In the Land of Olives and Vines: A Conversation about Climate Justice as Political Resistance in Palestine

The teaching of development communication, international communication, and international journalism courses on the one hand, and the teaching of women in development (WID) on the other, have proceeded side by side with little cross-fertilization thus far. A handful of educators have brought women in development centrally into development communication and international communication courses with good effect. This article makes the case for a wider adoption of both feminist content, and feminist and critical pedagogies in the teaching of development communication, international communication, and international journalism courses.(1) Development communication One of the central components of a development communication course is a critique of development theory and practice, as well as a critique of development communication models and practices. This critique is driven by, among other concerns, a growing concern over maldistribution of development benefits and adverse unintended consequences of development projects (see, for example, Melkote, 1991). On the other hand, a large part of women in development literature also focuses on how women have often been left out of development concerns, or how they have suffered disproportionately from modernization and development efforts (see, for example, Deere and Leon, 1987; Lourdes and Feldman, 1992). This literature brings home the contradictions in development theory and practice. Focusing on women when critiquing development is most useful because women are often among the most disenfranchised and the poorest of the populations in the Third World. Exploring the antecedents and consequences of their condition, therefore, is a good starting point for asking where and why development has gone wrong. In fact, WID as an explicitly feminist approach to development can be instrumental in critiquing each of the major perspectives to development, including the liberal-capitalist, dependency, neo-Marxist, and various liberation approaches. Both the possibilities and limits of each perspective can be explored in relation to the experience of women vis a vis development projects. For example, a study of how female-headed households compose a distinct socioeconomic category, and that this is rarely taken into account by development theory and practice would provide the opener for a discussion on the devaluation of women's labor, on the patriarchal mold of development programs, on the possibilities and limitations of the newer development models which explicitly include women in development concerns, on the inadequacy of neoclassical and Marxist theories when it comes to a full accounting of women's labor, etc.(2) When exploring new approaches within development projects, the class could closely examine cases such as the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh which provides collateral-free loans and several social services for the poor, and whose members are predominantly poor rural women.(3) In a development communication course, as in any course on development, it is not enough to create a context for increased knowledge of other nations, cultures and peoples, but rather a context for greater respect for, and engagement with, other nations and peoples (Savitt, 1993). Only in the context of such an engagement will critiques of development be meaningful for students, and only in such a context will they become active participants in envisioning, and perhaps creating a new development paradigm. A focus on women will facilitate the bridging of student experience with the subject matter of development in such a way as to get them more involved and invested in the content. Because women are usually responsible for the day-to-day survival of the family, a description of how they are affected or bypassed by development lends itself to concreteness, to a specificity that will help create empathy and concern. Most students can relate to the material of everyday life, although they very likely have not experienced the hardship and constraints under which a vast majority of Third World women labor. …

The Need for a Black Feminist Climate Justice

The physical fragmentation of the West Bank—and of the West Bank from Gaza—along with Israel’s settlement expansion and its complete control over the Palestinian economy, has demonstrated not only the ineffectiveness but the disempowering effects of the territorial divisions outlined in the Oslo Accords. The political and economic geography of occupied Palestinian territory presents significant constraints to Palestinian livelihoods. And yet the story of many Palestinian communities is not one of resignation but of steadfastness and resistance. This chapter will explore the ways in which this resistance is rendered visible or invisible, with particular attention to the ways in which the violence of Israel’s settler colonial occupation is rendered invisible through its linkage to concepts of sovereignty and the state that erase bodily violence and bodily resistance to that violence (via the state’s claims of sovereignty). This interrogation of sovereignty aids in our decentering of the state and the centering of embodied subjectivities as we explore expressions of resistance and local dissent in Palestine.

The article is dedicated to interdisciplinary studies of journalistic creativity in the opinion-forming journalism of world intellectuals, forming the agenda of contemporary international journalism. The most important concepts are identified so as to complement and extend the existing theoretical works in international journalism. The academic interpretation of foreign journalistic discourse, i.e. essays, articles, interviews of journalists, diplomats, scientists, and political philosophers is conducted, opening a new perspective on the current development of journalism, and thereby contributing to solving the problems of upgrading and modernising academic courses in international journalism, which play a leading role in training experts in international journalism. The presence of how an opinion-forming journalistic component enhances new communication chains along the author–reader–protagonist line is investigated.

In response to perceived failures of formal climate processes, civil society actors have increasingly turned to protest, advocacy, and digital media to promote justice-centric framings of climate action, commonly articulated as climate justice Although climate justice has mobilized millions worldwide, the concept remains contested and diversely interpreted, encompassing multidimensional claims of justice. At the same time, civil society voices, particularly those most affected by climate change, remain marginalized in global climate discourse and policymaking. This study examines how civil society organizations (CSOs) within the Climate Action Network narrate climate justice. Using structural narrative analysis, it analyzes how CSOs construct the subjects of climate injustice, its perceived root causes, and proposed solutions. The findings identify three recurring solution orientations: listening, correcting, and redesigning, through which CSOs frame climate justice as a redistribution of voice, accountability, and transformation. The study shows how climate justice storytelling functions as an iterative process of communicative justice, highlighting the role of communication in shaping how climate injustice and justice claims are understood.

Sixty years after the first university undergraduate course in journalism was offered at Cornell in the mid-1870's, Columbia University pioneered the first exclusively graduate program in journalism.From that first program in 1935 at Columbia, graduate education in journalism/mass communication has grown to more than 160 programs with enrollment exceeding 8,000.(1)Columbia's denture into graduate journalism/mass communication study was a strictly professional journalism program. Programs that followed went in different directions, with some emphasizing theory, others taking a professional orientation, and still others offering multiple tracks.Media professionals and academics debate whether graduate education is needed or not, whether graduate programs should be theoretical or practical, broad or specialized, rigid or flexible. There appears to be no consensus.The result is that graduate programs today are a diverse group.Admission criteria, content, and graduation requirements differ among the programs in response to different goals, the needs of a diverse clientele, and competition for students.This article reports the results of a 1991 mail survey(2) of 120 masters programs in journalism and mass communication. The survey collected data on admission criteria, program types and content, and graduation requirements.The data are also compared with survey in 1971(3) and 1979(4) of journalism/mass communication graduate programs.METHODQuestionnaires about their master's program were sent to graduate program coordinators at all 120 graduate schools of journalism and mass communication in the United States listed in the 1991 Journalism and Mass Communication Directory of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication.(5)The initial mailing (November 1991) resulted in the return of 70 questionnaires (58%). The second mailing (December 1991) resulted in the return of an additional 26 questionnaires, for a total response rate of 80 percent.Only 91 responses were usable because five program coordinators disqualified themselves for various reasons.(6)Partial information on 11 graduate programs of schools that did not respond to the questionnaire was obtained from the respective 1991-92 graduate school catalogs and from Rudolf's 1990 profile of 65 accredited master's programs.(7) Thus, a total of 102 schools were included in the study. Results are expressed as a percentage of 102, unless otherwise noted. (The N varies among findings because not all schools answered every question.)The questionnaire had four sections:1. General questions--types of degrees offered, enrollment, and accreditation.2. Admissions requirements---tests and other requirements for admission to graduate programs.3. Course requirements--required graduate courses, areas of specialization available, and whether graduate credit was given for internships and work experience.4. Graduation requirements--theses, professional projects, comprehensive exams, and formal tests of writing abilities.FINDINGSGeneral questions. Eighty-four percent of the programs offered only one type of master's degree, and the remaining 16 percent offered two or more types of master's degrees, most commonly the M.A. and the Some had several categories of degrees within the M.A. or type, such as M.S. in Advertising or M.S. in Journalism.Seventy-six percent of the programs offered an M.A. degree, 29 percent an M.S., 21 percent a Ph.D and 22 percent offered other degrees, including master's degrees in Journalism, Arts in Journalism, Mass Communication, Fine Arts, Communication, As in Mass Communication, International Journalism, and Journalism Education. Seven percent of the schools offered dual degrees through cooperation with other departments, such as Journalism and East Asian Studies or Journalism and Law.The range of total student enrollment (full-and part-time] in master's programs in journalism and mass communication was 6-250 (mean = 59), and the range of international student enrollment was 0-50 (mean = 9). …

In “Cultures of Resistance in Palestine and Beyond: The Politics of Art, Aesthetics, and Affect,” Sophie Richter-Devroe and Ruba Salih introduce the imperatives, questions, and ideas that inspired the special issue we are featuring here. Encompassing a broad array of approaches, methodologies, and perspectives, Rania Jawad, Adila Laidi-Hanieh, Maha Nassar, Helga Tawil-Souri, Miriyam Aouragh, Craig Larkin, Brahim El Guabli, Hanan Toukan, and Yazid Anani each take on the relationship between cultural production and political resistance. For the Arab world and the Middle East more broadly, these questions are as timely today as ever. But beyond the urgencies of the moment, the special issue editors and contributors provide us with a powerful set of empirical research and analytical reflections that thinkers, artists, students, and teachers will be able to refer to, learn form, and build on for years to come.

Consider, for instance, you and your family have lived around a place where you enjoyed the flora and fauna of the land as well as the natural environment. Fishing and farming were pleasant activities for your family, and anyone in the community not only to survive but thrive. Your neighbours and the people in the community pride themselves so much in their farming abilities and fishing techniques. Suddenly things start taking a different turn because of rising sea level and changing weather pattern. First, your land began to give way because of sweeping erosion, and later the riverbank serving the community starts drying up. Your neighbour could not hold their own in this grim condition as they started relocating. You even witnessed some of your family and friends leaving the community and you later heard that they have become climate refugees. To put it all together, you were told that what you are experiencing is one of climate change effects. You were told that the loss of the place that you once cherished is not an act of God but the result of the reckless flaring of greenhouse gasses harmful to the environment by some powerful but polluting nations. What will you do? This might sound like a fairy tale. In reality, this is the story of the people of Saint Louis Atlantic Coasts in Senegal, captured by the Global Climate Change Alliance Plus Initiative.1 Their situation has been described as ‘living on the edge’ because for centuries, Saint Louis Atlantic Coasts, home to around 230,000 inhabitants, also known as the ‘Venice of Africa’ has been protected from the pounding Atlantic waves by the ‘Langue de Barbarie,’ a narrow, 30 km peninsula at the mouth of the Senegal river. However, the low-lying sandy spit of land along this World Heritage site is itself rapidly disappearing in the present. This is the consequence of a changing climate and other man-made problems such as illegal sand-mining and over-development. Today, the southern part of the Langue de Barbarie is an island, and the village of Doune Baba Dieye is under more than a metre of water. The villagers have become climate refugees, forced to live in temporary camps on the mainland. Not only have they lost their homes, but they have also lost significant cultural heritage like the farming and fishing culture tied to this place. The ethical considerations that emerge from climate change impacts on the world’s cultural heritage are varied. However, it seems not as self-evident in the way that research on climate change ethics has been framed around economic interest and direct threats to human life and other species. Even when they mention climate impacts on heritage sites around the world, those of Africans have been side-lined. For instance, the impact of climate change on small island nations like Tuvalu, Kiribati2 have gained much traction in climate change discourse, but we do not get to see stories of Africans whose cherished cultural heritage are affected by climate despoliation. How do we respond to this intractable challenge? This is a question of justice and, to be more precise, climate justice. Many principles and proposals for climate justice have been put forward, but the insufficient attention to the vulnerabilities or loss of cultural heritage values of Africans, which is a critical aspect of their social realities, make these theories less persuasive on a global level. This thesis, then, fills this gap in the literature by suggesting that the failure to take cognizance of the injustice in neglecting cultural heritage values when dealing with the burden of climate change is the effect of three problems. One, the value of culture is less understood in this environmental age. Hence, cultural values are excluded or made to be secondary in consideration of principles of climate justice. Second, the idea of Personhood has been neglected in climate ethics and climate justice discourse. Yet, this idea of Personhood can be an enabler of climate justice in that a realization of the significance of cultural heritage to the wellness of the human persons in Africa, makes it loss morally reprehensible. Third, those whose cultural heritage is significantly affected do not get represented in the debate about sharing the burden of climate change. This dissertation thereby builds upon the general findings of the past about anthropogenic climate change, its causes and consequences. Adopting a discursive normative framework, I also address the significance of cultural heritage in this contemporary environmental age and discuss the global justice implications of cultural heritage loss to climate change. This dissertation further provides a critique of mainstream climate justice theories, especially their marginalization of the cultural dimension of climate change. In this regard, the metaphor - ‘cultural storm’ was deployed to argue that climate justice discourses have neither factored the deep socio-cultural impact of climate change nor do they draw on the cultural understanding of justice in putting forward their theories. Given the nature of the indirect, cumulative, and interconnected invisible losses to cultural heritage from climate change, it seems unlikely that they can be addressed by simple tweaks of the climate justice status quo. This dissertation proposes that the idea of personhood in African philosophy, can be conceived to ensure climate justice live up to its expectations in a world of diverse persons dealing with a complex phenomenon like climate change. It argues that a cultural dimension of climate ethics has implications for how mitigation, adaptation and compensation plans should be furthered for global climate justice. At the foundation of my argument, I suggest that what is needed in climate justice discourse is a commitment to explore new and innovative alternatives that will produce an inclusive global climate treaty that is sensitive to the cultural heritage assets that is destroyed by climate change in Africa. This will require a multi-dimensional framework that allows fundamentally different kinds of values and benefits to be given equal visibility and standing in global climate negotiations. The dissertation proceeds in six chapters. In the first chapter, I discuss how climate change denies, damage and destroys cultural heritage values in Africa and argue that it is unjust to ignore this dimension of climate change impact, particularly on the African continent. In the second chapter, I critically discuss the normative value of cultural heritage in an environmentally sustainable and morally appropriate way for this global age. I argue that what is lost when climate change affects cultural heritage is a significant cultural asset that ought to be seriously considered in climate ethics. The third chapter addresses the global justice implications of the destruction of Africa's cultural heritage by climate change that must be paid attention to. In chapter four, I evaluate the plausibility of some of the mainstream climate justice proposals. I offered a different possible critique of current approaches to climate justice to show how they have furthered cultural injustice. The critique of current climate justice theories that I offer, stems from an uninspiring approach that belies logic permitting the sacrificing of that which is connected to others wellbeing as well as the implicit assumptions and the limitation of the idea of justice that undergird these climate justice theories. I offer, in chapter five, a plausible climate ethics theory that recognizes culturally embedded ideas of justice and empower all stakeholders to build by themselves, lives that are, in the light of these ideas, deemed to be adversely impacted by climate change. This theory advances a socio-cultural perspective to climate change which could provide a nuanced basis for understanding and addressing global climate duties that will be sensitive to the loss of cultural heritage. Specifically, I apply the African conception of personhood, to provide a normative basis for a different but intuitive understanding of the cultural dimension of climate ethics. In the final chapter, I discuss how this theory can be applied to rethink current global responses in the form of mitigation, adaptation and compensation in such a way that it takes seriously the impacts of climate change on Africa’s cultural heritage and values.

Climate change poses questions of intergenerational justice, but some of its features make it difficult to determine whether we have obligations of climate justice to future generations. This book offers a novel argument, justifying the present generation’s obligations to future people. Livia Ester Luzzatto shows that we have intergenerational obligations because many of our actions are based on presuppositions about future people. When agents engage in such intergenerational actions, they also acquire an obligation to recognise those future people as agents within their principles of justice and with that a duty to respect their agency and autonomy. Intergenerational Challenges and Climate Justice also offers a way to circumvent the problems of non-identity and non-existence. Its approach overcomes the intergenerational challenges of climate change by meeting three necessary criteria: providing ways to cope with uncertainty, dealing with the complexity of climate change, and including future people for their own sake. The author meets these criteria by adopting an action-centred methodology that grounds our obligations of justice on the presuppositions of activity. This robust framework can be used to justify increased climate action and the greater inclusion of future-oriented policies in current decision-making. This book will be of great interest to academics and students concerned with the issues of climate and intergenerational justice.

As the climate crisis accelerates and disproportionately affects marginalised communities and countries in the global South, the need for power and social justice approaches is particularly important. Community psychology, with a long interest in the impacts of power discrepancies on the well-being of groups and communities, can offer theoretical and practical tools for addressing climate change and environmental problems without reproducing or intensifying existing inequalities and injustices. This special issue looks at communities' struggles for climate and environmental justice by focusing on how they resist, contest and overcome power inequalities. The issue consists of one perspective and six empirical articles. Most contributions come from high climate vulnerable countries and regions in the global South. Authors address current and relevant environmental and climate change issues such as renewable energy and natural resource extraction, social transformations and extreme weather events, the links between poverty, rurality and climate change, youth empowerment, and racism in climate activism. Inspired by their contributions, community psychology approaches and interdisciplinary research on environmental and climate justice, we discuss a research and intervention agenda for a community psychology of climate change.

The concept of degrowth aligns with the principles of Climate and Environmental Justice (CEJ) in significant aspects. Both frameworks underline the need for new global structures and social movements that promote ecological conservation, local economic regeneration, and social well-being that goes beyond material accumulation. Therefore, degrowth can reinforce the pursuit of transformative global climate justice. However, I contend that significant contradictions remain between degrowth and North–South climate justice. I argue that on both conceptual and policy grounds, a ‘strong version’ of the green economy provides a better foundation for seeking international climate justice for Africa than degrowth. I also contend that green growth is a more pragmatic and realistic approach to global climate justice because it is more sensitive to the norms, structures, and dynamics of global politics.

The negative affects of this violent occupation—fear, threat, humiliation—quell hope, setting limits on the potentials of political agency. This article documents the corporeality of the Occupation in Hebron, evoking the body as materially contingent to explore agential capacities within the delimiting affects of the violent sensorium. Drawing on fieldwork with Palestinian activists engaged in providing political tours of Hebron, I argue that by reappropriating the violent affects of occupation, this form of activism demonstrates agency that resists “political depression”. Theoretically, I argue further, at hand is an empirical account of the “autonomy of affect” giving rise to critical hope amid a sensorium of fear. The research presented, therefore, contributes to addressing a key question for resistance in Palestine (and beyond): how fear—a predominant affective register of contemporary politics—might be harnessed towards (renewed) political agency and resistance to oppression.

Frustrated by perceived federal reticence to act on the growing scientific evidence of climate change, state governments and environmentalists are increasingly turning their attention to the courts. Broad consensus has developed about the reality and seriousness of global warming, but neither the Bush administration nor Congress has yet responded with meaningful action. The result is a situation that is ripe for litigation. Plaintiffs have emerged, suing corporations on the grounds that their greenhouse gas emissions are causing undue harm and suing governments for failing to regulate the corporations. In addition, industry has responded with countersuits of its own.

If high school journalism courses are to survive and prosper, says this writer, state departments of education, college officials, school administrators, and journalism teachers all must cooperate. He looks at why and how on the following pages.

Climate change is a growing global crisis with short and long-term physical and human impacts. Although climate change is a global occurrence, the impacts of climate change are not felt equally among all locations and all groups of people. Climate justice education is a form of social justice education that invites students to consider how the contributions toward and impacts of climate change differ across racial, socioeconomic, geographic, and intergenerational lines. Climate justice education can be impactful and may motivate climate actions and activism. To learn more about how climate justice education can be enacted, this mixed methods study sought to investigate Ohio secondary science teachers’ climate justice and climate action teaching practices and their reasons for their instructional choices. Eighty-six Ohio secondary science teachers completed an electronic survey about their climate change teaching practices, and 26 of these teachers were interviewed to explain their practices. Research participants most often framed their climate change teaching as a global social issue and as a current problem with primarily physical impacts on the Earth. Most participants who taught about climate change address multiple climate actions and at least one climate justice issue. When participants address climate justice, they most commonly address geographic injustices and least often address racial injustices. Teachers most often teach individual, apolitical climate mitigation actions and seldom teach collective and/or adaptation actions. Implications for science teacher professional learning and curriculum development are discussed.