HOW CONSTITUENCY GATEKEEPERS SHAPE PARLIAMENTARY BEHAVIOUR IN GHANA

Although often theorised, empirical research concerning the relationship between parties’ candidate selection and MPs’ parliamentary activity is scarce. Our analysis focuses on the Dutch case, which features national party lists. It is therefore well-suited to examine the relationship between parliamentary activity (in terms of speeches, resolutions, amendments and questions) and candidate selection: are MPs reselected and do they move up or down the candidate list from one election to the next? We expect that more active MPs have a higher probability of reselection and promotion, i.e. moving up the candidate list. The empirical analysis of the Dutch lower house of Parliament between 1998 and 2017 combines data from the Dutch Parliamentary Behaviour Dataset with data on parliamentary speech-making. Our main finding is that speaking in the plenary is the parliamentary activity most strongly related to reselection and promotion.

Playing by the rules? The formal and informal rules of candidate selection

Background: Tools predicting individual relapse risk would invaluably inform clinical decision-making (e.g. level-of-care) in substance use treatment. Studies of neuroprediction – use of neuromarkers to predict individual outcomes – have the dual potential to create such tools and inform etiological models leading to new treatments. However, financial limitations, statistical power demands, and related factors encourage restrictive selection criteria, yielding samples that do not fully represent the target population. This problem may be further compounded by a lack of statistical optimism correction in neuroprediction research, resulting in predictive models that are overfit to already-restricted samples. Objectives: This systematic review aims to identify potential threats to external validity related to restrictive selection criteria and underutilization of optimism correction in the existing neuroprediction literature targeting substance use treatment outcomes. Methods: Sixty-seven studies of neuroprediction in substance use treatment were identified and details of sample selection criteria and statistical optimism correction were extracted. Results: Most publications were found to report restrictive selection criteria (e.g. excluding psychiatric (94% of publications) and substance use comorbidities (69% of publications)) that would rule-out a considerable portion of the treatment population. Furthermore, only 21% of publications reported optimism correction. Conclusion: Restrictive selection criteria and underutilization of optimism correction are common in the existing literature and may limit the generalizability of identified neural predictors to the target population whose treatment they would ultimately inform. Greater attention to the inclusivity and generalizability of addiction neuroprediction research, as well as new opportunities provided through open science initiatives, have the potential to address this issue.

The clinical and electrocardiographic Marburg Cardiomyopathy database was analyzed to identify potential candidates for cardiac resynchronization therapy (CRT) with biventricular or left ventricular pacing among 566 patients with dilated cardiomyopathy (DCM). All of the following restrictive selection criteria were fulfilled by 38 patients (7%): NYHA functional class > or = 3 (n = 193, 34%), left ventricular ejection fraction (LVEF) < 30% (n = 238, 42%), sinus rhythm (n = 437, 77%), left bundle branch block (LBBB, n = 142, 25%), and QRS duration > or = 150 ms (n = 136, 24%). In 78 of the 566 patients (14%) all of the following less restrictive selection criteria were fulfilled: NYHA functional class > or = 3 (n = 193, 34%), LVEF < 35% in presence of any underlying rhythm (n = 326, 58%), QRS duration > or = 120 ms with right or left bundle branch block (n = 223, 39%). Thus, between 7% and 14% of patients with DCM were candidates for CRT depending on the application of strict versus less restrictive selection criteria.

Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have a multitude of parliamentary duties and, accordingly, have to prioritize some parliamentary activities over others. So far, we know comparably little about this prioritization process. Based on principal–agent theory, we argue first, that MEPs’ parliamentary activities are systematically determined by the “visibility” and usefulness of parliamentary instruments for their key principal; second, we expect the exclusiveness of candidate selection procedures of an MEP’s national party—the nomination and the final list placement—to determine her/his key principal (i.e., elites or members of national parties). Combining multi-level mixed effects linear regression models and expert interviews, we show that MEPs who are nominated and whose final list placement is decided by an exclusive circle of national party elites prioritize speeches, whereas MEPs who are nominated or whose final list placement is decided by more inclusive procedures prioritize written questions and opinions or reports. In other words, speeches seem particularly useful to communicate with national party elites, while other activities are used to serve larger groups of party members. These findings open up the black-box of the “national party principal” and illustrate how a complex principal–agent relationship stimulates very specific parliamentary activity patterns in the EU’s multi-level system.

Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have a multitude of parliamentary duties and, accordingly, have to prioritize some parliamentary activities over others. So far, we know comparably little about this prioritization process. Based on principal–agent theory, we argue first, that MEPs’ parliamentary activities are systematically determined by the “visibility” and usefulness of parliamentary instruments for their key principal; second, we expect the exclusiveness of candidate selection procedures of an MEP’s national party—the nomination and the final list placement—to determine her/his key principal (i.e., elites or members of national parties). Combining multi-level mixed effects linear regression models and expert interviews, we show that MEPs who are nominated and whose final list placement is decided by an exclusive circle of national party elites prioritize speeches, whereas MEPs who are nominated or whose final list placement is decided by more inclusive procedures prioritize written questions and opinions or reports. In other words, speeches seem particularly useful to communicate with national party elites, while other activities are used to serve larger groups of party members. These findings open up the black-box of the “national party principal” and illustrate how a complex principal–agent relationship stimulates very specific parliamentary activity patterns in the EU’s multi-level system.

Transplant oncology is a field of growing interest, with increasing number of patients transplanted for cancer [1]. Among such indications, colorectal liver metastasis is under intense scrutiny considering the high number of potential new recipients. The important article by the Oslo group published in the current issue of Transplant International brings more light on their post-transplant fate [2].

Evolution of extracorporeal membrane oxygenation trigger criteria in COVID-19 acute respiratory distress syndrome

Endovascular thrombectomy (ET) is standard-of-care for ischemic stroke patients with large vessel occlusion, but estimates of potentially eligible patients from population-based studies have not been published. Such data are urgently needed to rationally plan hyperacute services. Retrospective analysis determined the incidence of ET-eligible ischemic strokes in a comprehensive population-based stroke study (Adelaide, Australia 2009-2010). Stroke patients were stratified via a prespecified eligibility algorithm derived from recent ET trials comprising stroke subtype, pathogenesis, severity, premorbid modified Rankin Score, presentation delay, large vessel occlusion, and target mismatch penumbra. Recognizing centers may interpret recent ET trials either loosely or rigidly; 2 eligibility algorithms were applied: restrictive (key criteria modified Rankin Scale score 0-1, presentation delay <3.5 hours, and target mismatch penumbra) and permissive (modified Rankin Scale score 0-3 and presentation delay <5 hours). In a population of 148 027 people, 318 strokes occurred in the 1-year study period (crude attack rate 215 [192-240] per 100 000 person-years). The number of ischemic strokes eligible by restrictive criteria was 17/258 (7%; 95% confidence intervals 4%-10%) and by permissive criteria, an additional 16 were identified, total 33/258 (13%; 95% confidence intervals 9%-18%). Two of 17 patients (and 6/33 permissive patients) had thrombolysis contraindications. Using the restrictive algorithm, there were 11 (95% confidence intervals 4-18) potential ET cases per 100 000 person-years or 22 (95% confidence intervals 13-31) using the permissive algorithm. In this cohort, ≈7% of ischemic strokes were potentially eligible for ET (13% with permissive criteria). In similar populations, the permissive criteria predict that ≤22 strokes per 100 000 person-years may be eligible for ET.

Candidate selection reform has its consequences. This article examines Israel as a case study in order to understand the changes in parliamentary activity (legislation, parliamentary questions and motions for the agenda) that resulted from the adoption of primaries as a candidate selection reform by the Labour Party in 1992 and later by three more parties: Likud, Meretz and Tzomet. The findings show that there has been a significant increase in parliamentary activity since the 13th Knesset (the first Knesset with Members of Knesset elected through primaries). The research hypothesises that posited reasons for the difference in parliamentary activities in the Knesset terms before and after the introduction of primaries were strongly supported.

The literature on candidate selection has focussed extensively on the degree of inclusiveness and decentralization of the selectorate, as part of the debate on intra-party democracy. However, much less attention has been paid to the degree of openness of candidacies, or selection criteria within parties. Yet parties have a lot of leeway in how they design selection criteria internally. Which guidelines do parties follow when making the crucial choice on which candidates to select for elections? This paper investigates selection criteria from two perspectives: the formal rules set by parties that restrict the candidate’s pool and the (informal) preferences of selectors that shape who gets selected. We aim first at contrasting the degree of party institutionalization and parties’ formal rules in candidate selection and so, we shed light on whether parties formalise their candidacy requirements and candidate selection processes to the same extent as other party activities. Second, the paper investigates the role of the selectorates, and how selectorate’s characteristics matter for the kind of (informal) selection criteria, be they intended at maximizing offices, votes or policies. Drawing on party statutes coded in the Political Party Database (PPDB) and 23 in-depth interviews with selectors, we study three francophone Belgian parties that differ both in terms of inclusiveness of the selectorate who has the final say on candidate selection and in terms of degree of centralisation, and in terms of party institutionalisation: the green party (Ecolo), the socialist party (PS), and the liberal party (MR). Our comparative analysis of parties, selection criteria provides new insights into the secret garden of politics and highlights in particular the major impact of parties, degree of centralization.

BackgroundExtracorporeal cardiopulmonary resuscitation (ECPR) is an established rescue therapy for both out-of-hospital cardiac arrest (OHCA) and in-hospital cardiac arrest (IHCA). However, there remains significant heterogeneity in populations and outcomes across different studies. The primary aim of this study was to compare commonly used selection criteria and their effect on survival and utilisation in an Australian ECPR cohort.MethodsWe performed a retrospective, observational study of three established ECPR centres in Australia, including cases from 1 January 2013 to 31 December 2020 to establish the baseline cohort. We applied five commonly used ECPR selection criteria, ranging from restrictive to liberal.ResultsThe baseline cohort included 199 ECPR cases: 95 OHCA and 104 IHCA patients. Survival to hospital discharge was 20% for OHCA and 41.4% for IHCA. For OHCA patients, strictly applying the most restrictive criteria would have resulted in the highest survival rate 7/16 (43.8%) compared to the most liberal criteria 16/73 (21.9%). However, only 16/95 (16.8%) in our cohort strictly met the most restrictive criteria versus 73/95 (76.8%) with the most liberal criteria. Similarly, in IHCA, the most restrictive criteria would have resulted in a higher survival rate in eligible patients 10/15 (66.7%) compared to 27/59 (45.8%) with the most liberal criteria. With all criteria a large portion of survivors in IHCA would not have been eligible for ECMO if strictly applying criteria, 33/43 (77%) with restrictive and 16/43 (37%) with the most liberal criteria.ConclusionsAdherence to different selection criteria impacts both the ECPR survival rate and the total number of survivors. Commonly used selection criteria may be unsuitable to select IHCA ECPR patients.

ABSTRACTPolitical parties are key institutions for enhancing female participation and representation in leadership positions. However, in Ghana, this role of parties has not taken root. The purpose of the study is to analyse women's participation and presentation in party leadership structures, and as candidates in the 2016 parliamentary elections. Qualitative methodology was used. Findings suggest that the gender gap has not been substantially reduced in Ghana's two dominant political parties, the National Democratic Congress and New Patriotic Party. This situation undermines enhancement of democracy. The gender gap is caused by the parties’ lack of political will, patronage politics and culture. These hinder the promotion of gender equity. Thus, gender is not an important determinant in selection of candidates and distribution of power and influence. The parties and the women's associations need to be pro-active and strategise to promote gender equity.

How do minority-majority districts affect the voter behavior of minorities and election of minority candidates in Ukraine? Studies on minority-majority districts in the American politics literature suggest that such districts are instrumental to election of minority candidates. Very few scholars have extended such research to other countries. This article examines the impact of minority-majority districts on electoral outcomes in Ukraine, in which ethnicity is apparently a salient issue but ethnic identity is complicated by multiple cleavages based on ethnicity, language, and region. Using district-level census and electoral data, the relationship between the ethnic composition of an electoral district and election of minority candidates is examined.

Patient suitability for magnetic resonance guided focused ultrasound surgery of uterine fibroids