production. The Amazon is but one of the specific environments that have supplied raw materials to changing global markets, but close consideration of how its material and spatial attributes shaped the global economy provides insights into the ways other local systems affect the world-system.

Chapter 12 - Neighborhoods and Wards in a Classic Maya Metropolis