Here to Stay?

Presents detailed evidence on the short-term impacts and longer-term implications of the COVID-19–related mobility restrictions from a receiving country’s perspective. Migrants play an essential role in filling labor shortages in their destination countries, and during the COVID-19 pandemic, mobility restrictions only exacerbated these labor shortages—for example, by preventing or delaying the entry of key workers. Migrants often prove necessary to fill, and remain overrepresented in, essential occupations such as health care and agriculture. The disruptions caused by the COVID-19 crisis may also have repercussions on migration that will manifest in the longer term. For instance, the disruptions to learning and lack of peer interactions caused by the pandemic may have halted the integration process of migrants and refugees, with potential long-lasting scarring effects and the perpetuation of preexisting inequalities. The fear of contagion and the social distancing measures imposed since the COVID-19 outbreak may have also triggered less openness to foreigners and deteriorated attitudes toward migrants.

As the financial crisis continues to cast its long shadow over Europe, the view that immigrants compete unfairly for jobs and present an unsustainable burden on the European Social Model appears to be gathering support in some circles. But at the same time, the 'right' type of immigrant has often been perceived as a potential cure for Europe's sluggish labour markets and ailing welfare systems - especially immigrants who are young, easily employable and who arrive without family. So far, efforts to solve this conundrum - as in the UK's points-based system - have focused on increasing the selectivity of the admissions process. In this book, leading immigration experts question the effectiveness of this approach. Besides efforts to regulate the flow and rights of immigrants, they argue that governments across Europe need to devise labour market, welfare and immigration policies in a more integrated fashion.

One of the key questions facing immigration policy-makers is which jobs should be eligible for work visas. This question has dominated discussions about the post-Brexit immigration system, which has focused in particular on the issue of shortages. While the UK government resisted calls to open labour migration routes in low-wage or low-skilled jobs with high demand for foreign workers, workers in middle- and high-skilled jobs that are deemed to face a labour market shortage can qualify with significantly lower wages. This paper examines the arguments for and against using immigration policy to prioritize labour migration in ‘shortage occupations’. It argues that the idea is politically appealing but problematic in practice. Shortages are more difficult to measure satisfactorily than policy-makers may imagine, and different methodologies produce different results. This makes it unwise to develop an immigration policy that depends too heavily on the notion that the shortage list is an accurate reflection of what is really happening in the labour market.

Course-focused and comprehensive, the Textbook on series provides an accessible overview of the key areas on the law curriculum. This chapter deals with the law relating to entry for work, self-employment, and study. These are the areas covered by the points-based system (PBS), which was implemented from 2008. The chapter is organized around the five tiers of the PBS but makes reference to some of the old rules as well as provides some historical perspective. It also considers those few schemes remaining outside the PBS, including the conditions attached to migrant domestic workers and the problems and risks they face. Briefly, the chapter discusses illegal working.

Examines the factors that may limit the impact of international migration and addresses how to make it more productive. Productivity in this sense proves a broad concept, describing not just the returns to the workers themselves, but how migration could become more inclusive, sustainable, and resilient to shocks. Even though international migration has made important contributions to economic development in South Asia, a need exists to explore how some of the benefits of international migration could see enhancement to make it more productive. Increased productivity in this context refers to two aims: (1) to increase the development impact of international migration, both by making it more accessible to the poor and by increasing the returns from migration at the individual and household levels; and (2) to address the sustainability at the national level of international migration from South Asia, given its exposure to global and regional shocks as well as to structural shifts in the global economy.

The UK’s ‘Australian-style’ points-based system (PBS), introduced in 2021, has been promoted by politicians as a strategy to ‘take back control’ of migration after leaving the European Union. However, the 2021 PBS is just the most recent of several initiatives since 2002 to introduce points into the UK’s labor migration policy. Points tests in various forms have been repeatedly introduced, modified, and removed in the UK’s immigration system. This paper examines what accounts for the enduring appeal and repeated reinvention of this policy tool. We argue that the main factor driving interest in points-based systems is not what they achieve in practice, but their symbolic value. Points systems have allowed policymakers to signal that labor migration policy is objective, rational, meritocratic and efficient. These objectives appear to outweigh the substantive policy benefits of points-based systems as mechanisms for accumulating human capital or offering flexibility in eligibility criteria.

This article examines the impact of migration and labor movement on the Indonesian economy, highlighting key areas such as economic growth, employment, consumer spending, and remittances from migrant workers. Labor migration has been a significant aspect of Indonesia’s economic structure, affecting both the domestic labor market and the broader economic landscape. The article explores how the outflow of Indonesian workers abroad influences employment dynamics, with some sectors benefiting from reduced domestic competition, while others experience labor shortages. Additionally, remittances from migrant workers play a crucial role in boosting household income, contributing to consumer spending, and stimulating local economies in various regions. The study also delves into the Indonesian government's policies and initiatives aimed at managing labor migration, including the protection of migrant workers' rights, improving workforce skills, and addressing challenges related to illegal migration. By analyzing the multifaceted impacts of labor migration, this article provides a comprehensive understanding of its role in shaping Indonesia's economic development. The findings suggest that while labor migration offers significant benefits through remittances and economic growth, challenges such as labor exploitation and brain drain require effective policy responses to maximize the positive impacts on the national economy.

The objective of this paper is to understand the effects of China’s migration on source communities and to discuss their policy implications. We draw from New Economics of Labor Migration (NELM) theory to understand how migration and migrant remittances can relax or tighten market constraints in China’s rural economy. Using simultaneous-equation econometric techniques and household survey data from China, we estimate net, sectorspecific effects of migration on rural household income, focusing on farm production and self-employment. Our econometric findings indicate that the loss of labor to migration has a negative effect on household cropping income in source areas. However, we provide evidence that remittances sent home by migrants positively compensate for this lost-labor effect, contributing to household incomes directly and indirectly by stimulating crop and possibly self-employment production. This finding offers evidence in support of the NELM hypothesis that remittances loosen constraints on production in the imperfect-market environments characterizing rural areas in less developed countries. Taking into account both the multiple effects of migration and the change in household size, participating in migration increases household per-capita income between 14 and 30 percent. Migration and Incomes in Source Communities: A New Economics of Migration Perspective from China China is experiencing the largest peacetime flow of labor out of agriculture ever witnessed in world history (Solinger, 1999; Rozelle et al., 1999). Despite the rapid expansion of labor migration, China’s work force is still disproportionately employed in agriculture compared to other countries at similar levels of per-capita GDP (Taylor and Martin, 2001). Hence, as China’s economy continues to expand, the flow of labor to urban areas will continue and even accelerate (Johnson, 1999). The massive flow of labor away from farms has intensified research interest in China’s migration in recent years. However, as in the broader literature on migration in less developed countries, most recent studies on China’s migration have focused on determining the size and composition of the labor flow, macroeconomic implications of increased migration, and the effects of migration on urban areas (Zhao, 1999; Yang, 1999; 1997). Less emphasis has been placed on researching the effects of migration on the rural communities that migrants leave, even though evidence shows that the rural household in the village of origin is typically the central concern of all those involved in migration– both those who leave and those who stay behind (exceptions include Wang and Zuo, 1999; Bai, 2001). Moreover, the recent increase in migration has left policy makers particularly concerned regarding the way source communities will be affected (MOA, 1999). They are concerned that as labor flows away from farms, food production and crop income will decline, potentially threatening China’s food security. Furthermore, policy makers are concerned about the increasing gap between urban and rural household incomes. If migration exacerbates this gap, some fear that as it grows rural residents eventually will flood cities ill-equipped to absorb them. Others fear that discontent over a rising urban-rural income gap could even spill over into political unrest (Yang, 1999). Because China’s markets and other modern economic institutions are still relatively undeveloped, migration may play a pivotal role in creating or overcoming constraints caused by the lack of well-functioning markets and/or institutions (Knight and Song, 1999; Benjamin and Brandt, 2000). The “new economics of labor migration” (NELM) literature analyzes migration as a household decision rather than as an individual decision (Stark, 1991). The NELM hypothesizes that rural households facing imperfect market environments decide

Purpose Migrant workers constitute the backbone of real estate and construction sectors, yet remain marginal within public policy frameworks that prioritize physical assets over social systems. This article advances a novel conceptual framing of migrant labour as living infrastructure, arguing that workers’ housing, mobility and welfare are integral to project delivery, alongside land, materials and finance. Study Design/Methodology/Approach The study adopts a mixed-method empirical design conducted between 2020 and 2024, covering the pandemic and post-pandemic recovery period. Data were collected from six major urban construction projects in India and the Gulf region. Methods included semi-structured interviews with 120 migrant workers, 20 contractors and 10 policymakers, supplemented by documentary analysis of labour codes, housing schemes and digital welfare platforms. Findings The analysis reveals three persistent dynamics. First, fragmented governance and weak enforcement undermine labour protections. Second, construction systems rely structurally on informal housing and multilayered subcontracting that externalize welfare costs. Third, selective inclusion through digital registration platforms systematically excludes highly mobile workers. Together, these dynamics generate workforce instability, heighten compliance risks for firms and disrupt project timelines. Originality/Value The article contributes original theoretical value by reframing migrant workers as living infrastructure within construction management and urban policy scholarship, moving beyond narratives of precarity toward infrastructural citizenship. Research Limitations/Implications The study focuses on selected projects in India and the Gulf, limiting generalizability across regions. Future research could extend the framework to other labour-intensive sectors and comparative national contexts. Practical Implications Integrating worker welfare into project planning can improve workforce stability, regulatory compliance and delivery efficiency. Social Implications Recognizing migrant labour as living infrastructure supports more inclusive urban development and strengthens social sustainability in rapidly expanding cities.

6 | International Union Rights | 28/1 FOCUS | MIGRANT WORKERS AND TRADE UNIONS German Trade Union Approaches to Migration and Migrant Workers from Past to Present Despite migrant workers having a continuous presence in the German labour market since the 1950s, the children and grandchildren of these guest workers are often still regarded as second-class citizens and, in many cases, still struggle to access German citizenship. The far-right AfD’s entrance into Germany’s parliamentary landscape has shifted politics of citizenship even further to the right, with Chancellor Angela Merkel’s government now having passed numerous bills curtailing the right to asylum, restricting dual citizenship and thus negatively impacting on integration policies. It is against this background that this article seeks to outline German trade unions approach to migrant workers from the first guestworker programmes to today, underlining some of the persistent challenges which German trade unions have overcome in the past, face at present and will have to address in years to come. The history of migrant workers in post-war Germany After World War II, West Germany initiated socalled guestworker programmes with Italy (1955), Greece and Spain (1960), Turkey (1961), Portugal (1964), Yugoslavia (1968), and Tunisia (1971). These were designed to stem the labour shortage during the long economic boom in the expectation that these workers would return to their home countries when their labour was no longer required. During those years, more than three million guestworkers commonly known as ‘Gastarbeiter’ - would come to Germany to work, many of whom would stay for generations to come. From the very beginning, trade unions were integrated into the management of this programme. The German trade union confederation DGB, for example, was part of the Federal Labour Office’s recruitment commission. These commissions set up offices in the respective countries and handled employers’ specific requests for workers. Before setting up the scheme with Italy, a delegation of Italian trade unionists even visited Germany to inspect the labour conditions. The participation of both German and Italian unions underlines how unions were regarded as essential to ensure stable industrial relations. Once the ‘Gastarbeiter’ had arrived, German unions’ institutional embeddedness allowed them to negotiate the same collective agreements for the new foreign workers. At the same time, the system of codetermination meant that guestworkers had the same right as their German colleagues to participate, vote and stand for works council positions. However, data from the time suggests that a representation gap persisted even in those companies that predominantly employed guestworkers. But unions and works councils also developed ‘international solidarity’ in the respective migrant communities by mobilising their members and demonstrating against the dictatorships in Portugal or the military junta in Greece amongst others. Yet, beneath the surface the relationship was more complex. Reminiscent of today’s debates, unions emphasised the necessity to attend to the ‘sensitivity’ of its German members. This ‘sensitivity’ to members’ concerns permitted employers to use migrant workers to create a system of differentiation between foreigner and Germans in the same company to the extent that it stratified the labour market. Guestworkers found themselves at a disadvantage within the company hierarchy. Within companies their German colleagues frequently forced them to do the hardest work as they did not have (recognised) qualifications and worked on oneyear contracts. At the same time, employers supervised workers by splitting them up into different language groups. Consequently, management could diffuse tensions within the industrial relations system, and keep wages low despite their reliance on migrant labour. Despite these structural obstacles, migrant workers often engaged in trade unions and even called for strikes, such as Ford Motors in Cologne or the migrant women workers at the auto parts company Pierburg in Neuss in the summer of 1973. Above all, these strikes would ensure that migrant workers would be integrated into the German labour movement and their work would be equally valued. Trade Unions’ Statism and the Politics of Labour Market integration As guestworker programmes gave way to freedom of movement in the European Union, German trade unions did not abandon their support for the state’s migration policies. While in the past unions were directly involved in the management of migration, their role would shift to...

Завдання полягало в тому, щоб структурувати існуючі міграційні системи, визначити роль регіонального рівня у сучасній міграційній політиці та встановити, як відбувається становлення синтетичної системи регіональної міграційної політики. Нами було запропоновано поділ імміграційної політики на три типи: міграційну систему попиту, міграційну систему пропозиції та синтетичну міграційну систему.Системи, орієнтовані на попит, можуть проявлятися через тестування ринку праці, попередню сертифікацію роботодавців, а також атестацію. Ключовим пріоритетом міграційних систем пропозиції слугує акцент на національних інтересах країни призначення та максимізації позитивного ефекту від масштабного залучення мігрантів з високими показниками людського капіталу. Головною формою прояву цієї системи є використання міграційної системи балів, за якою оцінюються індивідуальні характеристики потенціального мігранта. Для подолання обмеженості обох підходів ряд країн переходять на використання синтетичної міграційної політики, яка включає в себе елементи обох наведених.Поєднання інструментарію міграційних систем попиту та пропозиції дозволяє як враховувати міграційні інтереси держави (переважно завдяки збереженню або запровадженню міграційної системи балів), так і зважати на інтереси роботодавців (наприклад, передбачивши для робітників із запрошеннями на роботу значну кількість балів). До синтетичної міграційної системи звертаються переважно країни, що мають тривалу історію імміграції та попередньо вже користувалися міграційними системами пропозиції (наприклад, Канада, Австралія). Але і країни міграційної системи попиту (зокрема, США через механізм RAISE-акта) наближаються до неї.У рамках регіональних інтеграційних об’єднань не існує єдиної міграційної політики щодо трудової міграції, проте в окремих регіонах регіональна міграційна політика дістає свій прояв у координації національної міграційної політики на регіональному рівні. Синтетична міграційна політика слугує основою для регіонального регулювання в Океанії, а також має значні шанси для реалізації у регіоні Північної Америки.

This article focuses on migrant labour in Nordic agriculture, wild berry picking and food processing. The starting point is the fear of a food crisis at the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic (2020) because of the absence of migrant workers. The question was raised early in the pandemic if food systems in the Global North are vulnerable due to dependence on precarious migrant workers. In the light of this question, we assess the reactions of farmers and different actors in Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden to what looked like an unfolding food crisis. In many ways, the reactions in the Nordic countries were similar to each other, and to broader reactions in the Global North, and we follow these reactions as they relate to migrant workers from an initial panic to a return to business as usual despite the continuation of the pandemic. In the end, 2020 proved to be an excellent year for Nordic food production in part because migrant workers were able to come. We discuss reasons why the Nordic countries did not face disruptions during the pandemic, map out patterns of labour precarity and segmentation for migrant labour in agriculture and food production in the Nordic countries and propose questions for further research.

This paper uses narrative analysis to explore how Alberta government Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs) “constructed” migrant work and migrant workers in legislature and media statements between 2000 and 2011. Government MLAs asserted that migrant work (1) was economically necessary and (2) posed no threat to Canadian workers. Government MLAs also asserted that international migrant workers (3) had questionable occupational, linguistic or cultural skills and (4) caused negative social and economic impacts in Canada. Taken individually, these narratives appear contradictory, casting migrant work as good but migrant workers as bad. Viewed together, these narratives comprise an effort to dehumanize temporary and permanent international migrant workers. This (sometimes racialized) “othering” of migrant workers justifies migrant workers’ partial citizenship and suppresses criticism of their poor treatment. Cet article utilise l’analyse narrative pour explorer comment les membres du gouvernement de l’Assemblée législative de l’Alberta (députés) ont « construit » le travail des migrants et des travailleurs migrants avec leur déclarations dans la législature et les médias entre 2000 et 2011. Les députés du gouvernement ont affirmé que le travail migrant (1) était nécessaire économiquement et (2) ne représentait aucune menace pour les travailleurs canadiens. Les députés du gouvernement ont également affirmé que les travailleurs migrants internationaux (3) avaient des compétences professionnelles, linguistiques ou culturelles douteuse et (4) avaient des impacts négatifs sociaux et économiques au Canada. Pris individuellement, ces récits semblent contradictoires, décrivant le travail migrant comme bon, mais les travailleurs migrants comme mauvais. Prises ensemble, ces récits constituent un effort pour déshumaniser les travailleurs migrants internationaux temporaires et permanents. Cette « altérisation » (parfois racialisé) des travailleurs migrants justifie la citoyenneté partielle des travailleurs migrants et supprime la critique de leur mauvais traitement.

Pemberton S. and Stevens C. The recruitment and retention of Central and Eastern European migrant workers in the United Kingdom: a panacea or a problem under the new policies of ‘managed migration’?, Regional Studies. The latest changes in the UK government's managed migration policy with the introduction of a new Points-Based System have been recognized as privileging White European economic migrant workers – including those from Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries – at the expense of low-skilled (non-White) workers from outside of the European Union. However, analysis reveals that a series of recruitment and retention barriers may impinge upon the ‘effectiveness’ of such a strategy – particularly the intersection of CEE migrant ‘agency’ with labour market opportunities and UK immigration/welfare policies. In turn, a reassessment of the current approach to ‘managed migration’ is advocated. Pemberton S. et Stevens C. Recruter et sauvegarder les travailleurs immigrés de l'Europe centrale et orientale au Royaume-Uni (R-U): un atout ou un inconvénient en vertu des nouvelles politiques ‘d'immigration administrée’?, Regional Studies. On considère que les dernières modifications à la politique d'immigration administrée menée par le gouvernement au R-U, y compris la mise au point d'un système de points, favorisent les travailleurs immigrés pour des raisons économiques qui sont européens et blancs – y compris ceux qui proviennent des pays de l'Europe centrale et orientale (Peco) – au dépens des travailleurs non-qualifiés (de couleur) venant des pays au delà des frontières de l'Ue. Cependant, l'analyse laisse voir une série d'obstacles au recrutement et à la sauvegarde à franchir qui pourraient affecter ‘l'efficacité’ d'une telle stratégie – notamment l'intersection de ‘l'agence' des immigrés en provenance des Peco avec les possibilités d'emploi sur le marché du travail et les politiques du R-U quant à l'immigration/au bien-être. On prône également une réévaluation de l'approche actuelle à ‘l'immigration administrée’. Migrants venant des Peco pour des raisons économiques Recruter Sauvegarder ‘Agence’ Politique Pemberton S. und Stevens C. Anwerbung und Beibehaltung von Arbeitskräften aus Mittel- und Osteuropa in Großbritannien: Allheilmittel oder Problem unter der neuen Politik zur ‘kontrollierten Einwanderung’?, Regional Studies. Im Rahmen der neuesten Änderungen in der Politik der britischen Regierung zur kontrollierten Einwanderung wurde ein Punktesystem eingeführt, das nach allgemeinem Urteil weiße europäische Wirtschaftsmigranten (einschließlich der Migranten aus mittel- und osteuropäischen Staaten) gegenüber gering qualifizierten (nicht weißen) Arbeitnehmern aus Nicht-EU-Staaten bevorzugt. Allerdings zeigt sich bei einer Analyse, dass eine Reihe von Hindernissen für die Anwerbung und Beibehaltung von Arbeitskräften die ‘Wirksamkeit’ einer solchen Strategie beeinträchtigen könnte; dies gilt insbesondere für die Schnittstelle zwischen der Tätigkeit von Einwanderern aus Mittel- und Osteuropa und den Chancen auf dem Arbeitsmarkt sowie der Einwanderungs- und Sozialpolitik Großbritanniens. Aufgrund der Ergebnisse wird eine Neubewertung des derzeitigen Ansatzes für ‘kontrollierte Einwanderung’ befürwortet. Wirtschaftsmigranten aus Mittel- und Osteuropa Anwerbung von Arbeitskräften Beibehaltung von Arbeitskräften Tätigkeit Politik Pemberton S. y Stevens C. La captación y retención de los trabajadores emigrantes de Europa central y del este en el Reino Unido (RU): ¿una panacea o un problema bajo la nueva política de migración gestionada?, Regional Studies. En el marco de los últimos cambios en la política de migración gestionada del Gobierno británico, se ha introducido un nuevo sistema de puntos que favorece a los trabajadores emigrantes económicos europeos de raza blanca, incluyendo a los de países de Europa central y del este (ECE), a expensas de los trabajadores menos cualificados (no blancos) de fuera de la Unión Europea. Sin embargo, los análisis indican que una serie de obstáculos para la captación y retención podrían afectar a la eficacia de una estrategia como ésta, especialmente en cuanto a la intersección de las acciones de emigrantes de países de ECE con las oportunidades del mercado laboral y las políticas británicas sobre inmigración y bienestar. Debido a estos resultados abogamos por una revaloración del enfoque actual para la emigración gestionada. Emigrantes económicos de ECE Captación Retención Acciones Política

This thesis looks at the recruitment process of Bangladeshi migrant workers for employment in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) through the legal framework of human trafficking. Bangladesh is a major provider of migrant workers while the UAE is the second largest destination for Bangladeshi workers. Many migrant workers in the UAE, which is extremely dependent on migrant labour, face widespread labour exploitation. The migrant workers are recruited through a complex process by various recruitment actors which include private recruitment agents, brokers and social networks. These actors link the prospective workers in the country of origin with the employer in the destination. There are government bodies and rules to regulate the process. However, empirical findings undertaken for this study and other sources show that the recruitment actors often bypass or manipulate the rules. Moreover, some government officials responsible for regulation are involved in corruption, further complicating the process. As a result, illegal or unauthorised practices have become the norms rather than exception. Many migrant workers are often provided false or exaggerated information about jobs and related entitlements and later they face discrepancies between the promised and actual job and issues related to the job, including salary and living and working conditions. This thesis argues that, because of harmful recruitment practices many Bangladeshi workers are often deceived and become victims of human trafficking for labour exploitation under the Prevention and Suppression of Human Trafficking Act, 2012 (‘PSHT Act’) of Bangladesh as well as the United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children (‘TIP Protocol’). Some recruitment actors in Bangladesh deceive the prospective workers during recruitment for the purpose of exploitation or with the knowledge that the workers would face exploitative consequences. These practices amount to human trafficking under the PSHT Act. Empirical findings also indicate that, despite legal provisions, human trafficking is usually considered separate from ‘legal’ labour migration. Some stakeholders think, and argue, that human trafficking takes place when the migration process follows ‘illegal’ routes and the victims face ‘serious’ exploitation, particularly sexual exploitation. Based on the legal analysis and empirical findings, this thesis provides recommendations to improve the recruitment process, prevent human trafficking and reform some aspects of the PSHT Act. The government of Bangladesh should undertake measures to ensure that migrant workers make informed decisions during recruitment. This could be an effective step towards preventing human trafficking. The PSHT Act is a progressive action particularly in defining human trafficking, recognising labour exploitation and including all types of victims. Nevertheless, some important terms have not been defined in the Act. The government should take the initiative to clarify the terms and the relationship of the Act with labour migration. Anti-trafficking efforts need to clarify and publicise that trafficking can take place for the purpose of labour exploitation even in apparently ‘legal’ migration. Finally, the government should address the corrupt practices of officials; without addressing this root issue, no measure is likely to bring any change.