Henry Poe and the Macedonian Myth

In 1591, Henry Savile completed his celebrated translation of Tacitus, dedicating his efforts to the queen. Remarkably, the printer’s copy of Savile’s translation has survived, now preserved at the Bodleian Library, Oxford (Bodl. ms Eng. hist. d. 240). Replete with handwritten notes by both Henry Savile and his younger brother, Thomas, the manuscript offers a fascinating insight into the final stages of the translation. From instructions for the printer to last-minute changes to the text, the manuscript shines new light on print culture in the final years of the sixteenth century. This article establishes the manuscript’s provenance, tracing its journey from Savile’s study to Methley Manor, Yorkshire, and finally to the Bodleian Library. It also considers the evidence provided by the manuscript of collaboration between Henry and Thomas Savile as they undertook this extraordinary translation-cum-commentary. Finally, by comparing the text of the translation as it appears in the printer’s copy with that of the published version, the article explores what this manuscript reveals about Savile’s methods of, and approach to, translation.

Recent scholarship has revised the classic interpretation of Henri III as a duplicitous, vacillating, and ultimately weak figure who presided over the collapse of royal authority in France. A more sympathetic picture has slowly taken shape, which depicts Henri as a sophisticated political operator leveraging, with some talent but from a weak position, aspects of kingship and royal authority in an effort to pacify and reform his kingdom after a series of devastating civil and religious wars. Mark Greengrass adds significantly to this reinterpretation by focusing on the neglected opening decade of Henri's reign, when it is often forgotten that contemporaries held out real hopes that the new king could bring both peace and revival to France. These hopes have long been seen as mere wishful thinking in light of the chaotic final years of Henri's reign following the death of his younger brother, which brought both a succession crisis and Catholic radicalism to the forefront of French politics. But as Greengrass quite rightly points out, this was not a foregone conclusion at the time and those involved, both the king and other notables, invested considerable effort pursuing pacification and reform during the 1570s and early 1580s.

In the year of his 75th birthday, colleagues, friends, students and family of Elwyn Simons gathered near Duke University in Durham, North Carolina, for three days of conferences and gatherings celebrating his life and work. It was a wonderful time of scholarship and comradeship, and a great tribute to the man and scholar who has shaped many lives and much science in the more than a half century, to date, of his professional life. Elwyn LaVerne Simons was born July 14, 1930, at Lawrence, Kansas, a son of Verne Franklin Simons and Verna Irene Cuddeback. A Kansas native and the descendent of pioneers, Verne Franklin Simons spent his career as a professor of accounting and financial advisor, first at the University of Kansas, and from 1929 onward, at Rice University in Houston, Texas, where Elwyn and his younger brother, Herbert were raised. Verna Cuddeback Simons, Elwyn’s mother, was herself the descendant of a pioneering Kansas family, and was an art student when she met Elwyn’s father. She devoted herself to family and beauty throughout her long life. Elwyn’s particular genius for original thinking about the natural world was evident very early in his life. His mother preserved many stories and artistic renderings centered on nature and animals that he began producing at around three years of age. Reading these stories, one is struck by the precocious evidence for a naturalborn natural scientist. Elwyn appreciated very early the importance of preserving the history of his family gleaned both from written records and from oral histories. These amazing and entertaining stories have been a great delight to hear told and retold, and the recordings Elwyn made as a youngster, of his grandparents singing folk songs on the porch of their farmhouse in their final years, are a true treasure of American history (see http://www.ils.unc.edu/dpr/ archives/folksongs/). Elwyn Simons attended public schools in the West University neighborhood of Houston. He received a B.S. degree from W. M. Rice University in 1953. He received a M.A. degree from Princeton University in 1955, a Ph.D.

The article is devoted to the memorial heritage of Liudmila Ivanovna Shestakova (1816–1906), one of Mikhail Ivanovich Glinka’s younger sisters. The correlation of its remembrances of her brother’s character and activities in the late period of his life with his self-evaluation and those forms of self-presentation which he determined for himself as the most effective. The peculiarities of Glinka’s psychological type and their connection with the phenomenon of “the Oblomov syndrome” are analyzed. The attempt is made of finding and substantiating the impelling reasons for the formation of that ethical position the sister took in regards to her brother. It is assumed that its sources were grounded in the tragic circumstances of Shestakova’s personal fate the force of the impact of which she was able to overcome even many years afterwards. It is proved that Shestakova’s memoirs presented in the article are the result of the sister’s subjective view of the particular features of Glinka’s life and creativity during his final years, frequently presenting him in a “false mirror,” but, nonetheless, in light of the composer’s status which have seriously impacted Glinka studies in Russia during the 19th and the 20th centuries.

WHEN I WAS in elementary school, my father worked at chemical plant. Sometimes when he needed to go in to work on the weekends, he'd take my younger sister and me along. His office was laboratory filled with all sorts of things fascinating to small child--beakers, test tubes, tubing going here and there, all manner of glass and plastic bottles filled with mysterious liquids, and an array of strange smells--most of them bad. He must have talked about on those trips, because, even at that very early age, I had the idea that was lot like his lab--a brick building you went to every day when you were really old, like 18. When you arrived, you sat in kind of smelly room with pale yellow walls where even older people talked to you and you did things with test tubes and chemicals. At any rate, never in my childhood can I recall any conversation about being about you go to college, but rather when. And, in fact, study after study today indicates that the vast majority of high school students believe that they will indeed go to college. However, despite the rising numbers of students today who aspire to postsecondary degree, too many fail to achieve their goal. The reasons for this are numerous, but one culprit is the lack of what has been termed college knowledge--the information students and parents need about getting into and paying for postsecondary education. In recent years, states have begun efforts to the word out about the importance of degree for tomorrow's work force and about the steps people and their parents must take if they are to embark on postsecondary education. KNOWING WHAT COLLEGES EXPECT The first step in getting into is knowing what sort of admissions standards postsecondary institutions maintain. Texas has addressed this matter through policy that requires counselors, as early as the elementary and middle grades, to advise students and their parents on the coursework that will prepare students for higher education. Then, during students' first and final years of high school, counselors must provide them and their parents with an extensive set of information, including the importance of completing the state's or advanced high school program. The program, with Carnegie units and course sequences similar to those required for admission by many postsecondary institutions, will become the default high school curriculum with the class of 2008. From that point on, student will have the option of selecting the lower-level minimum curriculum if the student, parents, and counselor agree that it's the best option for the child. Florida has also taken page from the get 'em while they're young playbook. Starting when students are in the middle grades, schools are to provide them and their parents with information on available career opportunities, educational associated with each career, [and] educational institutions that prepare students to enter each career. The information must also include recommended high school coursework that prepares students for success in college-level work. INVOLVING FAMILIES IN COURSE SELECTION Once families know what courses colleges expect students to have completed in high school, the next step is making sure that parents are in the loop when their kids choose their courses--seeing to it that students pick algebra II after geometry instead of that easier math course with the nice teacher, for example. States have taken different approaches to addressing this matter. Louisiana requires each secondary school, beginning as early as middle school, to give parents a listing of course offerings, the content of each, and high school graduation requirements prior to student scheduling. Parents are to sign off each year on student's chosen courses before the courses are entered in the student's schedule. …

A life of sensation

The last twenty-five years have seen an exciting increase in scholarship examining writings of nineteenth-century black women evangelists such as Julia A. J. Foote, Rebecca Cox Jackson, Maria Stewart, Amanda Smith, Jarena Lee, and Zilpha Elaw. Much work remains to be done, however, to explore how these autobiographers spoke against the institution of slavery using a framework of faith. The challenge of this scholarship is threefold: first, many of these women wrote only one or two texts because their main vehicle of communication the sermon; second, in their writings they often include sparse biographical information, as they were more focused on conveying the stories of their spiritual lives; and finally, it is difficult, if not impossible, to find additional information about their lives. We are thus tested to reexamine our scholarly notions of a body of work: How are we to understand this particular genre of religious stories as autobiography within the larger conversation about the institution of slavery? How might we explore the lives of these authors when their work seems to be the only remaining evidence? More specific, these texts require us to read within a community of nineteenth-century black religious texts. Foote's ministry embedded in a community that corroborated the impact of her ministry. Although focused on the spiritual condition of her fellow African Americans, Foote's work and her autobiography, A Brand Plucked From the Fire: An Autobiographical Sketch, were never insulated from institutions of oppression. Foote acknowledged, mourned, and lashed out against the racial, gender, and class oppression she and her black sisters suffered. Moreover, vital information, previously undocumented, about the final years of Foote's life is available to us through the autobiographies of ministers with whom she worked and traveled. Bishop Alexander Walters's autobiography, a church catechism authored by Cicero R. Harris, and an anthology by William Davenport each provide clarifying details regarding Foote's work within the church, her ordination date, the second half of her ministry, and her date of death. Julia A. J. Foote born in 1823, the daughter of former slaves living in Schenectady, New York; she their fourth child, although not their last. (1) Foote's only formal education took place when she worked as a domestic servant for the Prime family. She lived with the Primes for less than two years and then returned home at age twelve to care for younger siblings so her mother could work outside the home. Soon after she left the Primes in 1835, her family moved twenty miles southeast to Albany. They joined an African Methodist Episcopal (AME) congregation, and for the first time, Foote later wrote, able to understand, with any degree of intelligence, what religion was (177). (2) Foote experienced conversion to Christianity at the age of fifteen and consequently irresistibly drawn to read scripture at all hours of the night and day (180, 182). She remembered longing to understand how her faith could touch her everyday life, calm her temper, and soothe her fears. The answers she seeking were finally offered by an older couple in the church preaching about the doctrine of Holiness. (3) (The Holiness Movement of the late nineteenth century preached that through a second experience of God one could attain a fulfilling life by seeking to be sinless.) After much private prayer, Foote believed she received a visit from God and would later identify that moment as the starting point of the process of sanctification and Holiness (186). She explained, I returned home, though not yet satisfied. I remained in this condition more than a week, going many times to my secret place of prayer, which behind the chimney in the garret of our house.... [W]hile waiting on the Lord, my large desire granted, through faith in my precious Saviour. …

Crucial changes were taking place in the Dutch slave trade during the decade of the 1770s. At the beginning of the decade the traffic reached an all-time high, but as an economic recession struck, in 1773, Dutch slaving activity declined significantly. The diplomatic fallout of the American Revolution, which put additional strains on Atlantic shipping, also had a retarding effect on the Dutch slave trade. In 1780 the Dutch Republic openly chose the side of the American colonies and got involved in a war with Great Britain, bringing the Dutch slave trade to a temporary halt. The final decades of the Dutch slave trade The Fourth Anglo-Dutch War (1780–4) was disastrous for the Dutch Republic. British naval power far outdistanced the Dutch navy. The still large Dutch merchant marine was relatively unprotected, and numerous Dutch ships were captured and confiscated by the enemy. The capture of at least twelve Dutch slave ships during the years 1780 to 1783 has been verified, and the fate of at least three other slavers is uncertain, but they were undoubtedly captured as well. The MCC alone lost at least six slave ships to the British. Several Dutch colonial territories were taken over by Great Britain, including the settlements in Guyana and the island of St. Eustatius, which had initially played a prominent role in supplying the American rebels. Table 12.1 gives a statistical display of the much-reduced volume of the Dutch slave trade during its final years.

Never Take Kinship Personally:Confronting Slavery, Masculinity, and Family in Revolutionary America Bill L. Smith (bio) Introduction Suffering from a “severe spell of sickness,” David Cooper spent most of 1751 confined to his room. One night of that year, he was awoken by loud knocking at his front door. Startled and worried that the noise might wake his pregnant wife Sybil and his two young children, David gathered the strength to get out of bed. Upon answering the door, he laid eyes on his beloved younger brother John, who he had not seen in months.1 John Cooper was caught in a “violent hurricane” while traveling in the West Indies and was “thought to be lost.”2 Now John had suddenly returned from beyond his watery grave, causing David to admit he “had never known such an effect from joy.” David was speechless, declaring that “The surprise was so great that I could not speak to him, but the tears gushed from my eyes.”3 John Cooper evaded this brush with death in the West Indies, and later became a leader of the American Revolution, author of the New Jersey Constitution of 1776, and First Judge of Gloucester County, New Jersey. He was also elected to the Second Continental Congress to adopt the Declaration of Independence. John chose to ignore Quaker doctrine instructing Friends to distance themselves from the Revolution and maintain their allegiance to the “power that be.”4 As a result of his political actions, John was disowned by the Society of Friends, causing his familial relationships to deteriorate. John’s family had prematurely mourned his death in 1751. Thirty-four years later, in 1785, he did pass away, but “without any of his relations being present, or even having the knowledge that he was ill.” Upon hearing of John’s death, David reflected that he and John “had been as nearly united as perhaps two brothers ever were.” But the two had not spoken in over eight years, causing David to lament that he had not been able to give “a last farewell to one who had been very dear.”5 The Cooper brothers spent their lives linked together, but became divided by a subtle, albeit significant, difference in their approaches to Quaker theology and the American Revolution. They embody the struggle of those who navigated through changing conceptions of what it meant to be a Quaker, an American, and a man during the late eighteenth century. Drawing on Quaker meeting records, tax records, and the personal papers of the Cooper family members, this [End Page 17] work offers an analysis of the Cooper brothers’ personal, spiritual, and political struggles as they pursued markedly different paths. It offers a microcosmic view of the moral uncertainty, dual loyalties, and role conflicts faced by many eighteenth century Quaker men as a result of familial and communal ties, class consciousness, civic engagement, religious affiliation, and conflicting notions of masculinity. Yet despite their differences, the Cooper brothers found common, ethical ground on which to stand during the last years of their lives. An examination of the Coopers’ abolitionist efforts elucidates the fact that although David and John followed different paths during the Revolution and may have disagreed on what it meant to be a man, they were reunited in the cause of abolitionism during the final years of their lives because they were both good men. The Coopers of the Delaware Valley The Cooper brothers were born in Woodbury, New Jersey, on the banks of the Delaware River, directly east of Philadelphia. Both their maternal and paternal grandparents arrived in southwestern New Jersey during the latter half of the seventeenth century. The Coopers’ maternal grandfather Benjamin Clarke was one of the first Quaker abolitionists, writing against the institution in the late seventeenth century.6 William Cooper, their paternal grandfather, was a minister in Hertfordshire, England, and an acquaintance of George Fox, the founder of the Society of Friends.7 By the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Coopers’ grandparents had helped transform the “untamed” territory of southwestern New Jersey into an “idyllic, peaceful countryside, with an air that was very clear, sweet and wholesome.”8 John Cooper Sr.—David and John...

THE DEATH OF DARIUS II AND THE ACCESSION OF ARTAXERXES II From the historian’s perspective, the last years of Darius II are notable mainly for the events that led to the civil war between Darius II’s successor, Artaxerxes II (Arses), and his younger brother Cyrus. It soon became clear that Cyrus’ aim in trying to hasten the end of the Peloponnesian War was to prepare a Greek mercenary army to help him overthrow his brother. Cyrus’ expedition and the defeated Greek mercenary army’s return westward were immortalized by the Greek writers Ctesias and Xenophon as well as by Plutarch in his Life of Artaxerxes , which relied heavily on Ctesias’ and Xenophon’s accounts. Xenophon was a participant in Cyrus’ expedition and thus well-placed to offer a Greek insider’s perspective. While we have a rich trove of Greek sources to tap, we have relatively little Near Eastern material to supplement or correct them. The final years of Darius II are mostly opaque. Trouble in Egypt around 410 BCE may presage its full secession between 401 and 399. A terse reference in Xenophon’s Hellenica (1.2.19) implies a rebellion in Media in 408, but no details as to its seriousness or extent are given. Xenophon also alludes to Darius on campaign against rebellious Cadusians (somewhere south of the Caspian Sea, Hellenica 2.1.13) in 405, but no context is provided. An oblique reference in a Babylonian economic tablet dated to 407 appears to imply, based on similar occurrences of the rare phraseology used in the text, that a state of siege existed in the city of Uruk in southern Babylonia, but one hesitates to read too much into an isolated reference. It is impossible to discern if these episodes were significant problems beyond the routine troubles any imperial power would face.

As nationalism was one of the most important aspects of Kemalism, the early Turkish Republic showed no interest in the areas and peoples beyond her border. Ataturk suppressed the activities of those advocating Pan Turkism and had them purged, but after his death, Ismet Inonu recognized their rights and the movement rose again.During the final years of the First World War, Nuri Pasha, who was one of the younger brothers of Enver Pasha, and his uncle Halil Pasha advanced towards the Caucasus region with an army. After the war they stayed in Berlin. After returning to Turkey, Nuri established a weapon factory. Many people visited him because of the nostalgia they felt for his brother Enver Pasha. During the republican era, there were many generals and officers within the Turkish Armed Forces who admired Enver Pasha, and the relatives of generals monopolized the weapon industry.Huseyin Husnu Emir Erkilet fought together with German colleagues during the First World War and retired as a major general in 1932. As for the reason for his retiring at such a young age, a famous story has it that it was because he gave the map of the fortified zone of Canakkale to the Germans, but the real reason was his intimate relationship with the Freedom Party.In 1925, Nuri and Erkilet secretly assembled with friends who had fought in Caucasus, in 1940 Erkilet, Halil and their families vacationed together, and after 1941 they often held meetings concerned with the Turkic peoples living in the Soviet Union.It was thought that Erkilet was pro-German, though in his articles in the ‘Cumhuriyet’ newspaper he seemed to be neutral. However, after the start of the Nazi-Soviet War, he was active against not only the Soviet Union but also the Russians.In September 1941 Nuri visited Berlin, and proposed to persons of authority in the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs that the Turkic peoples found their own states and organize the Muslim corps to support the German forces. Moreover, he stated that a Pan Turkist cabinet would be formed in Turkey and most of the officers would support it, and he mentioned the name of General Kazim Orbay, his brotherin-law who commanded the 3rd Army, as a person who would play an important role in the Pan Turkism movement.Hitler personally invited the two retired generals Erkilet and Ali Ihsan Sabis to the eastern front, and so they applied for the necessary visas for leaving the country. However the Turkish government intervened and replaced Sabis with General Ali Fuat Erden. In this way, the Turkish government turned the personal invitation into an official one.In 1944, after the advance of the Red Army towards Eastern Europe, the Turkish government arrested the Pan Turkists and began the trial so-called “Racism and Pan Turkism Trial.” They were convicted on the pretext of having cooperated with the Germans. However since Nuri and Erkilet were prominent persons under the patronage of the Turkish Armed Forces, they were neither arrested nor indicted even though they had close German ties.General Erden, who was promoted to chief judge of the Supreme Court-Martial, dismissed the verdict of the “Racism and Pan-Turkism Trial.” As the reason for this dismissal, it was thought that he believed that it was not necessary for Turkey to demonstrate any sympathy for the Soviet Union. However, at the same time, there were conflicts between Inonu and the Turkish Armed Forces as is shown by the contraversy over Fevzi Cakmak's pension and Orbay's resignation. After the war, the explosion in Nuri's factory and his death gave rise to active discussions in the Turkish National Assembly. This also proves that there were many opponents to Inonu.

Shaftesbury, Third Earl of [Anthony Ashley Cooper

Galileo galilei was born into a family and a time in which skill in music was considered necessary for complete personal and intellectual development. Galileo’s father, Vincenzo Galilei, was one of the most influential musical theorists and pedagogues of the late sixteenth century, as well as an important lutenist and teacher of the instrument. As a boy Galileo was taught lute technique and the theory and numerology of music by his father, and there is preserved a manuscript tutor especially written for Galileo by Vincenzo, which contains marginalia by Galileo consisting of mathematical analyses of the music.1 However, when Vincenzo found his young son becoming too interested in numbers, he pushed him even harder towards the study of medicine. Only later did he reluctantly concede to allow Galileo to enter the formal study of mathematics and astronomy. Galileo’s younger brother Michelagnolo, however, continued in the father’s footsteps as a composer and lutenist. An exceptionally talented performer, he worked for many years at the court in Munich and published a book of lute music in 1620.2 Galileo himself encouraged and ultimately provided for the continuing musical education of his eldest nephew, Vincenzo, by sending him to Rome for study. From Galileo’s many letters we know that music, especially playing his lute, was a source of great pleasure and a special comfort and solace to him in his final years, when blindness was added to the many other trials of his life. But where did this lute that Galileo played originate? In what context would he have known it, and how did it develop into the instrument that he played and mastered?

The Blonde Goddess

The Journey