How Armed Groups Divide

Teaching and Learning Guide for: Social Movements in Organizations

In many heterogeneous countries throughout the world, the concept of self-determination remains a potent force in domestic politics. In regions like the Basque Country in Spain (a small part of the territory is also located in France), secession—the formal withdrawal from a central authority by a member unit (Wood, Can J Polit Sci 14(1): 110, 1981)—remains a high priority for many people. The majority of people who support independence for the Basque Country want to do so peacefully in an economically developed, democratic country, but there are linkages between secessionist activities and terrorism (see Sanchez-Cuenca, Terror Polit Violence 19(3): 289–306, 2007; Pokalova, Stud Confl Terror 33(5): 429–447, 2010). Most notably, under Euskadi ta Askatasuna (ETA), some people resorted to terrorist activities under the Franco dictatorship (1939–1975), and continued to wage a campaign of violence even after Spain transitioned to democracy in the late 1970s. ETA has claimed responsibility for the deaths of almost 500 people in a campaign lasting from 1959 to 2011 (see Douglass and Zulaika, Comp Stud Soc Hist 32(2): 238–257, 1990). The counterterrorism (CT) policies of both the Spanish and the French governments were broad in nature and, among other measures, sought to minimize terrorist activities through changes in the law, banning political parties associated with ETA (Turano, Int J Const Law 1(4): 730–740, 2003), surveillance, infiltration of ETA, and high-profile arrests of group members. After a long and arduous campaign, the Spanish and French governments restored order when ETA announced a formal ceasefire on October 20, 2011. Secessionist sentiments remain strong in the Basque Country, but the primary mode of agitation is through peaceful, democratic means such as electing supporters of Basque independence to parliament as well as peaceful protests and marches.

This article addresses the question: under what conditions do democracies ban political parties? It does so by testing three hypotheses generated by a disparate literature on party bans in a ‘most likely case’, namely, the proscription of radical Basque nationalist parties Herri Batasuna, Euskal Herritarrok and Batasuna in 2003. These parties were banned for their integration in a terrorist network led by Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA). The hypotheses are that democracies ban anti-system parties if (i) anti-system parties do not unambiguously eschew violence; (ii) alternatives to proscription are not effective; and (iii) relevant office holders have reason to believe they will not be disadvantaged in their pursuit of office or votes for supporting the ban. Case study findings confirm the hypotheses other than that on violence, given that ETA’s political wing escaped proscription for around two decades before it was banned. Explaining this finding – or addressing the question of why the parties were not banned until 2003 – the article develops two further hypotheses, namely, that democracies ban anti-system parties if (iv) the parties have been ‘securitized’ as an existential threat to the state or democratic community and (v) proscription is the preference of all veto players.

Terrorism can be difficult to conceptualize as an organizational phenomenon. We argue that an organizational understanding of terrorism is enhanced if we understand that the collectivities that conduct terrorism can adopt any or all of the three forms of organizing: formal organization, network, and social movement. In short, organizational studies can contribute to the study of terrorism by articulating this polymorphic framework of forms. Using four illustrative cases drawn from a variety of geographic and ideological contexts (the Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA), Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam [LTTE], Hezbollah, and Al-Qaeda), we demonstrate the value of the polymorphic framework to avoid problems with traditional definitions of terrorism. In addition, the polymorphic framework can inspire further research about why and how terrorist groups shift from more or less fragmented networks, more or less formal organizations, and more or less embedded in social movements.

In this study, a detailed exploration is carried out of the production of research and theory in social psychology in the Spanish context. The main research areas are: Work and organizational psychology, social health psychology, community and social services psychology, environmental research, judicial and political psychology, psychosocial theory and meta-theory, social psychology of language, research on emotion, group processes and social identity. The growing importance of social psychology within the framework of Spanish psychology is emphasized, and the relation with specific social problems from the national context, and the paradoxically scarce originality of the theoretical perspectives and the leading research, strongly influenced by Anglo Saxon social psychology, is commented upon.

Euskadi ta Askatasuna: A Case Study in Terrorist Dynamics and the Fight to Survive, addresses the puzzle of terrorist persistence. It asks, why do terrorist organizations so often continue to use violence after all hope of achieving their political goals has vanished? This book presents an alternative explanation for terrorist persistence and intractable conflicts. It argues that the reason that certain terrorist groups continue to fight despite mounting costs and diminishing returns is that group members are more invested in the survival of the organization than in the objectives the organization formed to pursue. Organizational theory makes an important contribution toward explaining why, despite diminishing prospects of success, terrorists continue using violence. Over time, terrorists form organizations, and the survival of the group can supplant their original political goals. This is because the members of the organization receive benefits, both tangible and intangible, through its continued survival. Peace agreements often explicitly demand the dissolution of the organization or hold reasonable expectations that the organization will dissolve. This would result in a loss of benefits for the organization’s members. This book uses internal documents from the Basque terrorist group Euskadi ta Askatasuna (ETA) to demonstrate how organizational maintenance led the group to continue fighting when the costs outweighed the benefits. A detailed analysis of this material reveals that ETA was driven by a desire to survive and expand and that the survival of their organization was ultimately more important than the Basque nationalist movement.

The Effect of Big Five Personality Traits on Leader Member Exchange and Organization Citizenship Behavior in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Universities

There is a consensus in current literature and among Western European secret services that transnational organized crime, terrorism and human trafficking increased after 1989. These transnational threats make the distinction between internal and external security for European states increasingly difficult to maintain. These threats—especially transnational terrorism—are not new phenomena. Starting out from the beneficial advice to tackle terrorism on a case-by-case basis, this article analyzes the roles and transformation of the Spanish security forces in counterterrorism against Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) during the years 1959–1992. During these years of transformation from dictatorship to democracy and its subsequent consolidation, the Spanish governments were confronted with an internal security issue with important external security dimensions. From this tentative case study can be concluded that the Spanish governments and security forces became more effective once they comprehensively approached ETA as a transnational organization. The gradual demilitarization of the Spanish security forces formed an integral and important part of this process. This article also emphasizes that a state fighting transnational terrorism needs intensive international cooperation and can play a decisive role in its anti-terrorism policies and programs. Moreover, this study may demonstrate that the merger of internal and external security of Spain and the shifting roles of its security forces occurred in response to transnational terrorism already before 1989.

Despite overwhelming consensus among scientists about the reality of anthropogenic climate change (Bray, 2010; Oreskes, 2004), there remains significant reluctance on the part of citizens and politicians to take the action needed to address it. This resistance has been repeatedly identified in social research (Leiserowitz & Maibach, 2010; Leviston, Leitch, Greenhill, Leonard, & Walker, 2011; Lorenzoni & Pidgeon, 2006; McCright & Dunlap, 2011; Reser, Bradley, Glendon, Ellul, & Callaghan, 2012) and is mirrored by the lack of progress made by salient political summits (Rogelj et al., 2010). Perhaps as a response to this, scholarly journals and articles that are focused on climate change are growing. Natural scientists tell us that we know what needs to be done to avert dangerous climate change (IPCC, 2014), and economists tell us that delaying action in the short term will lead to much greater costs in the long term (Stern, 2007). Understanding public responses to climate change and developing solutions to catalyse action is a critical challenge for the social sciences, and we propose that the development and elaboration of a social psychology of climate change would be a cornerstone of such an approach. We do not make the claim that social psychology has all the answers but rather that the theories, models and research methods of social psychology can provide a powerful arsenal to complement the approaches of other disciplines. Researchers have already begun to apply social psychological theory and methods to the issue of climate change, and we highlight in the following sections examples of the insights that have flowed from this. We cannot assume, though, that our theories and findings will automatically generalise to the climate change context. As Moser (2010) has noted, there are unique dimensions to climate change that make it distinct from other environmental, risk and health issues: The causes of climate change are invisible to humans, the impacts are distal and it is complex and riddled with uncertainties. Modern urban humans are to some extent insulated from their physical environment, and the lags between the climate and social systems make it difficult for people to understand their role in influencing climate. These factors suggest the importance of developing a social psychology of climate change, empirically testing, integrating and refining existing theories and models to develop new frameworks. The notion that psychology can play a role in understanding and addressing climate change is not a new one. The American Psychological Association's Task Force on the interface between psychology and global climate change comprehensively detailed the ways in which psychological research can help to understand people's perceptions of the risks of climate change, the contribution of human behaviour to climate change, the psychosocial impacts of climate change, the ways in which people can adapt and cope with climate change and the psychological barriers that could limit climate change action (Swim et al., 2009, 2011). It is also not a new idea that social psychology can play an important role in understanding and addressing environmental problems and solutions (Clayton & Brook, 2005). Social psychology, specifically, has a long tradition of theory and research that is relevant to addressing key climate change questions. Attitudes, social cognition, persuasion and attitude change, social influence, and intragroup and intergroup behaviour, for instance, are fundamental foci for social psychology and have direct relevance for understanding the human and social dimensions of climate change. The time is ripe to understand the range of research that has been developing in social psychology on attitudes, beliefs and actions, to build upon these insights, and integrate them with knowledge from other sciences to develop models and theories indigenous to the climate change context. In the following section, we provide a brief overview of recent social psychological research that addresses three broad themes relevant to understanding and responding to climate change. These themes are as follows: (i) social psychological influences on climate change attitudes and beliefs; (ii) facilitators and barriers to climate change action; and (iii) changing climate change attitudes and behaviour. Although there is some overlap in these themes, as an organising principle they intuitively map on to key questions that arise in relation to climate change. Our aim is to highlight recent examples of social psychological research that provide interesting and important insights in relation to these themes. Swim, Markowitz, and Bloodhart (2012) have noted that much of the social psychological research on climate change has emerged since 2006; we focus in on the most recent of this research that has been published since 2010. We also outline how the studies in the special issue relate to these themes. We recognise that these are not the only areas where social psychological research and theory can make important contributions but they nevertheless relate to key questions that need to be addressed. We conclude the introduction by proposing considerations that social psychologists could take into account in their future research on climate change. A major focus in the climate change literature and the media more broadly has been on describing climate change attitudes and beliefs. In many developed nations, questions about beliefs and attitudes related to climate change have become a standard component of political polling (e.g. Gallup polls and Lowy Institute polls), and there are comprehensive national and cross-national surveys that address this topic. Examples include US research by the Yale Climate Change Communication project (Leiserowitz, Maibach, Roser-Renouf, & Smith, 2010), national surveys conducted in Australia (Leviston et al., 2011; Reser et al., 2012), and the U.K. (Pidgeon, 2012) and the Eurobarometer research conducted in Europe (The European Opinion Research Group, 2002). As the study of attitudes—their conceptualization, measurement, formation, function and relationship with behaviour—has been a cornerstone of social psychological research, social psychology can make important contributions to these assessments. Note that although social psychological theories usually distinguish between attitudes and beliefs, these terms are often used interchangeably in the climate change research domain, and for the sake of simplicity, we will usually use attitudes to encompass both attitudes and beliefs. Recent reviews of the attitude literature from 1996 to 2009 highlight significant trends and directions in this area of research (Ajzen, 2001; Bohner & Dickel, 2011; Crano & Prislin, 2006). These trends include the role of attitude strength and attitude ambivalence, the distinction between implicit and explicit attitudes, the recognition that attitudes have cognitive and affective underpinnings, and the influence of bodily and external physical cues on attitudes. Recent social psychological research on climate change particularly provides examples of the influence of bodily and external cues and the distinction between cognitive and affective aspects of attitudes, and three of the papers in the special issue address the latter issue. The work on internal bodily and external physical cues is a growing research area with a special issue of the European Journal of Social Psychology devoted to the concept of embodied cognition (Schubert & Semin, 2009). As the distal nature of climate change and the relative insulation of humans from their physical environment are thought to be key barriers to greater engagement with climate change (Moser, 2010), it is perhaps not surprising that this area of research has extended into the climate change domain. Cues that help to 'bring to life' the experience of global warming could help to overcome these psychological barriers. Risen and Critcher (2011) have shown that feelings of warmth increased beliefs in global warming and that this effect was mediated through greater ease in constructing more fluent mental images of hot outdoor images. Other studies have shown that people had greater concern about global warming and donated more money to a global warming charity when they thought that the temperature outside was warmer than usual (Li, Johnson, & Zaval, 2011), that embodied temperature influenced concern for global warming and willingness to volunteer for a global warming group (Lewandowski, Ciarocco, & Gately, 2012) and that priming heat-related cognitions resulted in greater belief in global warming and willingness to pay to reduce global warming (Joireman, Truelove, & Duell, 2010). Physical external cues, in this case the presence of bare trees in the laboratory, also increased belief in global warming (Guéguen, 2012). These studies illustrate how subtle cues can influence climate change attitudes in the moment, although the longevity of these effects on attitudes has not been explored. Another important direction in attitude research that has relevance for climate change is the recognition that attitudes have affective as well as cognitive underpinnings. This is important when considering that the high levels of risk associated with climate change means that it could elicit strong emotional responses. Cognitive approaches to understanding attitudes (e.g. expectancy-value models) have been at the forefront of how we understand attitude formation (Ajzen, 2001). From this perspective, attitudes are the outcome of a cognitive process of evaluating beliefs about the attitude object; for example, a person who has positive beliefs about a climate change policy is likely to hold favourable attitudes to that policy. Consistent with the importance of cognitive, rational processes, Tobler, Visschers, and Siegrist (2012) have shown that perceived costs and benefits of climate change policies were significant predictors of support for these policies and, in most cases, were stronger predictors of behavioural willingness and policy support than other variables (e.g. demographics, climate change concern and climate change scepticism). But there is also evidence for the affective basis of attitudes and even for the primacy of affective aspects of attitudes (Verplanken, Jofstee, & Janssen, 1998; Zajonc, 1984). Recent reviews of the attitude literature suggest that, rather than attitudes being determined by one or the other, affect and cognition are both likely to be important for the formation of attitudes (Ajzen, 2001; Crano & Prislin, 2006). For example, whether affective or cognitive aspects of attitude objects are accessed more readily depends on whether the attitude object itself is more affectively or cognitively based (Giner-Sorolla, 2004). Three articles in the current issue pick up on the cognitive and affective aspects of climate change attitudes and perceptions. Although it seems intuitively likely that having greater knowledge about climate change should be related to climate change attitudes, findings in relation to knowledge have been mixed. Some research has shown that knowing more about the causes and consequences of climate change is associated with greater climate change risk judgments (Sunblad, Biel, & Gärling, 2009), whereas other studies have shown no effects or have suggested the possibility that having more knowledge could even be negatively related to climate change beliefs for those with a politically conservative orientation (Malka, Krosnick, & Langer, 2009; McCright & Dunlap, 2011). Yet, Guy, Kashima, Walker, and O'Neill (this issue) point out that knowledge is usually measured with proxy measures such as scientific literacy or self-reported climate change knowledge rather than objective knowledge of climate change, and therefore, it is premature to dismiss the positive relationship between knowledge and attitudes. Their study used an objective measure of climate change knowledge and shows that people who are more knowledgeable have greater belief that climate change is happening, and, moreover, knowledge attenuates the negative relationship between ideology (i.e. individualism) and climate change attitudes. Van der Linden (this issue) specifically addresses how affect and cognition relate to climate change perceptions. The study investigates the relationship between personal experiences of extreme weather events, affect relating to climate change, and climate change risk perceptions. The results of the structural equation modelling of a national British sample provides support for a dual-process model whereby cognitive appraisals activate risk perceptions, and risk and affect mutually reinforce each other in a feedback loop. The paper by Leviston, Price, and Bishop (this issue) explores the role of affect in climate change responses somewhat differently in that it looks at the images people bring to mind when they think about climate change and assesses the affect associated with these images. The research explores whether the types of images that people associate with climate change might be a way of psychologically and affectively engaging or distancing themselves from climate change. It is not enough that people endorse attitudes that are in tune with scientific consensus on climate change; these attitudes need to translate into positive action, whether that is individual private-sphere behaviours such as 'green' consumerism, public-sphere non-activist behaviour such as voting for political parties with environmentally responsible policies or collective environmental activism that seeks to influence decision-makers (Stern, 2000). These types of distinctions are important as the different classes of behaviour might have quite different facilitators and barriers (Stern, 2000). Another important distinction when considering climate-change-related behaviour is the extent to which it is habitual and automatic versus reasoned and deliberative (Ouellette & Wood, 1998). Automaticity of environmentally harmful behaviour poses a serious barrier, whereas automaticity of environmentally protective behaviour makes future behaviour of this type more likely (Van Lange & Joireman, 2008). Yet another potentially important consideration is the goals associated with behaviours (Lindenberg & Steg, 2007). Behaviours can be performed for a range of reasons, and individuals' perception of their own motives could have implications for their future actions. As an example, energy conservation behaviours could be performed primarily to reduce carbon emissions or to save money; the issue with engaging in environmentally protective behaviours for non-environmental reasons is that it could undermine the development of an environmentalist identity (van der Werff, Steg, & Keizer, 2013) and reduce the likelihood of behavioural spillover (Thøgersen & Crompton, 2009). A range of social psychological theories outline the mechanisms that motivate people to take action, and these have had great reach both inside and outside of social psychology. These theories include (but are not limited to) theory of planned behaviour (Ajzen, 1991), self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 2000) and perspectives that foreground the role of norms (e.g. norm focus theory; Cialdini, Reno, & Kallgren, 1990) and the social identity perspective (see Hornsey, 2008 for a recent review). The theory of planned behaviour has been used to examine determinants of a range of private-sphere environmental behaviours including employees' energy-saving behaviours (Greaves, Zibarras, & Stride, 2013; Zhang, Wang, & Zhou, 2014), private landholders' carbon sequestration and trading (Thompson & Hansen, 2013), renewable energy use (Alam et al., 2014) and opposition to wind farms (Read, Brown, Thorsteinsson, Morgan, & Price, 2013). Similarly, research drawing on self-determination theory has identified that experiencing more autonomous, self-determined motivation or perceiving that the government is more autonomy supportive is related to public-sphere and private-sphere environmental behaviours (De Groot & Steg, 2010; Lavergne, Sharp, Pelletier, & Holtby, 2010). Perhaps one of the most important contributions of social psychology to understanding human behaviour has been its theorisation of the influence of social norms (e.g. Cialdini et al., 1990). From a social identity perspective, the social groups to which we belong provide guidelines for appropriate behaviour through the internalisation of group norms (Hogg & Abrams, 1988; Hornsey, 2008). We only need to consider the powerful relationship between political party identification and climate change responses to see evidence of this process (Dunlap & McCright, 2008; Fielding, Head, Laffan, Western, & Hoegh-Guldberg, 2012). According to the social identity perspective, group norms are more likely to guide environmental behaviour when the social identity is more central and salient (Fielding, Terry, Masser, & Hogg, 2008; Terry, Hogg, & White, 1999). Furthermore, in salient intergroup contexts, in-group members tend to polarise away from out-group members, and their environmental intentions and behaviour will become more in-group normative (Ferguson, & 2011; & 2012). and (this issue) our understanding of how social identity and associated in-group norms influences climate-change-related behaviour. on social identity to distinguish between dimensions of group identification and whether different dimensions are more likely to guide behaviour. that extent to which group identity is important to the and rather than among group the relationship between group norms and when those behaviours are high Although much of the research to has focused on understanding and private-sphere environmental and (van & have extended their model of with collective to understand responses to climate change (Van & 2008). on a perspective & Swim, 2011), they propose and provide evidence for for people to with the climate and In the case of climate change, is a likely to be by and to the extent that they they be more likely to take action to reduce their can also be through that to their beliefs about whether group action will be in with climate change. and (this issue) this research by determinants of intentions to in collective climate emotional specifically on and as central and social norms into the Their findings that the perceived norm intentions to take part in a climate perceptions of and group In the section, we a brief overview of theories that could help to understand climate-change-related and these approaches suggest variables to to effect change. For example, research has shown the of to influence environmentally related behaviour et al., 2013; et al., 2010; Cialdini, & 2008; Cialdini, & 2008; & 2013; et al., 2012). In this section, we focus on research that addresses key that might be when to influence climate-change-related attitudes, beliefs and actions. important direction in research has been the of how to climate change to positive in climate change attitudes and beliefs. From a social psychological perspective, one of the of is the role of attitudes in & Dickel, 2011). A of the literature to a effect of attitudes on for versus et al., 2009), and there is evidence that this is more likely when people hold strong attitudes & 2007). This that people's attitudes will influence how they to to change climate-change-related attitudes and beliefs, and research is broadly with this. greater to on climate change with their own & and are more likely to climate when it to their beliefs & 2011; & 2013). In response to this, some have climate to be more when they with the For example, with greater had greater intentions when with that behaviour as the American way of & 2010), and climate greater intentions when with that the positive effects of climate change on the development of new Hornsey, & 2012). the of more we know from the work of and that people are risk and that risk in ways that highlight the of can be more than that focus on In the of climate change where is a of the and (2011) have shown that climate change that the the but the possibility of stronger intentions to and (this issue) on the model of & 2013) to provide a for climate change In they with one of policies that in renewable energy or limit The with the policies was when the with the policy. there was more with a policy of in renewable energy an when it was in terms of whereas greater was for a policy of emissions a when it was as also that the focus of their responses to the Another key issue that be is the possibility of to climate change and the risks to human and from climate change, of and are central to the of climate change. the effects of in relation to health behaviour & & 2000) provide evidence that elicit greater attitude and behaviour change but only when the is by of responses propose that people that response are and they have the to out the they will in behaviours to the there is this in to the such as or The for to climate change is in a study by and greater of climate change among with stronger beliefs who had been with about climate change, whereas this not on more Research has also shown that of to from climate change, particularly can be made more take the perspective of the by climate change (Swim & in to climate change also when social are & 1999). For example, when were to evidence of energy use by their own they were more likely to climate change to causes than when the was about 2013). Furthermore, this greater to causes was negatively associated with climate change concern and support for climate change that help reduce identity can greater engagement with climate change. on the and (2010) that a to reduce the of of climate change and personal with climate change and environmental behaviour. Although can help reduce to climate change, and (this issue) that the for to environmental problems can undermine individuals' willingness to take environmental as progress that can to future environmental and human health problems can reduce the likelihood of engaging in environmentally behaviour. The is perceptions of that a of in an as the idea of scientific progress our the need to through individual actions. The from this research is that it is important not to scientific of the major barriers that has been identified in relation to action to address climate change is the distal nature of the et al., major consequences will in the future and are perceived as more likely to affect other those who are already most This of climate change that that reduce the between and the future or between the and other humans help to overcome this In support of this, that focus on environmental consequences of climate change help climate change engagement & 2013), and to take the perspective of a future human experiencing environmental problems environmental engagement & 2013). The research of and (this issue) to whether our human identity can influence willingness to take environmental Consistent with research, they that are related to greater willingness to in environmental is though, is that priming people who have to think about to have high related to potentially it an intergroup context. This provides evidence of the of about climate change and the need to understand the Social psychology can also point to some and to greater willingness to in to address climate change. and (this issue) that that whether have an versus an can make a to how many behaviours they consider engaging In that had out behaviours they would not consider resulted in being to in more behaviours than an where people consider what they would consider from a In this introduction to the special we highlight areas where social psychological research has important insights to understanding climate change attitudes, beliefs and what influences these and how they can be We used recent social psychological research and the papers from this current issue to illustrate key The strength of a social psychological of climate change is that it can help us to understand the of responses to climate change, for example, how attitudes can be influenced by both affect and cognition, how attitudes and beliefs can responses to climate change and people to climate change with and It can also provide and to the of climate change It is to see the and of social psychological research that addresses important questions related to climate change, although this has been a recent (Swim et al., 2012). we are to to make important contributions to this area of research, though, we propose that social psychologists should consider the following in their future We noted that there are a range of that can take to address climate change, from private-sphere behaviours to non-activist public-sphere behaviours to environmental activism (Stern, 2000). Although all of these approaches can some have greater than & 2009). have greater to influence and and to effect Despite this, social psychological research often investigates private-sphere actions. As a we can our contribution to climate change research by our focus to individual behaviours and public-sphere responses to climate change & 2008). As a we are to what is about climate change. The groups we belong to and the social we can be powerful influences on our attitudes, beliefs and the effect of political identification on climate change attitudes is a of this. area where these have relevance is in the of national and climate change As an example, and (2012) on social identity to the in that when the of individual and other become a identity can that will lead to greater likelihood of The consideration of intergroup and how these or positive responses to climate change (e.g. climate change and introduction of climate change is an area that could provide important A critical distinction made in relation to climate change is between and According to the on Climate Change the to human to reduce the impacts of climate change, whereas the latter to that can be made to human or systems that can help to the or the that would from or climate change and are even the measures will not some of climate change, and is needed to with this (IPCC, Yet the issue of psychological has been in climate change & Swim, 2011). This is for at (i) as noted some of climate change is research on is and (ii) a lack of understanding of could in that to or reduce to climate change that impacts or of other or social & social psychological research is to be a serious to the climate change research greater needs to be focused on of The need to to the distinction between and to the need for social psychologists to work with other disciplines. et we social psychologists to become with the and research of other relevant that address climate change to the relevance and reach of social psychological research in this that solutions to climate change cannot be developed by one the issue systems including and A is and social psychology can make a significant contribution by methods and theories that help social and cognitive In we in this introduction to the special issue to foreground social psychological theories and findings relevant to key climate change questions. Although social psychology can a of and the social psychology of climate change is and more needs to be done we have a of and theories that are to climate change. we this, the of social psychology is likely to be at the of climate We that the special issue can help the progress that has been made and catalyse the development of an indigenous social psychology of climate change. We social psychologists to this that we can be part of the to one of the and environmental of our

We report the results of an archival study of group research published in three organizational psychology journals (Journal of Applied Psychology, Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, and Academy of Management Journal) from 1975 through 1994 Moreland, Hogg, and Hains (1994), in a review of three social psychology journals (Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, and Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin), suggested there is an increasing enthusiasm for the social psychological study of groups However, their data indicated that nthusiasm for group research in social psychology may be primarily due to the popularity of one category, intergroup relations We tested the proposal that research traditionally viewed as intragroup (e g, group performance) has been taken up by organizational psychologists Our data support this contention, as the publication pattern for intragroup research topics in the three organizational journals was an inverse of that reported by Moreland et al Results are discussed in terms of historical and interdisciplinary trends within psychology.

This guide accompanies the following article: Giessner, S.R., Ullrich, J., & van Dick, R., ‘Social Identity and Corporate Mergers’. Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5/6 (2011): 333–345, doi: 10.1111/j.1751‐9004.2011.00357.x Authors’ Introduction Social psychology is concerned with people interacting as members of social groups. Corporate mergers provide an interesting field to apply social psychological theory in practice and also provide a context for the test and development of such theories. Mergers and acquisitions have been shown to often fail their financial and other strategic aims – one key reason for this failure is that human resources, that is, the needs of employees involved in the merger, are often considered less important than legal, technological or other factors by senior managers. In particular, it is often the merger’s impact on employee identities as members of the pre‐merger organizations and its consideration by change leaders that determines the merger’s failure or success. The article ‘Social Identity and Corporate Mergers’ utilizes a social identity approach to analyze the problem zones of mergers and we provide research suggesting how to lead a merger into success. In particular, leaders should provide reasons for why the merger is necessary, they should demonstrate actual and future continuity to reduce uncertainties due to the merger situation and leaders should pay attention to status differentials (e.g., between employees of the acquiring versus the acquired organization) as employees of the lower status merger partner have different concerns than employees of the higher status merger organization. Authors’ Recommend Hogan, E. A., & Overmyer‐Day, L. (1994). The psychology of mergers and acquisitions. In C. L. Cooper & L. T. Robertson (Eds), International review of industrial and organizational psychology (Vol. 9, pp. 247–281). Chichester, UK: Wiley. This paper is an early comprehensive overview of psychological processes involved in mergers and acquisitions. Cartwright, S. (2005). Mergers and acquisitions: An update and appraisal. In G. P. Hodgkinson & J. K. Ford (Eds.), International review of industrial and organizational psychology (Vol. 20, pp. 1–38). Chichester, UK: Wiley. This paper provides an update of the classic overview by Hogan and Overmyer‐Day (1994). King, D. R., Dalton, D. R., Daily, C. M., & Covin, J. G. (2004). Meta‐analyses of post‐acquisition performance: Indications of unidentified moderators. Strategic Management Journal , 25, 187–200. This article provides a strategic perspective on M&As’ (financial) performance presenting findings of a meta‐analytic summary of 93 empirical studies. Based on more than 800 effect sizes from over than 200,000 mergers and acquisitions and using a range of accounting measures of acquisition outcomes (e.g., return on investment, return on equity), the authors conclude that returns are either unaffected or slightly negatively affected after the M&A deal. Marks, M. L., & Mirvis, P. H. (2001). Making mergers and acquisitions work: Strategic and psychological preparation. The Academy of Management Executive , 15, 80–94. Marks and Mirvis start their paper with the notion that three out of four mergers fail to achieve their objectives. The authors then present a hands‐on approach for managers with a number of straightforward suggestions (e.g., ‘define the end state’; ‘cards‐on‐the‐table’). Further, they provide a classification of integration end‐states which can be nicely combined with the discussion of the representation of organizational identity in the article ‘Social Identity and Corporate Mergers’. van Knippenberg, D., van Knippenberg, B., Monden, L., & de Lima, F. (2002). Organizational identification after a merger: A social identity perspective. British Journal of Social Psychology , 41, 233–252. This paper is one of the first articles utilizing a social identity approach to understand why issues of dominance and continuity are crucial factors for employees’ post‐merger identity. Two survey studies are presented providing support for the authors’ hypotheses. Online Material http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ppYUZ1aoKYE A 10‐minute video in which management researcher Philip Mirvis is discussing organizational culture clashes and how to integrate organizations after a merger. http://www.london.edu/videoandaudio/facultyandresearch/organisationalbehaviour.html Collection of inspirational short video clips by London Business School faculty, including several on organizational change. Sample Portion of an Organizational Behavior Syllabus (for a BSc or MBA class) An excellent reading accompanying this course is: Robbins, S. P., & Judge, T. A. (2011). Organizational behavior (14th edn). New York: Prentice Hall. This is a comprehensive, accessible textbook covering all areas of organizational behavior and provides lots of additional features (point‐counterpoint, exercises) and accompanying material (self‐assessments, videos). Week 1: Course Administration and Introduction Week 2: Models of organizational behavior Week 3: Individual Level I: Personality, perception, emotions, attitudes Week 4: Individual Level II: Motivation Week 5: Group Level I: Groups and teams in organizations Week 6: Group Level II: Leadership Week 7: Group Level III: Power and conflict Week 8: Organizational Level I: Organizational structure Week 9: Organizational Level II: Organizational culture Week 10: Organizational Level III: Organizational change – Mergers & Acquisitions

Russian organizational psychology began to develop in the 20s of the twentieth century. The impetus for its appearance was the need for accelerated industrial development. In the early years of its inception, organizational psychology was based on ideas expressed in this field by foreign scientists and practitioners — organizers of production. Numerous conferences on the problems of scientific organization of labor were held, and their own scientific directions and theories were gradually formed. The main goals of organizational psychology are psychological support and the search for ways to improve the efficiency of work in various organizations. Pioneering work in this area was the research of scientists of the St. Petersburg (Leningrad) Psychological School. The article discusses the historical milestones of the creation and development of organizational social psychology at LSU/St. Petersburg State University. Special attention is paid to the analysis of scientific and historical prerequisites for the formation and current state of organizational social psychology at the Department of Social Psychology of St. Petersburg State University. The main directions of socio-psychological thought in the field of organizational psychology are: 1) scientific analysis and search for socio-psychological ways to improve the efficiency of personnel; 2) substantiation of approaches to the study of the socio-psychological climate and organizational culture; 3) research of socio-psychological processes occurring in labor collectives (job satisfaction, labor stimulation, collective forms of labor organization, adaptation of employees, increasing their loyalty and engagement); 4) development of socio-psychological methods of training employees of organizations (business games, socio-psychological training); 5) theoretical and methodological justification of the concept of consolidation of the social capital of organizations; 6) study of career problems and gender inequality of working women.

Leeds Metropolitan University In recent years, many instances of positive collective emotional manifestations of widely shared forms of pride, joy, and happiness have been reported in international media. Reactions to Obama’s election victory in 2008 included pride, excitement, and euphoria amongst supporters within the USA and worldwide. In 2010, the successful rescue of trapped miners in Chile produced contrasting emotions of national pride within the coun-try and transnational collective joy in the global audience following the drama. In Japan, the women’s soccer team triumph in the 2011 FIFA World Cup produced widespread hap-piness only a few months aft er the nuclear disaster and devastating tsunami. In the Ivory Coast in April 2011, supporters of rebel Alassane Ouattara celebrated in the streets aft er the UN confi rmed the capture and surrender of former President Gbagbo. Finally, 80% of the 1002 Britons (aged 16 years and over) surveyed about the 2012 Olympics felt that the “games has made people more proud to be British”—although 53% also agreed with the statement: “the eff ect will be short-lived” (BBC, 2012). Th ese instances of intense collective positive emotion represent only a brief list of events that require greater investigation, understanding, and explanation by an interdisciplinary combination of work from philosophy, sociology, cultural studies, political science, and social psychology. Although multiple perspectives can be taken toward the emotions that occur in groups, it is important to identify some common features. Even when groups (or subgroups) are ephemeral, collective emotion is felt by most members of the group. Th is demonstrates not only the means by which a group is identifi ed by other groups and how group members conceive themselves, but also displays common group inter-ests, values, and aims. It is useful to be aware of: (1) the wide variety of groups in which collective emotions can occur; (2) the degree of commitment, attachment, or identifi ca-tion involved; and (3) the types of collectives that aff ord collective emotions. Salmela (forthcoming) reminds us that collective emotions can occur on the basis of voluntary commitment to “teams, fan clubs, social clubs, bands and orchestras, theater ensembles, political parties, religious sects, as well as other identity groups that focus on gender, sexuality, health, environment, spirituality, or ethnicity.” Furthermore, events affi rming

Organization scholars have extensively studied both the politics of organization and the organization of politics. Contributing to the latter, we argue for further and deeper consideration of political parties, since: (1) parties illuminate organizational dynamics of in- and exclusion; (2) internal struggles related to the constitution of identities, practices and procedures are accentuated in parties; (3) the study of parties allow for the isolation of processes of normative and affective commitment; (4) parties prioritize and intensify normative control mechanisms; (5) party organizing currently represents an example of profound institutional change, as new (digital) formations challenge old bureaucratic models. Consequently, we argue that political parties should be seen as ‘critical cases’ of organizing, meaning that otherwise commonplace phenomena are intensified and exposed in parties. This allows researchers to use parties as magnifying glasses for zooming-in on organizational dynamics that may be suppressed or concealed by the seemingly non-political façade of many contemporary organizations. In conclusion, we argue that organization scholars are in a privileged position to investigate how political parties function today and how their democratic potential can be improved in the future. To this end, we call on Organization and Management Studies to engage actively with alternative parties in an attempt to explore and promote progressive change within the formal political system.

Clanek analyzuje volebni podporu středových populistických stran v Ceske republice. Na zakladě dat z narodnich volebnich studii a s využitim vybraných teorii volebniho chovani nejde volebni podporu těchto stran vysvětit pomoci tradicnich konfliktnich linii, ale pťedevsim pomoci hodnoceni valencnich charakteristik.