Human Dignity on Trial: Welfare Judges, Immigration Politics and Social Change

Reviewed by: Decolonizing Ethnography: Undocumented Immigrants and New Directions in Social Science by Carolina Alonso Bejarano et al. Ruth Gomberg-Muñoz Carolina Alonso Bejarano, Lucía López Juárez, Mirian A. Mijangos García, and Daniel M. Goldstein, Decolonizing Ethnography: Undocumented Immigrants and New Directions in Social Science. Durham: Duke University Press, 2019. 208 pp. Decolonizing Ethnography is both an experiment and an invitation. It is an experiment in ethnographic research design, implementation, and writing that seeks to address and subvert long-standing power inequities in anthropological research relationships. It is also an invitation for readers to think with and critique the authors' "decolonizing" project, which is not presented as a balm for wider inequalities but points toward possibilities for more reciprocal research relationships and the rich understandings such relationships can yield. To carry out these tasks, the book merges decolonial feminist theory and activist anthropological approaches to explore and engage the work lives of undocumented people in New Jersey. Decolonizing Ethnography could stand on its own as a contribution to the growing scholarship on undocumented labor and worker activism. Throughout the book, the authors' ethnographic research illustrates how undocumented workers in pseudonymous Hometown, New Jersey find empowerment in community organizing to respond to a host of gendered vulnerabilities and experiences of violence. In particular, workers featured in the text, including two of the book's co-authors, recount experiences of workplace injury, labor rights violations, partner violence, and prolonged family separation, all of which take place in a broader context of US immigration politics that render undocumented workers especially vulnerable to abuse. Yet the text's focus on worker activism pushes beyondy [End Page 1613] narratives of vulnerability to show how undocumented workers access and disseminate information, build social capital, and develop self-empowerment through community organizing. As outlined in the book's Introduction, another purpose of Decolonizing Ethnography is to depart from the mainstream ethnographic canon and critique not only abusive and exploitative practices of employers and state agents but also the exploitative practices that lie at the heart of anthropological research itself. The first chapter presents an extended review of critical scholarship on academic coloniality and "decolonization." The authors effectively contrast the principles that have guided mainstream or "dominant" anthropology, such as valorization of research with marginalized "others," research for intellectual rather than social goals, and publishing in academic venues, with the principles that have guided activist, engaged, and applied approaches, such as research in service to community-determined goals, more democratized and collaborative research designs, and work that prioritizes social change in addition to, or in lieu of, theory building. Decolonizing Ethnography does not just critique colonialist academic practices, it seeks to do something different. The second chapter describes the trajectories of the book's authors: an unlikely quartet comprising a junior scholar from an elite Colombian family, an undocumented woman worker/activist from Guatemala, an undocumented woman worker/activist from Mexico, and a senior white male US anthropologist. As their paths converged around a shared concern with understanding and addressing challenges facing undocumented workers in New Jersey, the four designed a project that centers the contributions of non-academics in both method and theory. The project's methodology, the subject of Chapter 3, draws on applied and activist anthropological approaches that prioritize the objectives and contributions of community partners. The research, then, incorporated community members as producers of research and was designed to advance their goals. It did not start out this way. Originally conceived by Alonso Bejarano and Goldstein as a study of undocumented laborers, the project initially brought two undocumented women workers on board as research assistants. As the relationship among the four deepened, the non-academics became both producers of theory and co-authors of texts in their own right, not in service to academia per se but to advance the immigrant rights movement in their community. In particular, ethnographic [End Page 1614] methods helped them to identify myriad community concerns among undocumented workers in Hometown and also helped them forge relationships with workers and expand workers' rights education. Chapter 4 describes how insights gained from their field experiences informed the book's analytical crux, which foregrounds the theoretical argument...

Reviewed by: The Walls Within: The Politics of Immigration in Modern America by Sarah Coleman Kathryn Schumaker (bio) The Walls Within: The Politics of Immigration in Modern America. By Sarah Coleman. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2021. Pp. 272. $35.00 cloth; $35.00 ebook) Historians of immigration in the twentieth-century United States have long noted how restrictive policies created a class of unauthorized people who lived in the shadow of the law. At the same time, the 1960s spurred a revolution in individual rights, expanding the scope of claims all persons—including noncitizens—could make through the Fourteenth Amendment. Sarah Coleman's The Walls Within: The Politics of Immigration in Modern America examines the people caught in between these two important developments, exploring the battles over the rights of unauthorized immigrants. This well-written and thoroughly researched book tells an often-surprising story that reveals how the states—and not the federal government—were frequently the laboratories of restrictive immigration policies in the late twentieth century. Coleman begins with Plyler v. Doe (1982), a landmark United States Supreme Court case that questioned the constitutionality of a Texas state law that allowed school districts to charge tuition to students who could not prove their legal status. The Supreme Court had ruled a decade earlier that the Fourteenth Amendment did not include a constitutional right to education. Could Texas charge tuition to unauthorized families or exclude them from public schools entirely? The first two chapters examine how these questions vexed the Carter and Reagan administrations, where officials saw unauthorized children as sympathetic figures, but also recognized that immigration [End Page 449] was a hot-button issue with voters. Though unauthorized immigrants were a convenient political target for members of state legislatures—especially in their inability to respond at the ballot box—officials were wary of punishing children. The Supreme Court eventually ruled the law unconstitutional in 1982. But the concerns about childhood that restrained some policymakers and judges in Plyler did little to deter efforts by state legislatures to target adults. Amid press warnings that linked rising unemployment rates to unauthorized workers, states passed laws criminalizing the employers who hired them. The next two chapters examine how this issue scrambled traditional partisan divides. The Chamber of Commerce and many Republicans opposed a federal law because it targeted business owners. Latino advocacy groups recognized that the law risked the possibility that, fearful of prosecution, employers could refuse to hire any identifiably Latino person. Ultimately, these concerns contributed to the passage of the 1986 federal immigration law that included (largely unenforceable) sanctions for employers, but also prohibited discrimination on the basis of alienage and national origin in hiring. The final chapters focus on the 1990s, when both political parties lurched rightward on immigration. The fifth chapter examines how immigration again came to the fore amid an economic downturn, culminating in Clinton-era welfare reform that ended the ability of noncitizens to access public benefits, including cash assistance and food stamps, regardless of their legal status. The final chapter explains how states paved the way for new restrictive immigration policies, leading Congress to ultimately buttress the authority of state and local officials to carry out immigration enforcement in the 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act. The Walls Within is a story of lawyers, judges, policy advisers, senators, and other elites as they made immigration law and policy in courtrooms and offices. Unauthorized immigrants existed abstractly for these people, especially for politicians who sought to use [End Page 450] immigration policy to woo conservative white voters (in the case of Clinton) or appeal to Latino voters (as Reagan did). The book, therefore, has less to say about how these legal and policy changes affected immigrants' everyday lives. Nonetheless it offers a clear policy and legal history of the fraught issue of immigrants' rights in the modern United States, especially in its contributions to the growing scholarship on federalism and immigration. [End Page 451] Kathryn Schumaker KATHRYN SCHUMAKER is a historian at the University of Oklahoma. She is the author of Troublemakers: Students' Rights and Racial Justice in the Long 1960s and is at work on a new book project about interracial families in...

Migration research and analysis: Growth, reach and recent contributions of research and analysis being produced on migration is important for those working on migration policies, studying migration, or wanting to develop an informed opinion on migration.It is important to highlight at the outset that there are fundamental differences in the publishing processes for academic and non-academic material, and each has its strengths and weaknesses.The academic publishing system is largely focused on producing journal articles and books.This process typically involves multi-stage reviews and editorial comments involving authors, editors and reviewers.Most published academic research ("white" literature) is behind paywalls (that is, not freely accessible), and often managed by commercial publishers.In contrast, the production of research and analysis publications outside of academic publishing ("grey" literature) generally involves faster and simpler processes that are typically, although not always, characterized by more limited peer review.Contributions from grey literature (such as research reports, working papers and government/official documents) are usually freely available.A report such as this, designed to contribute to our collective understanding of migration and mobility in an increasingly interconnected world, would clearly be incomplete without describing the role of grey literature, which has been "recognized as a key source of evidence, argument, innovation, and understanding". 6 The volume, diversity and growth of both white and grey literature preclude a systematic review of all the material produced and published on migration in 2017 and 2018.Instead, this chapter highlights examples of key contributions made during this period, published in English by a selection of academic journals and intergovernmental organizations.It provides an update to the chapter in World Migration Report 2018, including by focusing on different academic journals and intergovernmental organizations, and their key output in 2017 and 2018. 7 The next section provides an overview of the different actors involved in migration research and analysis.The third section features recent, selected contributions from academia and intergovernmental organizations, and the reach and impact of some of the migration research materials published. Main producers of migration research and analysis AcademiaIdeally, researchers create new knowledge that is supported by strong evidence and is useful for others.Research findings are produced for, and disseminated to, different target audiences.Traditional academic work can be highly technical and narrowly focused, although academic researchers are increasingly encouraged to disseminate their work beyond academic spheres. 8 Researchers analysing policy-relevant issues are often keen to engage with policymakers to impart knowledge that can inform policy deliberations and help shape policymaking -this is especially the case with migration.Effective research contributions for policy audiences tend to take the form of short papers and blog articles, as well as policy workshops and interactive expert meetings.6 GreyNet International, 2014.7 In order to ensure, to the extent possible, that this chapter provides a comprehensive "stand-alone" overview of migration research and analysis in 2017 and 2018, we have drawn upon key background and context material included in the

Undocumented migrant workers are among a group of marginalized stakeholders who are severely exploited at their workplace and across broader society. Despite recent scholarly discussions in marginalized stakeholder theory and migration studies, our understanding of how undocumented workers experience marginalization in noncooperative spaces remains very limited. In noncooperative spaces, uncooperative powerful actors deliberately thwart cooperation with local marginalized stakeholders and fail to develop supportive institutional frameworks, such as regulative and transparent governance principles. To address these issues, we conducted interviews with 47 undocumented workers and civil society workers in Italy. Our findings reveal that the marginalization experienced by undocumented workers encompasses socio-economic immobility, systemic incapability, and a sense of meaninglessness. Further, our research challenges the principles of stakeholder capitalism inherent in traditional stakeholder theory, revealing the inadequacy of conventional notions in noncooperative spaces where marginalized stakeholders deal with disempowerment and immobility. We delve into the silent and tacit collusion among uncooperative firms in these spaces, shedding light on the ways in which this problematic cooperation leads to the creation of normative harm. Moreover, we introduce the experience of meaninglessness as an internal barrier hindering migrant inclusion, underscoring the imperative need for widespread immigration reforms and normative changes to foster an environment conducive to meaningful transformations for migrants.

This book represents a welcome addition to studies of fascism and migration. The history of both southern Italian immigration to Argentina and the Italian fascists’ attempts to dominate this immigrant community have been approached by Italian historians such as Emilio Gentile, Loris Zanatta, and Eugenia Scarzanella, among many others, as well as by Argentine historians such as Fernando Devoto and María Victoria Grillo. In this context, David Aliano’s book provides a refreshing look at old sources while also bringing new primary sources to the equation, from propaganda materials to school textbooks. His questions are also different from those of his Italian predecessors. Aliano is not so much interested in the history of fascism but rather in how studying its impact on Argentina’s Italian community helps us understand the complex history of Italian ideas and projects for the nation both inside and outside Italy.Aliano is well versed in migration studies and Italian history, and he aptly combines both in examining the Argentine context, where most Italian immigrants eventually became and thought of themselves as Argentines. This was, to be sure, the most frustrating dimension of the problem for Benito Mussolini and his propaganda team. But Aliano is not that concerned with the history of this transnational failure of fascism and what it says about that political movement’s geopolitical conceptions and practices. Rather, the book’s emphasis on national conceptions among the different actors in Italy and abroad allows the author to cogently highlight limits and continuities in the broader history of Italy’s state policies of emigration. For Aliano, important traditions of national identity were continued by the fascists, who added to these their specific political identity. He argues that national projects such as Mussolini’s attempts to convert Argentina’s Italian community to fascism were substantially transformed by their contexts of reception, which posed important limitations on a “national project outside of the nation-state” (p. 2). The book presents a fine history of the Italian community in Argentina and the failed attempts by fascists to proselytize it from the 1920s to the 1940s. It explores a diversity of topics, from propaganda aimed at the immigrants and the schooling of Italian children in Argentina to fascist-antifascist debates within the Italian immigrant community. The author stresses how the Italians of Argentina formed an Italian identity different from the more authoritarian one in vogue on the peninsula. Another element in the development of this more liberal national conception that Aliano cogently highlights is the significant role of Italian antifascism in Argentina. He explains how this identitarian diversity limited the expansion of fascism within the community. Without much elaboration, he also emphasizes how Argentine democratic traditions had an impact in this regard.But how can one explain this persistent liberalism in the context of an ever-increasing consolidation of militarism, authoritarianism, and even clerico-fascism in Argentina during the 1930s and 1940s, from José Félix Uriburu’s dictatorship in 1930 to the so-called Década Infame and the military dictatorship of 1943? To be sure, Aliano criticizes an emphasis on Argentine authoritarianism that downplays the centrality of Argentina’s liberal traditions. But he does not engage as much with the intricacies of the ways in which Argentina’s liberal civil society turned its back on an increasingly authoritarian state hegemonized by the church and the military. While Aliano is very engaged with migration studies on both sides of the Atlantic, his book could have benefited from a similar engagement with Argentine historiographical discussions of nation building and the politics of immigration, from the earlier ideas of an “alluvial” society to the debates in the 1980s and 1990s over the idea of the melting pot as well as the more recent pathbreaking works by Hilda Sabato on political participation. The important scholarship of Lilia Ana Bertoni is also absent from Aliano’s discussion. The book is at its best when analyzing the Italian community in Argentina. If Argentine historians will note these absences and, more generally, the book’s schematic view of their country’s history, they will also benefit from learning about the European, American, and more specifically Italian discussions of emigration that drive the questions and answers of this subtle, challenging book.This book raises important questions for the field of migration studies in Latin America and Europe. It is highly recommended for specialists in Latin American and European migration and ethnic studies as well as historians of Italian fascism. By focusing on what Mussolini’s national project for the Italian community of Argentina reveals about the changing nature of the idea of the Italian nation, the book critically complements current historiography. Aliano provides a new conceptual look at the history of European migration in Argentina.

This article explores how ‘biology’ — in the sense that bodies are increasingly understood in biological terms, from the molecular to the species level — is becoming more central in the recognition of political worth, and I argue that humanitarians are key players in producing this reality. I focus on the role biology plays in the politics of immigration. Combining ethnographic research with undocumented immigrants in Paris and asylum claimants in the US, I examine how biology has become a central tool in the ability to travel. How did pathology (i.e. illness) or violations of anatomy (i.e. torture, sexual violence) become the ‘best’ ways to get papers as an undocumented immigrant — better than selling one’s labor power? I suggest that biological evidence — of illness, of torture, of immunity levels — are used as key measurements of suffering, which justifies humanitarian exceptions, in this case, for papers. My argument is that there is a dual regime of truth at work, where the multiple ontologies of biology get reduced to one epistemology of biology as ‘fixed’ when it concerns immigrants and refugees, due to the role of humanitarianism in the politics of immigration. This is explored in the context of profound inequalities between those in the global North and South, asking how the hope offered by biological evidence takes on different meanings and consequences depending on one’s position in the global matrix of wealth and poverty, race and gender.

Informality has attracted significant attention in migration studies, yet a fresh look is needed given the succession of world crises over the past 15 years and the increasing use of informality to deal with them. This special issue considers informality as practices of governance that supplement, substitute, replace or operate beyond formal rules. It focuses on dissecting the governance of transit and irregular migration in the liminal space between formal policies and informal practices, and focuses on three major questions: Why and how has migration governance experienced informality’s expansion in policies and practices? What are the drivers, sites, temporalities, and implications of such an expansion? How do power relations among different stakeholders affect such governance compared to normative and institutional logics? This special issue ventures beyond existing constatations that the formal and informal are entangled. A core assertion is that informality can be a deeper structuring force, because informal interactions repeat over time, creating alternative or supplementary forms of governance beyond formal institutions. This collection of articles is original in shedding light on such governance from the perspective of world politics and political regimes, little discussed thus far in systematic ways. It is also at the forefront of theorizing on how stakeholders use mechanisms of power to govern polycentrically, that is from multiple centres related to each other but not hierarchically subordinated. This collection provides novel perspectives on socio-spatial and temporal aspects of informality’s use in such governance. Building on extensive fieldwork and data-driven secondary research, this collection covers Germany, Sweden, and Switzerland, post-socialist countries in Eastern Europe, including Belarus and Russia after the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Turkey and Iraq in the Middle East, and Albania in the Balkans, as well as Thailand and Myanmar in Asia.

Acknowledgments Introduction The St. Luke Penny Savings Bank: A Change Vignette Purpose, Concepts, and Practices PART I. CONCEPTUAL PERSPECTIVES ON LEADING CHANGE Introduction Ch 1. Causality, Change, and Leadership by Gill Robinson Hickman and Richard A. Couto Barbara Rose Johns Analytical Elements Conclusion PART II. LEADING ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE Introduction The Environment of Organizational Change Purpose of Organizational Change Change Vignette: Technology Solutions Turns Disaster Into Dividends Ch 2. Concepts of Organizational Change What Kind of Organizational Change Do We Want or Need? Conclusion Ch 3. Concepts of Leadership in Organizational Change What Type of Leadership Do We Want or Need to Accomplish Change? Conclusion Ch 4. Organizational Change Practices Which Practices Do We Employ To Implement Change? Conclusion Applications and Reflections PART III. LEADING COMMUNITIY AND ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE Ch 5. Community Change Context by Richard A. Couto, Sarah Hippensteel and Marti Goetz Introduction Purpose of Community Change Change Vignette: Citizens for the Responsible Destruction of Chemical Weapons Concepts of Change Concepts of Leadership Change Practices Conclusion Application and Reflection Ch 6. Crossing Organizational and Community Contexts Introduction Change Vignette: Microcredit to Rural Women Concepts of Change Across Organizational and Community Contexts Concepts of Leadership Across Organizational and Community Contexts Change Practices Across Organizational and Community Contexts Conclusion PART IV. LEADING POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CHANGE Ch 7. Political Change Context by Richard A. Couto Introduction Purpose of Political Change Change Vignette: Extraordinary Rendition Concepts of Political Change Concepts of Political Leadership Change Practices Conclusion Application and Reflection Ch 8. Social Change Context Introduction The Purpose of Social Change Change Vignette: OASIS: An Initiative in the Mental Health Consumer Movement Concepts of Social Change Concepts of Social Change Leadership Social Change Practices Conclusion Application and Reflection Ch 9. Crossing Political and Social Contexts Introduction Vignette: The Sikh Coalition Concepts of Political and Social Change Concepts of Political and Social Leadership Change Practices Across Political and Social Contexts Conclusion PART V. LEADING GLOBAL CHANGE Ch 10. Global Change Context by Rebecca Todd Peters and Gill Robinson Hickman Introduction Purpose of Global Change Change Vignette: Chad-Cameroon Pipeline Concepts of Global Change Concepts of Global Leadership Global Change Practices Conclusion Application and Reflection Ch 11. Crossing Global and Social Contexts: Virtual Activism in Transnational Dotcauses, E-Movements, and Internet Nongovernmental Organizations Introduction Change Vignette: Is Global Civil Society a Good Thing? Concepts of Virtual Change Concepts of Virtual Leadership Virtual Change Practices Conclusion Conclusion: Connecting Concepts and Practices in Multiple Contexts Epilogue: Leading Intellectual Change: The Power of Ideas by James MacGregor Burns Index About the Author About the Contributors

EntryPoint Health AffairsVol. 32, No. 4: The ‘Triple Aim’ Goes Global ENTRY POINTImmigration Reform: A Long Road To Citizenship And Insurance CoverageRandy Capps and Michael Fix Affiliations Randy Capps ( [email protected] ) is a senior policy analyst and demographer at the Migration Policy Institute, in Washington, D.C. Michael Fix is the institute’s senior vice president and director of studies. PUBLISHED:April 2013No Accesshttps://doi.org/10.1377/hlthaff.2013.0187AboutSectionsView articleView Full TextView PDFPermissions ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditEmail ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack CitationsPermissions View articleAbstractThe 2012 elections reinvigorated the drive for overhauling US immigration laws, but citizenship and health coverage for millions of unauthorized immigrants could still be a decade or more away.TOPICSImmigrantsUninsuredAffordable Care ActSafety net hospitalsAccess to careInsurance coverage and benefitsMedicaidChildren's healthPaymentCosts and spending Loading Comments... Please enable JavaScript to view the comments powered by Disqus. DetailsExhibitsReferencesRelated Article MetricsCitations: Crossref 16 History Published online 1 April 2013 Information Project HOPE—The People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc. PDF downloadCited ByThe Intersection of State-Level Immigrant Policy Climates and Medicaid Expansion: an Examination Among Immigrants29 August 2022 | Journal of Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities, Vol. 106Sick Days: Logical Versus Survey Identification of the Foreign-Born Population in the United States18 April 2022 | International Migration Review, Vol. 6You Have to Pay to Live: Somali Young Adult Experiences With the U.S. Health Care System24 May 2021 | Qualitative Health Research, Vol. 31, No. 10Medicaid Expansion Improved Health Insurance Coverage For Immigrants, But Disparities PersistJim P. Stimpson and Fernando A. Wilson1 October 2018 | Health Affairs, Vol. 37, No. 10Health of newly arrived immigrants in Canada and the United States: Differential selection on healthHealth & Place, Vol. 48Health care, immigrants, and minorities: lessons from the affordable care act in the U.S.12 June 2017 | Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Vol. 43, No. 12Obamacare in action: how access to the health care system contributes to immigrants’ sense of belonging12 June 2017 | Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Vol. 43, No. 12Still left out: healthcare stratification under the Affordable Care Act12 June 2017 | Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Vol. 43, No. 12Immigrant Status and Its Impact on Access to Health CareOpen Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. 05, No. 12Impact of Medicare Age Eligibility on Health Spending among U.S. and Foreign-Born Adults20 October 2015 | Health Services Research, Vol. 51, No. 3What Health Care Reform Means for Immigrants: Comparing the Affordable Care Act and Massachusetts Health ReformsJournal of Health Politics, Policy and Law, Vol. 41, No. 1Unauthorized Immigrants Prolong the Life of Medicare’s Trust Fund18 June 2015 | Journal of General Internal Medicine, Vol. 31, No. 1Excluded and Frozen Out: Unauthorised Immigrants’ (Non)Access to Care after US Health Care Reform17 July 2015 | Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Vol. 41, No. 14Implementing Federal Health Reform in the States: Who Is Included and Excluded and What Are Their Characteristics?26 September 2014 | Health Services Research, Vol. 49, No. S2ED visits and spending by unauthorized immigrants compared with legal immigrants and US nativesThe American Journal of Emergency Medicine, Vol. 32, No. 6Unauthorized Immigrants Spend Less Than Other Immigrants And US Natives On Health CareJim P. Stimpson, Fernando A. Wilson, and Dejun Su2 August 2017 | Health Affairs, Vol. 32, No. 7

Globalization and Socio-Cultural Change in Qatar

This paper first discusses how law affects migration flows by helping to construct the incentives that drive the decisions of potential migrants. It then turns to the more specific modalities, structures, and institutions through which law attempts to control and shape migration. Next, it explains why contemporary immigration law has failed in its stated enforcement mission, which also suggests that this ostensible failure, in fact, serves certain latent social functions. Finally, it explores the possibility that much illegal immigration is a victimless offense, and discusses some of the ways in which this reality may affect immigration enforcement and politics.

Illegal immigration through human smuggling originating from the Fujian Province, China, has become a global issue, affecting at least 30 countries. The empirical research on the financial element of illegal immigration suggests the important role of an underground banking system. This study examines the role of ethnic networks in sustaining the operation of Chinese-operated informal fund transfer systems in the United States. The primary source of data is from in-depth interviews with illegal immigrants in New York City and Philadelphia. The findings show that as opposed to lineage-based networks, the networks based on regional dialect allowed illegal Fujianese immigrants, as well as underground bank proprietors, to take advantage of social capital inherent in the expatriate ethnic community. The high levels of trust between underground bank proprietors and their clientele can be understood as resulting from ethnic solidarity and enforceable trust. These features are found to be troublesome at the community level because the research findings illustrate that a community of high ethnic interactions espouses a deviant culture or norms that encourage widely accepted but illegal practices. 1There is a lack of consensus on terminology relating to informal financial systems. The often used terms include “informal funds transfer systems,” “alternative remittance systems,” “underground banking,” “ethnic banking,” and “informal value system.” A more detailed description of these systems can be found in El Qorchi et al. (2003). Some scholars argue that a distinction should be made between “informal funds transfer systems” (IFTS) and “informal value transfer mechanisms” (IFTSM), two different types of informal remittance system. See El Qorchi et al. (2003), Maimbo (2003), Passas (2003). Both refer to “mechanism or networks of people facilitating the transfer of funds or value without leaving a trail of entire transactions or taking place outside the traditionally regulated financial channels” (El Qorchi et al. 2003). However, IFTS is mainly used for pure monetary value transfer carried out by ethnic businesses. The practice was widespread in sub-continental India and China and now their services are available across the globe. They are subject to financial regulations applicable to money services businesses. Examples of IFTS include the hawala system (prevalent in India and the Middle East) and Chinese underground banking systems (Qianzhuang in Chinese). IFTSM refers to the transfer of value in the form of goods, or a combination of goods and money, for their monetary value. Examples of IFTSM include in-kind transfers/payments, invoice manipulation, trade diversion, etc. They usually have interface with the formal banking institutions, but leave no money trail. See Maimbo and Passas (2004). The IFTS is used in this paper to stand for Chinese-operated informal remittance transfer systems.

Irregular migration flows rose to prominence in the UK towards the end of the 1990 with notorious and tragic incidents as migrants died either trying to enter the UK or while working in the UK. This chapter argues that responses to irregular migration draw from a repertoire of contentious immigration politics. It explores the ways in which longer-term patterning of migration politics and policy have continued to shape the ways in which migration to the UK is understood. The chapter analyses the salience of irregular migration flows, the links made to people smuggling and human trafficking networks particularly through media coverage of irregular migration, and then develops its argument about the longer-term historical patterning of responses to irregular migration, such as the ways in which irregular migration is related to the longer-term race relations framework that has structured UK migration policy and politics since the 1960s. Keywords: human trafficking; immigration politics; irregular migration; smuggling; United Kingdom migration policy

By highlighting informal strategies and solidarities on the one hand, and protests on the other, current studies of citizenship and illegalized migration describe two main forms of political subjectivities among illegalized migrants: ‘without’ the state or ‘against’ it. In contrast, this article unpacks how migrants make use of state laws and institutions, voice expectations, and pursue their claims using official venues – in short, how they act ‘with’ the state. It builds on ethnographic fieldwork on illegalized migrants’ welfare requests in French-speaking Belgium and the various sets of actors involved in assessing or furthering their cases. Migrants’ discourses and expectations of the welfare office provide insights into their understandings of the state, highlight the crucial role of immigration lawyers in brokering cases, and ultimately allow for a more nuanced reading of the idea that welfare dependency leads to deportability. On a theoretical level, this article contributes to ongoing debates in the study of statehood and in migration studies, showing how procedural fairness can be a central aspect of migrants’ relationship to and expectations of the state, and how migrants’ strategies leading towards inclusion can be formal ones, based on existing state laws and institutions.

Abstract‘Mechanisms of Migrant Exclusion’ focuses on the exclusionary measures that migrant workers confront. Although migration studies have long attended to various social and structural systems of exclusion, for instance, xenophobia and nativism (De Genova, 2005,https://doi.org/10.1515/9780822387091; Golash‐Boza, 2011,https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203123928, and 2015,https://doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479894666.001.0001), recent global shifts in immigration politics and temporary labour regimes have increased the urgency of attending to the rise of global and transnational systems or regimes of exclusion. Internationally, noncitizens have grown increasingly vulnerable to detention and deportation (Mountz, 2020, 10.5749/j.ctv15d8153), whereas migrant contract workers continue to be systematically denied rights and protections in the labour market (Strauss and McGrath, 2017, 10.1016/j.geoforum.2016.01.008). These mechanisms of exclusion illustrate the range of limitations faced by migrants, particularly those who are undocumented, refugees, or temporary workers.