How Japan’s COVID-19 vaccination policy shapes trust in governance: a relative deprivation approach

Since the 1997 Asian financial crisis, special attention has been paid to public management reforms and good governance values in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand. This study analyzes how citizen satisfaction with good governance values, government performance, and empowered citizenship affect public trust in government in these countries. The analysis is based on the Asia Barometer Survey data 2007. The study found that citizens' satisfaction with good governance values and perceived government performance in dealing with the economy and political corruption best explain the variation in trust in government among these countries. The variances in trust in central and local governments in Malaysia and Indonesia are best explained by citizen satisfaction with good governance values. Citizen satisfaction with good governance values is significantly associated with trust in local government only in Thailand. The study also finds that perceived government performance in the economy is significantly associated with trust in central governments in Malaysia and Thailand. Meanwhile, government performance in dealing with political corruption, quality of service, and government officials’ attention to citizen input are positively associated with trust in government in Thailand. Citizens who agree that there is wide spread corruption among those who govern the country expressed a low level of trust in government in Indonesia and Thailand. The study findings support that an approach comparing different countries can enhance our understanding of the complexity of and variations of the factors affecting public trust in government in different civil societies.

Several studies have found that trust in government is associated with social fairness, citizens’ satisfaction with public service, and life satisfaction. This study aimed to investigate the serial mediation effects of social security satisfaction and life satisfaction on the association between social security fairness and trust in government. We analyzed the data from the Chinese Social Survey in 2019 (n = 7403) to examine the serial mediation effects. The findings showed that the higher the level of government, the greater the trust it enjoyed from its citizens. The direct prediction of trust by social security fairness was stronger at the county and township levels than at the central government level. Both social security satisfaction and life satisfaction partially mediated the relationship between social security fairness and overall trust in government. Social security fairness indirectly positively predicted trust in local government at the county and township levels through social security satisfaction, life satisfaction, and their serial mediation. While social security fairness could only indirectly predict trust in central government through social security satisfaction, the prediction of trust in central government via life satisfaction (mediator) was not significant. We observed a serial mediation model in which social security fairness positively predicted trust in government directly and indirectly through social security satisfaction and life satisfaction. The finding that social security satisfaction partially mediates the relationship between perceptions of fairness in the social security system and trust in government has implications for improving policies and the functioning of the system at all levels of the government.

Predictors of confidence and trust in government and institutions during the COVID-19 response in Australia

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to examine the effect of polarisation on trust in government.Design/methodology/approachThe authors use the ordered probit technique to model trust as a function of polarisation and various control variables. The authors apply the instrumental variables approach to address potential endogeneity in polarisation, using ethnic diversity as an instrument.FindingsThe results reveal that an increase in polarisation reduces trust in central government. However, trust in local government is non-responsive to this polarisation. The estimations controlled for government performance, and the authors found a positive association between government performance and trust in government, which, however, does not alter the relationship between polarisation and trust in government.Practical implicationsIn ethnically polarised nations, policymakers should consider decentralisation measures. This can help sustain trust and development support, particularly in regions where citizens prioritise ethnicity over nationality.Social implicationsThe social implications of this research underscore the importance of promoting trust in government to foster social cohesion and stability, particularly in ethnically diverse societies.Originality/valueThe authors find that increased ethnic polarisation reduces trust in the central government, particularly among those prioritising their ethnicity over nationality. This adds a non-performance dimension to government trust literature, suggesting that policies focusing solely on performance may yield limited results. The research extends beyond central government trust to include local governments. Unlike central government, local government trust remains tied to performance attributes unaffected by polarisation. Hence, investing resources through local governments is a viable strategy for enhancing citizen support while mitigating polarisation’s adverse effects.

There are frequent calls to enhance citizens' trust in government to pave the way towards a new paradigm of participatory governance and strong citizen support for government. In various realms, citizens may directly or indirectly engage with the government through various available mediums, even though, despite the availability of various policies and services provided by the government, citizens are generally passive and adamant in trusting the public sector. While many studies have explored a set of determinants that influence citizens' trust in government (i.e., central government, local government, parliament, and the legal system), few studies have ascertained the relationship and the role of social trust, happiness, governance, and political systems. These are critical factors that may influence trust in government. To address this gap, this study draws on the theoretical lens of social capital theory, proposing that cognitive social trust and citizen happiness—environment and performance—are the most likely predictors of citizen trust in government. This study assumes that citizens' perceptions of governance and political systems will moderate the effect of social trust and happiness on trust in government. Using data from the Asia Barometer Survey 2007, and focusing on data collected from the Philippines, this study tests a latent model employing the structural equation modelling technique. It finds that happiness negatively predicts trust in the central government and the legal system, while all other predictors do not have a significant effect. The findings also show that the political system moderates the impact of social trust and happiness on trust in government. Finally, this article points out its theoretical, empirical, and practical implications and provides directions for future research.

This paper studies the impact of SOEs labor restructuring reform in the late 1990s in urban China on individuals’ trust in the central and local government. By exploiting provincial variation in number of layoffs, together with cohort-specific variation arising from the negative employment shock, we find that individuals with more exposure to layoffs in provinces and working ages during the reform period are associated with less trust in the central government and local government. This finding is robust to various checks including using migration restricted samples, adding more family backgrounds and provincial characteristics, as well as doing the placebo test. According to our estimates, more heavy burden of social pensions resulting from massive number of layoffs contributes to lower level of individuals’ trust in governments. In addition, “Impressionable Years Hypothesis” based on social psychology are able to explain the negative impact of layoffs on individuals’ trust in governments.

More trust in central government during the COVID-19 pandemic? Citizens’ emotional reactions, government performance, and trust in governments

Objective: This research attempts to explore systematically factors that influence public reactions during COVID-19 pandemic, including different measures of risk perceptions, public trust in different levels of governments, and attention to news.Methods: This research uses a national stratified random sample of Chinese population and multiple linear regressions to explore the potential predictors of public reactions to coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID-19).Results: This research found that the effects of attentions to news, provincial experience, trust in government, demographics, and political cultures on risk perceptions depend on measures of risk perceptions, risk judgments vs. cognitive vs. affective risk perceptions. Moreover, the effect of culture on trust in government is consistent across different levels of government, trust in local, provincial, and central governments; living in the epicenter of COVID-19 in China decreases trust in local/provincial government but not trust in central government; public attention to news can bring both positive (trust in government) and negative (negative affect) outcomes. Finally, it confirmed positive associations among risk perception, subjective knowledge, and attention to news.Conclusion: The findings suggest challenges for risk communication.

PurposeCitizen trust in police is important in terms of citizen consent to government policies and of police achieving their organizational goals. In the previous study, improvements in police policy, organizational operation and policing activities were developed to clarify which factors influence trust in police and how trust can be improved. This research raises the question, would changes in trust in police have an impact on trust in government? In this paper, this research question is discussed theoretically and the causal relationship analyzed empirically by applying OLS, ordered logistic, 2SLS and logistic regressions.Design/methodology/approachThe basic analysis methods are to apply the OLS and the ordered logistic regression. OLS regression analysis is an analytical method that minimizes an error range of a regression line. The assumptions for OLS are: linearity, independence, equilibrium, extrapolation and multicollinearity issues. These problems were statistically verified and analyzed, in order to confirm the robustness of the analysis results by comparing the results of the ordered logistic regression because of the sequence characteristic of the dependent variable. The data to be used in this study is the Asia Barometer Survey in 2013.FindingsTrust in police and citizen perception of safety are analyzed as important factors to increase trust in the government. The effects of trust in police are more significant than the effects of control variables, and the direction and strength of the results are stable. The effect of trust in police on trust in government is strengthened by the perception of safety (IV). In addition, OLS, ordered logistic regression analysis, which analyzed trust in central government and local government, and logistic regression analysis categorized by trust and distrust show the stability.Research limitations/implicationsThis paper has implications in terms of theoretical and empirical analysis of the relationship between trust in police and trust in government. In addition, the impact of perception of safety on trust in police can be provided to police officers, policymakers and governors who are seeking to increase trust in government. This paper is also meaningful in that it is the microscopic research based on the citizens' survey. One of the limitations of macroscopic research is that it does not consider the individual perceptions of citizens.Practical implicationsThe results of this paper can confirm the relationship of the virtuous cycle, which is perception of safety – trust in police – trust in government. The police will need to provide security services to improve citizens' perception of safety and make great efforts to create safer communities and society. Trust in police formed through this process can be an important component of trust in government. By making citizens feel safer and achieving trust in police, ultimately, trust in government will be improved.Originality/valueThe police perform one of the essential roles of government and are one of the major components of trust in government, but the police sector has been neglected compared to the roles of the economic and political sectors. These influences of macro factors are too abstract to allow specific policy directions to be suggested. If we consider trust in police, and factors that can improve trust in government, we can suggest practical policy alternatives.

Public trust in government influences public attitudes toward the development of new technology. However, research conducted to assess the relationship has been done primarily in Western-style democracies. This research examines how public trust in the Chinese government is related, directly and indirectly, to public attitudes toward shale gas development. An online survey of a large convenience sample of Chinese residents (n = 1361) was conducted in 2022 in five provinces where shale gas extraction and/or exploration are occurring. We found that trust in central government has a direct positive association with the perceived benefits and risks of shale gas development. Respondents with higher trust in central and provincial government are more likely to express support shale gas development. There is also a statistically significant indirect positive association with support for shale gas development via greater perceived benefits, yet we did not find a statistically significant indirect effect of trust on support for shale gas development through perceived risks. The results are interesting because in China the government and the shale gas industry are more closely connected than they are in Western-style democracies and the environmental movement in China is at an early stage of development. Future research should examine how attitudes in China evolve as the scale of the shale gas industry grows and the environmental movement grows.

Objective. Social mobility plays an important role in stabilizing the political order. This article leverages China’s hukou (household registration) reforms to examine the effects of state-engineered social mobility on individuals’ trust in the government. Methods. Using China General Social Survey data for 2010 and entropy balancing for causal effects, this article provides empirical evidence for the attitudinal effects of social mobility at the individual level. Results. It finds that, first, individuals with the rural-to-urban hukou change are more likely to experience upward mobility, while individuals with the nonlocal-to-local hukou change are more pessimistic about their prospects of upward mobility; second, the rural-to-urban hukou change increases beneficiaries’ trust in the central government, while the nonlocal-to-local hukou change increases beneficiaries’ trust in the local government. Conclusion. The Chinese authoritarian regime’s co-optation tactic of engineering upward social mobility via the hukou reforms contributes to its performance-based political legitimacy as it effectively bolsters individuals’ trust in government.

Citizens’ trust in government and other people is crucial to their perceptions of social risks. In this study, we examine the effects of institutional and social trust on citizens’ risk perceptions. Our analysis of a 2013 national survey conducted in 30 provincial capitals in China reveals that risk perceptions focus on two factors: public emergencies (e.g., traffic accidents) and public health threats (e.g., food safety). We found that only citizens’ trust in central government was significantly negatively correlated with perceived emergencies, while trust in local government was marginally positively correlated with perceived emergencies. Social trust was not correlated with perceived emergencies, and none of the three trust variables was significantly correlated with perceived health threats. Our results revealed that the demographic variables gender, age, education, media exposure, and religious belief are all relevant for citizens’ risk perceptions.

<p>Objective: This research attempts to explore systematically factors that influence public reactions during COVID-19 pandemic, including different measures of risk perceptions, public trust in different levels of governments, and attention to news.</p><p>Methods: This research uses a national stratified random sample of Chinese population and multiple linear regressions to explore the potential predictors of public reactions to coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID-19).</p><p>Results: This research found that the effects of attentions to news, provincial experience, trust in government, demographics, and political cultures on risk perceptions depend on measures of risk perceptions, risk judgments vs. cognitive vs. affective risk perceptions. Moreover, the effect of culture on trust in government is consistent across different levels of government, trust in local, provincial, and central governments; living in the epicenter of COVID-19 in China decreases trust in local/provincial government but not trust in central government; public attention to news can bring both positive (trust in government) and negative (negative affect) outcomes. Finally, it confirmed positive associations among risk perception, subjective knowledge, and attention to news.</p><p>Conclusion: The findings suggest challenges for risk communication.</p>

To control the spread of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), governments are increasingly relying on the public to voluntarily manage risk. Effectiveness is likely to rely in part on how much the public trusts the Government's response. We examined the English public's trust in the Conservative Government to control the spread of COVID-19 after the initial 'crisis' period. We analyzed eight rounds of a longitudinal survey of 1899 smartphone users aged 18-79 in England between October 2020 and December 2021. We fitted a random-effects logit model to identify personal characteristics and opinions associated with trust in the Conservative Government to control the spread of COVID-19. Trust was lowest in January 2021 (28%) and highest in March 2021 (44%). Being older, having lower educational attainment and aligning with the Conservative Party were predictors of higher levels of trust. Conversely, being less deprived, reporting that Government communications were not clear and considering that the measures taken by the Government went too far or not far enough were predictors of being less likely to report a great deal or a fair amount of trust in the Government to control the pandemic. Trust in the Government's response was found to be low throughout the study. Our findings suggest that there may be scope to avoid losing trust by aligning Government actions more closely with scientific advice and public opinion, and through clearer public health messaging. However, it remains unclear whether and how higher trust in the Government's response would increase compliance with Government advice.

Distrust in government among people of color is a response to generations of systemic racism that have produced preventable health inequities. Higher levels of trust in government are associated with better adherence to government guidelines and policies during emergencies, but factors associated with trust and potential actions to increase trust in local government are not well understood. The COVID-19 Community Recovery study sampled participants from the New York City (NYC) Department of Health and Mental Hygiene's NYC Health Panel, a probability-based survey panel who complete health surveys periodically. Participants who lived in one of three historically disinvested communities in NYC where the NYC Department of Health and Mental Hygiene has dedicated resources to reduce health inequities were included. The cross-sectional survey was fielded from September 30 to November 4, 2021 and could be self-administered online or conducted via CATI (Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing) in English, Spanish, and Simplified Chinese (Mandarin and Cantonese by phone). Demographic data were summarized by descriptive statistics. Crude and adjusted logistic regression analyses were used to assess factors predictive of trust in local government as a source of information about COVID-19 vaccines. Open-ended responses about strengthening residents' trust in local government were coded using an iteratively generated codebook. In total, 46% of respondents indicated NYC local government was a trusted source of information about COVID-19 vaccines, relatively high compared to other sources. In bivariate analyses, race/ethnicity, age group, educational attainment, length of time living in NYC, and household income were significantly associated with identifying NYC government as a trusted source of information about COVID-19 vaccines. In multivariable logistic regression, no variables remained significant predictors of selecting local government as a trusted source of information. Key recommendations for local government agencies to build residents' trust include communicating clearly and honestly, addressing socioeconomic challenges, and enhancing public COVID-19 protection measures. Study findings demonstrate that nearly half of residents in three historically divested NYC communities consider local government to be a trusted source of information about COVID-19 vaccines. Strategies to increase trust in local government can help reduce community transmission of COVID-19 and protect public health.