Hungary's chance to rebuild science.

From the fifteenth to the seventeenth centuries, German merchants dominated the import/export trade of Shetland. It has been suggested that this was a ‘pre-colonial’ trade; no settlement or political control was involved, but the success of the trade encouraged Scots to establish ‘full colonialism’ in the eighteenth century. This paper argues that the people who succeeded in controlling the socio-economic structure in the eighteenth century through combining land-owning with fishing and trade, were native Shetlanders (though often descended from immigrants), who traded for their own profit not for the benefit of Scotland or particular inhabitants of mainland Scotland. Colonisation can in some situations be primarily economic, and settlement or governmental change are not prerequisites. But the situation in Shetland was more complex than a purely economic perspective would imply; by the time the change in the operation of trade occurred, it was about 250 years since the transfer from Norwegian to Scottish political control and the time of greatest immigration from Scotland had passed. Scotland had no more colonised Shetland by the end of the eighteenth century than at the beginning.

The chapter focuses on Central Europe during the Russian-Ukrainian war, which started in February 2022. After the beginning of the war, the countries of the region supported Ukraine, with the exception of Hungary, whose Prime Minister Viktor OrbánOrbán, Viktor continued a pro-Russian course. President Katalin NovákNovák, Katalin did not actively influence Hungarian foreign policy. In Czechia, there were disagreements between the pro-Western government of Petr FialaFiala, Petr and the pro-Russian President Miloš ZemanZeman, Miloš before the war, but the Russian attack marked a radical break in the president’s stance. Zeman clearly condemned the Russian aggression without side-stepping. The consensus continued after Petr PavelPavel, Petr took presidential office in the spring of 2023. In the case of Poland, long-lasting anti-Russian consensus persisted despite a change of government. The Slovak reaction to Russian aggression was initially similar to the Polish one. President Zuzana ČaputováČaputová, Zuzana shared her condemnation of the government of Eduard HegerHeger, Eduard. However, when Robert FicoFico, Robert formed a new government after parliamentary elections in the autumn of 2023, it began manoeuvring between mostly pro-Russian statements and practical steps to stay on the EU course.

Editorial

In 2002, a new organisation, the African Union (AU), replaced the Organisation of African Union (OAU). One of the objectives of the OAU was to “promote democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance” (AU 2000:5). This objective was based on the principles of “respect for democratic principles, human rights, the rule of law and good governance” (AU 2000:7) The objective and principles stated here as captured in the Constitutive Act of the organisation reveal its commitment to democratic principles which include regular, free, and fair elections. Before the AU was launched in 2002, the member states of the OAU had taken giant steps towards holding multiparty elections. For instance, from 1990 to 2001, about 175 presidential and parliamentary elections were held (see table below). Although most of its member states were already holding regular multiparty elections, there were fears that unconstitutional changes of governments would derail their efforts. In 2000, the OAU had to adopt the Lome Declaration on Combatting Unconstitutional Changes of Government (UCG) to guide against backtracking from the democratic path. Consequently, the new continental organisation had to carve a niche in terms of its role in promoting democratic elections.

The most important force for change in early Tudor government is the most complex to analyse: the dynamic by which developments in different areas of governmental activity reinforced and amplified one another. Royal political control and the ability to provide effective justice interacted so closely that much of the time they blended into each other. Financial strength, whether derived from an enlarged crown estate or from intensified direct taxation, was made possible by tighter supervision of local elites, but in turn it facilitated expenditure — on magnificence, war, patronage and the suppression of rebellion — to make such supervision more palatable or less resistible. The growth of the state in the minds of its subjects, albeit fragmentary, encouraged the loyalty that submitted to political control, cooperated in the king’s judicial enterprise, and paid taxes.

Climate change is an ever-growing problem that requires a network of policy solutions. There exists variation in state-level responses to climate change, firmly placing it within the context of state-level representation. There are various explanations for policy outcomes at the state level, including public opinion, institutional control, interest group activity, among others. With respect to climate change, another potential explanation provided by scholars for the variation in policy responses is the degree of risk posed by climate change to a particular state. However, climate change serves as a somewhat unique policy position as it is highly visible and has been a polarizing issue in American political discourse. This paper analyzes how risk, political control, and opinion affect policy responses to climate change. Employing multiple measures for state-level action on climate change as well as state-level opinion on the existence and perceived threat of climate change, this analysis theorizes that given the polarized nature of the climate change debate in the United States, public opinion on the realities of climate change and partisan control of state government influences policy outcomes more so than any level of quantified threat from climate change. The causal reasoning for this dual effect is the impact of citizen demands and overarching party ideologies. Even when controlling for wealth, energy industry activity, and political lobbying within states, findings indicate a strong relationship between citizen opinion and partisan control on state-level action on climate change, posing a challenge for combatting long-term impacts of climate change.

From neo-liberalism to pan-Africanism:towards reconstructing an eastern African discourse Issa Shivji (bio) Introduction The purpose of this short essay is to review the state of interaction between our universities in East Africa so far as intellectual debate is concerned. If in the process, I refer somewhat passionately to the debates of the 1960s and 1970s, it is not out of nostalgia, but to draw inspiration. And we need this inspiration given the state of intellectual inertia and marketisation of academia that has set in with the invasion of the neo-liberal agenda in our universities. At the end I make a modest proposal as to how we may start reflecting on the mechanisms to kick-start the process of an eastern African discourse. The nationalist period Sketches of the political context With the benefit of hindsight, we can now see that the immediate post-independence period was one of great expectations and equally great political turmoil. The anti-colonial struggles that picked up after World War II came to fruition in Africa in the 1960s. Ghana got its independence in 1957, and Nkrumah picked up the flag of Pan-Africanism in his great passion for African Unity. Born in the midst of cold war, signs of any autonomous nationalism by independent states attracted the wrath of superpowers. Western intervention in the running and changing of regimes in Africa was rampant. The assassination of Patrice Lumumba and the open military intervention of the US left an indelible impression on the East African leaders and made them very vulnerable. Radical nationalism had a very hard time keeping afloat. [End Page 108] The Zanzibar revolution of 1964 and the subsequent army mutinies in all the three East African countries threatened to derail nationalism in this part of the world. The extent of the influence and intervention of the former colonial power, Britain, in these events can only be appreciated now that we have the opportunity to peruse diplomatic papers of the 1960s and 1970s, recently opened in the Public Records Office. Relatively more independent nationalists like Nyerere found it extremely difficult to keep the former colonial power at bay. Embarrassing though it may have been, Nyerere had to call in British troops to quell his riotous soldiers. But the nationalist in him could not countenance British troops on Tanganyikan soil. He had the Nigerian troops look after the defence of the country while the new Tanzanian army was being trained. In what he called an 'undiplomatically frank' letter to Harold Wilson, the then Prime Minister of Britain, Nyerere narrated his fears and entreated the Prime Minister to understand his position: These are only a few of the reasons why we cannot be expected to be so confident of American non-interference in our affairs as British feel in relation to her own country. For the whole of this past year we have been subjected to pressures from the United States - and from Britain too before the change of Government - in relation to events in this country, particularly in relation to the post-revolutionary period in Zanzibar. And finally, I am sure you will realise that there has been a reaction against the complacency with which we viewed our security questions before the mutiny of January this year. It may be that in consequence we see dangers where none exist, but if so this is a fault on the right side under the circumstances. Africa is going through an extremely difficult period of transition, and coup d'etats are not things in which any African Government can afford to take a merely academic interest. (Nyerere to Wilson: 27.11.64) Kenyatta had thrown in his lot with the West while Obote was struggling with his kingdoms. Nyerere continued agonising over where he stood. His anti-colonial nationalism began to draw him to take non-alignment more and more seriously. The liberation wars in southern Africa, which were inevitably, and for obvious reasons, supported by the Soviet bloc and, which found a home and consistent support in Nyerere, no doubt, also had a radical influence on Mwalimu. There were other events on the continent which played a role in the political thought...

Political stability plays a pivotal role to determine country’s progress and development. Between the year of 2020 to 2022, Malaysia experienced political crisis that have never before happened in the country. It begins with what was known as the Sheraton Move leading to the collapse of two successive coalition governments and the resignation of two prime ministers in less than 18 months. This change of government caused by party switching or coalition among members of parliament raise concerns about public administration practices. What are the factors that influence public servant’s motivation to perform better is largely unanswered. What are the impacts of change of government towards job motivation and job satisfaction of the public servant such as police officer? This question is rather significant since the construct of change of government involve the process of revising existing public policies and strategies. This paper provides discussion about the impacts of change of government towards job motivation and job satisfaction based on the analysis of five experts and opinions of 48 police officers.

Local government intervention in tourism-driven rural gentrification: Types and interpretative framework

The decade of the Rose Revolution in Georgia has ended with the defeat of the United National Movement (UNM) in the parliamentary and presidential elections of 2012 and 2013. With this, Georgia has gone through the first peaceful transfer of power as the result of democratic elections in its political history. As Georgia is about to sign Association and Free Trade Agreements with the EU, further consolidation of its democracy will be a decisive factor in making Georgia's European future irreversible. Following the change of government, the country has entered a new and important stage in the development of a modern democratic state. With this in mind, this article will review some of the challenges facing Georgia's democracy and identify the potential threats they pose to the future of EU-Georgia relations.

What breaks when federal commitments break: comment on Beccia et al.

Greek Tragedy or Gestation Period: Future of the Modern Church in Greece

The failure of a policy to achieve its goals is often an important reason for the decision to replace it. Failure alone, however, is rarely a sufficient explanation of the timing and direction of policy change. Change follows failure when alternative policies exist that are politically viable—that is, able to garner support from powerful actors—and that can explain past failure persuasively, and offer new policy prescriptions. This article evaluates this argument through a case study of British international security policy after the end of the cold war. British decision makers' initial policy was to rely on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) as the vehicle through which to organize multilateral responses to “crisis management tasks.” The failure of this policy to deal successfully with the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia led British decision makers to search for and evaluate alternative policies. They concluded that the rival idea of basing more multilateral crisis management on a European rather than North Atlantic institution best explained the failures in the former Yugoslavia. This policywas not politically viable, however, leading the government to continue to rely on NATO for such missions. Only a change in government—the election of the Labor government in 1997 with a large parliamentary majority—allowed decision makers to adopt and implement this new policy.

Child Poverty: The United Kingdom Experience

Canberra's gradual "acceptance" of US extended nuclear deterrence (END) in the period 1968–1973 had little to do with specific US guarantees of conventional and nuclear military support. Instead, it was geopolitical changes in Australia's strategic environment, coinciding with a change in government headed by a prime minister uninterested in nuclear weaponry, that resulted in Australia abandoning the atomic race. The sum of publicly available documents on the exchanges between officials from Canberra and Washington around the time of the negotiation of the NPT suggests Canberra was beginning to believe Australia benefited from the US nuclear umbrella, albeit in a vague, indirect, and unspecified manner. This, however, came after a period of transition. Many senior policy-makers were still uncertain of how long the strategic environment in Asia would remain stable. Continued attempts to develop the bomb and ensure a certain amount of lead time vis-à-vis other countries in Southeast Asia were part of the efforts to hedge against a possible deterioration in Australia's strategic environment, as well as the possibility of the United States suddenly withdrawing from the region. However, a change in the geopolitical situation coincided with a change in government—the new Labor leadership did not support the idea of Australia possessing nuclear weapons. At the same time Australia was lagging in the technology and infrastructure necessary for sufficient uranium enrichment, which was going to be a costly program that did not make economic sense at the time. In the 1970s, it was estimated that the