Household classification, family diversity and poverty risks in Europe: Addressing a North-Western bias

1. IntroductionOn average, 15% of European children live in one-parent households, most of them headed by women, and this kind of household has a higher risk of poverty than couple-headed households (OECD 2014). Furthermore, there is evidence that under some conditions, nurturing children in single-mother households has negative consequences for the children's cognitive and emotional development that affect them throughout their entire lives (see Sigle-Rushton and McLanahan 2004 for a review). In Southern European countries, described as family-based welfare regimes (Esping-Andersen 1999), state protection for children is among the lowest in the European Union. However, when comparing poverty ratios between children nurtured in single-parent families and those in two parent households, family-based regimes show smaller differences than other welfare regimes. In the mid-1990s the risk of poverty among children residing in single-parent families was as much as twice as high as the risk of poverty among children residing in two-parent households, while this ratio was much higher in the other Western nations (Luxembourg Income Study, Key Figures. Data from mid-1990's)It seems paradoxical that the relative standard of living of children in single-parent households is better where state social investment is lower. However, this ceases to be such a paradox when we take into consideration the composition effect of single parenthood in Southern Europe. Previous studies with data from the 1990s or early 2000s showed a positive relationship between single motherhood and educational level in Southern Europe (Flaquer, Almeda, and Navarro 2006; Garriga 2010; McLanahan 2004), while this relationship was negative in Northern Europe (McLanahan 2004; Kennedy and Thomson 2010). Furthermore, a high percentage of single mothers in Southern Europe live with their parents in order to balance work and family life or escape from poverty (Trevino 2006; Flaquer and Garriga 2009).The purpose of our study is to examine whether such a composition effect still exists in Southern Europe, given the changing social context characterized by: a) a dramatic change in labor market conditions, b) huge changes in the ethnic composition of the younger population as a result of massive immigration waves, and c) deep-seated changes in family values affecting divorce, cohabitation, and out-of-wedlock patterns. Given that all these changes have not happened with equal intensity among all southern countries, we have selected Spain and Italy as two cases representing two different trends (Moreno and Mari-Klose 2013). Our results confirm that the relationship between educational level and single parenthood has been clearly inverted in Spain, where we have observed a positive association between less-educated women and single motherhood, where the risk of becoming a single mother is now higher among the less-educated. Similar changes, though lower in intensity, are happening in Italy among younger women and in the wealthiest regions. All in all, these changes seem more related to long-term trends than to any effect derived from the economic crisis or migration.2. The Second Demographic Transition and educational variation in single parenthoodSingle parenthood arises from widowhood, out-of-wedlock birth, divorce, and remarriage. Single parenthood is an option for very young girls who get pregnant out of wedlock, most of them from working-class or underclass backgrounds (Kearney and Levine 2012). This source of single parenthood is more frequent in the American continent than in Western Europe, with the exception of the United Kingdom and Ireland, and is very rare in Southern Europe (Part et al. 2013). Widowhood is another source of single parenthood, and for a long time it was the main cause of single parenthood in societies where divorce was forbidden or tightly restricted by law, such as in pre-democratic Spain (Flaquer 1998). Widowhood is more frequent among the lower social strata, given their shorter life expectancy. …

America has experienced a marked increase in non-nuclear family structures over the last five decades. The evolution of more diverse family systems has led some researchers to eschew a “one size fits all” approach to parenting assessment, as these measures may neglect or misconstrue parent-child dynamics unique to non-nuclear families. The current study examined the underlying factor structure of the Alabama Parenting Questionnaire (APQ) in two distinct family structures to determine if parenting constructs were replicated across groups. Participants included 246 mothers from single parent and two-parent households in Louisiana. Statistical analyses included exploratory factor analysis, replication analysis, hierarchical regression analysis, and tests of interaction. Although one positive parenting construct was evident across family structures, the basic structural replication of the remaining constructs failed. Results also indicated that the original, theoretically-derived parenting constructs of the APQ demonstrated low reliability and internal consistency among the single parent sample. Finally, while increased levels of inconsistent discipline were predictive of increased conduct problems and child aggression in the two-parent sample, neither parenting constructs nor demographic variables were significant predictors of mother-reported behavior problems in children from single parent households. Overall, the current study failed to provide clear evidence to suggest that parenting constructs operate differently depending on family composition. Additional research will be beneficial in determining the degree to which family structure impacts parenting behavior.

The purpose of this study was to understand the representations of the image drawing of family of single-parent and biparental family children in Taipei County. There were 120 children, who were the first grade and second grade students; and they were randomly chose from Tucheng, Banqiao, Xinzhuang, Zhonghe, and Jinshan these five areas. In addition, they were divided as two groups: 60 single-parent family children and 60 biparental family children. All children were asked to make a Kinetic Family Drawing, and then researcher collected all children’s Kinetic Family Drawing pictures. There all collected data were analyzed with descriptive statistics, Chi square, one-way ANOVA. From all children’s pictures of Kinetic Family Drawing (KFD), this study found the results as following: 1. Single-parent and biparental Family children’s Kinetic Family Drawings have significant differences on “action”, like “interaction between figures” and “activities”. 2. Single-parent and biparental family children’s Kinetic Family Drawings have significant differences on “position, distance, and barriers”, like “physical distance between figures” and “barriers”. 3. Single-parent and biparental family children’s Kinetic Family Drawings have significant differences on “style”, like “compartmentalization” and “omission of figures” 4. Single-parent and biparental family children’s Kinetic Family Drawings have significant differences on “figure characteristics”, like “size of figures”,“transparencies”, and “figure with the shortest arm length”. 5. Single-parent and biparental family children’s Kinetic Family Drawings have significant differences on symbols”, like “kitchenware”. According to the result, the researcher proposed some suggestions as references for parents, school teachers, and future researchers about family education, parental education, and future research.

The impact of emotional acknowledgement and self-esteem on resilience to family dysfunction

Purpose: The article discusses the risk of poverty and social exclusion of rural residents in the context of sustainable rural development. Poverty is a social phenomenon that affects all socioeconomic groups; however, rural residents are impacted by this issue more than their urban counterparts. Rural areas are important because they constitute a large part of the European Union (80-95% of the area, depending on the member country) and almost a quarter of the population live there. The aim of the paper is to identify the level of poverty and social exclusion in rural areas of the EU and selected aspiring and EU-related countries. Design/Methodology/Approach: The empirical data in the article come from the EU-SILC (the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions). To realize the abovementioned goal, a multidimensional analysis of correspondence was used. Findings: The Central, Eastern and Southern European countries are at much higher risk of poverty or social exclusion than Western Europe. The study showed that one in four rural residents in the EU were at risk of poverty or social exclusion, and one in five were at risk of poverty. Practical Implications: Determining the proportion of people deprived of the possibility of satisfying their needs at a specific level is a voice in the discussion on further actions that should be undertaken to increase social cohesion and meet the expectations of contemporary sustainable development. Originality/value: The poverty is not a one-dimension phenomenon. It involves many aspects of the everyday life, as proven by the material deprivation rate (also severe material deprivation rate) and the risk of poverty or social exclusion. The authors emphasize that there is a need to modify this indicator.

One of the most pressing challenges of single-parent families is the concern for their socioeconomic well-being. Single-parent families are more likely to be poor than two-parent families, and there is growing concern about the rising inequality among family types. Much research has focused on how children fare in single-parent families and whether or not they are at a disadvantage. However, concerns are not limited to children living in single-parent families, but also to single parents themselves. Single parenthood is strongly gendered: single parents are mostly mothers, and they therefore experience unequal opportunities and gender discrimination in the labor market. This bibliography addresses the key issues and debates related to single-parent families. Rather than promoting a single argument, it introduces the reader to a number of different perspectives, without taking a position on one perspective over the other. As the single-parent literature is broad and expanding rapidly, it is difficult to cover all aspects of single parenthood. Instead, this bibliography focuses on single-parent families in context. It covers how individual characteristics of single parents, such as their resources and education, shape aspects of their well-being. Yet the main focus is on how their well-being is also shaped by their socioeconomic and institutional context. How do employment and policy affect the lives of single parents and their children? The bibliography uses a comparative focus to examine the research on single-parent families across countries. Hence, it does not include all publications that address single parenthood, such as the social psychological aspects, but rather it examines the literature that best captures how single parents are doing in the context of the institutions and policies that surround them. This bibliography on “Single Parents in Context” is structured in six major sections. First, a broad overview of the literature is provided in the section on General Contributions This covers what can be considered Classics in the literature, and prior Research Overviews. The second section deals with aspects of the Socioeconomic Well-Being of single parents and their families, including Poverty, Child Well-Being, and Stigma. The next major sections (a substantial part of the bibliography) cover explanations for the often impaired well-being among single-parent families. These sections include resource-based, employment-based, and policy-based explanations. Resource-Based Explanations focus on individual characteristics of the single parents themselves, and include the debate regarding the important Diverging Destinies and Life-Course Perspective. Diverging Destinies suggests that single-parent families are increasingly common among those with lower socioeconomic resources, such as education. Life-Course Perspective discusses the dynamic process of single parenthood over the life course, such as transitions into and out of single parenthood. Employment-Based Explanations examine to what extent, and under which conditions, a job can be a means to improve single parents’ well-being. Employment is indeed important, because in some contexts single parents are employed but remain in poverty—considered the Working Poor. Additionally, single parents face particular challenges in terms of Work-Life Balance and negotiating the demands of work and family. Most importantly, this bibliography covers a wide range of policies and emphasizes various Policy-Based Explanations. Family Policy facilitates maternal employment and, increasingly, paternal care, as well as providing financial transfers to families with children. Active Labor Market Policy represents those policies that are often in the form of services, such as job placement and training. Such policy seeks to facilitate the employment of the inactive and unemployed. Redistributive Policy typically provides income transfers to help families financially sustain themselves. This is support from the social safety net in the form of cash assistance such as housing, food, and child benefit. Naturally, there is overlap between policy types, but family policy for families with children warrants a specific focus. There is also a focus on Child Support, which is a set of policies that regulates financial transfers among households of separated parents. This is followed by Policy Debates, a discussion that emphasizes the key debates around the design and implementation of policy for single-parent families. The final major section, Research Frontiers, lays out the frontiers in single-parent research. It highlights the potential major challenges and opportunities for research in years to come. These areas include Shared Parenting, Methodological Innovations, and Global Perspectives on what works for single parents and their families.

A cross-national comparison of the linkages between family structure histories and early adolescent substance use

Irregular breakfast consumption in adolescence and the family environment: Underlying causes by family structure

Within members of the global village, affluent or poor nations alike, the family structure has undergone a dramatic change. Taiwan is no exception. In the past, the traditional Taiwanese family secures social order by fusing social forces adhesively. However, accompanied with economic development, feminist movement and population immigration, the traditional Taiwanese family structure has undergone a dramatically change. The traditional family has faced colossal challenges; the increased unwedded mothers, sky-high divorce rate, separated family due to parents working in the both side of the Taiwan Strait. All of these contribute towards making the single parent family as a “social fact” in the trend of Taiwan social change.Unlike other countries, the ratio of single parent family with male headed families has been relatively high in Taiwan. A 2001 nationwide survey of 3500 single parent families in Taiwan indicates that the ratio of male headed and female headed single parent families respectively is close to 1:1, and the economic condition has no significant difference. Furthermore, since the remarried rate of parents in the single parent family is low (in 2007 the divorce rate in Taiwan was 2.5/1000, the remarried rate for male was 27.1/1000, for female was 11.2/1000), more than half of surveyed single parent families have lived in such structure more than five years. It shows that the lifestyle of single parent family in Taiwan has become commonplace. Two distinctive characteristics of Taiwanese single parent family are the high ratio of (1) covert single parent family due to a conservative culture regarding separation being better than divorce; (2) three generation family with grandparents, single parent, and children becomes the most significant social support network of single parent family. Follow this line of thinking, Taiwanese social policy of single parent family should be planned to adjust to the special cultural needs of single parent families in Taiwan like single parent family living with grandparents. However, Taiwanese government has not yet implemented such policy and establishes various social aids for eliminating poverty. These unstructured aids have focused generally on single parent family with mother only while most single parent families relied on un-official and non-organizational support.This study has suggested that the government should actively construct comprehensive family-focused policy and support network among single parent families to provide services to reduce their heavy housework and work load and explore different needs of various single families.

Family structure, unstructured socializing, and delinquent behavior

A groundbreaking collection of writings on the growing phenomenon of single-parent families in the United States, and how it impacts society as a whole. Focus on Single-Parent Families: Past, Present, and Future brings together in one volume a range of cutting-edge research articles and essays on what has become the most dynamic change in family structure in U.S. history. It is the only resource to make the most insightful and important work being done on the single-parent family phenomena accessible to general readers. Focus on Single-Parent Families helps readers go beyond the stereotypes and look closely at the complexity of families with one parent and consider their place in society. It encompasses the wide variety of households with a single parent—a family structure that promises to continue to grow and diversify. Throughout, the book gauges the impact of the increasing number of single-parent families on the nation as a whole, particularly in regard to policies concerning family welfare, children’s services and health care, schools, and other essential social institutions.

Relevance. Sustainable development is now an increasingly important topic on the global agenda, which received much attention in connection with the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Research objectives. The article aims to contribute to the understanding of sustainability expansion and SDGs achievement in Europe by comparing the differences between Western and Eastern European countries. Data and methods. The study relies on descriptive statistics and comparative analysis of sustainable development results in Western (18) and Eastern European (21) countries. The parametric Student's t-distribution test and non-parametric U Mann-Whitney test were used to examine the significance of the differences between Western and Eastern European countries. Results. Sustainable development in Eastern and Western European countries is affected by various economic, social and environmental processes. The SDGs in Western European countries is achieved mostly in the social and economic spheres while in the Eastern European countries, in social and environmental spheres. Although Europe leads globally on sustainability, it still faces significant challenges in reaching the SDGs. Conclusions. European countries are compared in order to identify the main SDGs directions and constraints in the current state of sustainability achievement. Research findings can be useful for adjustment of the integrated sustainable development strategy at the global and national levels.

This paper examines the extent and persistence of relative child poverty in Spain making use of the available cross-sectional and longitudinal microdata on households. The cross-sectional evidence analyzed covers the period from the end of the Franco era to the beginning of the 1990s. The longitudinal analysis focuses only on the more recent 1985 - 95 period. The analysis shows that despite the fact that a major socioeconomic transformation took place in Spain and the population poverty rate significantly decreased in the period, the extent of child poverty over the period did not experience any significant change. Children living in households with 3 or more children with other dependent adults face one of the highest poverty risks, the highest rate of inflow into poverty and the lowest rate of outflow from poverty. The risk of poverty and of persistent poverty for a child in lone and single parent families is also higher than that of households headed by couples. It seems that young unemployed parents or elderly retired grandparents with a low level of education impose onto children a higher risk of poverty and of persistent poverty. In contrast, children in single parent households have a higher risk of suffering income instability. However, all child poverty risks are substantially reduced with the presence of other non dependent adults. Their role is one of protection against poverty risks for households out of poverty. Thus, the presence in the household of some employed adults is acting as a safety net for low income families.

Schools include growing proportions of students from single-parent families and stepfamilies, and this trend prompts the investigation of whether these families affect all students' achievement. Analysis of eighth-grade math and reading achievement scores shows that schools that are predominated by students from single-parent families and stepfamilies negatively affect their students' achievement, even after individual demographic characteristics and family background are controlled. This negative effect of singleparent families and stepfamilies is partly explained by the relatively low socioeconomic status of children in these schools. However, the negative effect of single-parent families and stepfamilies on school achievement can be countervailed when social relations among parents are strong. Key Words: nontraditional families, school achievement, socioeconomic status, stepfamilies. Growing proportions of children in the United States reside with a single biological parent, and there are also more children attending schools where the majority of students are from singleparent families or stepfamilies. Most public attention and debate has focused on the transformation of American families themselves, on the heightened rates of divorce and separation, and on similar rises in childbearing outside marriage. In 1960, only 8% of all children lived in motheronly families; in 1992, the rate increased to 23% (DaVanzo & Rahman, 1993). The proportion of children under 18 years old who were living with one parent increased from 12% in 1970 to 27% in 1992 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1992). Projections suggest that more than half of the children born in the U.S. in the 1990s will spend some of their childhood in single-parent families (Sweet & Bumpass, 1990). Single-parent families clearly make up the majority of all families with one biological parent. However, not only are the number of single-parent families on the rise, but the number of stepfamilies is increasing, as well. Bumpass, Raley, and Sweet (1995) estimated that the proportion of children who were likely to ever live in a stepfamily by age 18 had increased from 14% in 1970-1974 to 23% between 1980-1984. For good reason, these trends have raised concerns about the relationship between family structure and children's schooling. Cumulative evidence suggests that children who live in singleparent families tend to perform more poorly on standardized tests, are less likely to complete high school or to attend college, and are more likely to exhibit behavioral problems than children who live with both parents (Astone & McLanahan, 1991; Downey, 1994; Entwisle & Alexander, 1995; Haveman, Wolfe, & Spaulding, 1991; Hetherington, Camara, & Featherman, 1983; Krein & Beller, 1988; Lee, 1993; Li & Wojtkiewicz, 1992; Milne, Myers, Rosenthal, & Ginsburg, 1986; McLanahan, 1985; McLanahan & Sandefur, 1994; Muller & Cooper, 1986; Sandefur, McLanahan, & Wojtkiewicz, 1992). Nor are single-parent families unique in their association with adverse effects for children. Although children in stepfamilies have two parents, McLanahan and Sandefur (1994) argued that stepfamilies can be viewed as similar to singleparent families because children in both types of families live with only one natural parent. Moreover, previous research has shown that children's emotional, behavioral, and academic problems are as frequent in stepfamilies as in single-parent families. Problem rates for both types of families are significantly greater than those found among children from biological, two-parent families (Dawson, 1991; Lee, 1993; Lee, Burkam, Zimiles, & Ladewski, 1994; Zill, 1988, 1994). Studies comparing mother-only and mother-stepfather families found similar effects on children's attained schooling, the risk of dropping out of high school, and the chance of entering college (Beller & Chung, 1992; Li & Wojtkiewicz,1992). These troubling findings imply a relationship between family structure and children's welfare, one that has provoked considerable commentary and concern. …

Single parenting has been a growing type of family structure both in Western countries and Eastern ones. Changing economic and social conditions have contributed to this growth. Poverty or worsening welfare is also a growing concern in society. This study, therefore, investigates whether being a single parent is associated with a poverty risk. To do so, The Current Population Survey (CPS) which is a commonly used data source applied in social science from Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) database were utilised. Being a reliable source with large sample sizes and various subjects covered in the U.S. population makes IPUMS widely preferable data source with micro level data on individuals and household. This empirical investigation, therefore, relies on IPUMS CPS data to explain poverty risk of single parents. Findings reveal that being a single parent is significantly associated with being below the poverty line. Additionally, sex, age, employment status, education level, race, and citizenship status were found to be significant to explain poverty.