Heimoaatteen ja Suur-Suomen kaikuja

Department of Information Studies, University of TampereFIN-33014 FinlandE-mail: ilkka.makinen@uta.fiStraipsnyje nagrinėjamas knygų ir archyvų likimas per Antrąjį pasaulinį karą ir konfliktų tarp Suomijos bei Sovietų Sąjungos metu, ypač antruoju konflikto laikotarpiu 1941–1944 metais. 1939–1940 metų Žiemos karo metu sovietų kariuomenė įžengė į Suomijos Kareliją ir daugybė suomiškų knygų pateko į sovietų valdžios rankas. Svarbiausia regiono biblioteka, Viipuri miesto biblioteka, ir jos puikios architektūros pastatas, suprojektuotas Alvaro Aalto, bei Sortavalos miesto biblioteka liko sovietų pusėje. Po Žiemos karo siena buvo nustatyta tokia kaip dabar – į vakarus nuo Vyborgo (Viipuri). Antruoju konflikto etapu (1941–1944 m.), Suomijoje žinomu Tęstinio karo vardu, Suomija kariavo Vokietijos pusėje prieš Sovietų Sąjungą. Suomijos kariuomenė atsiėmė Suomijos Karelijos dalį, sovietų užkariautą per Žiemos karą, bet paskui sovietai įsiveržė į Kareliją ir užėmė didelę jos dalį, kuri niekada nepriklausė Suomijai. Didžiausias užkariautas miestas buvo Petrozavodskas (arba suomiškai – Petroskojus). Kai Suomijos kariuomenė pradėjo kontroliuoti Rytų Kareliją, ji ėmė rinkti visą medžiagą ir informaciją, reikalingą karo veiksmams. Sovietų valdžios knygos ir archyvai, taip pat pabėgėliai žmonės buvo suvežti į Petrozavodską, kur buvo tikrinami ir skirstomi. Buvo sukaupta didžiulė biblioteka su milijonu knygų ir kilometru archyvinės medžiagos. Visu tuo naudojosi karo žvalgyba, tačiau Suomijos bibliotekos, archyvai ir kitos įstaigos irgi gyvai domėjosi didele dalimi archyvo ir knygomis, leistomis Sovietų Karelijoje (ir apskritai Sovietų Sąjungoje), ir stengėsi jų įsigyti. Buvo planuojama Petrozavodske sukurti Karelijos centrinę biblioteką ir archyvą, kurie veiktų ir po karo. Tarp archyvų, patekusių suomiams, buvo Baltijos ir Baltosios jūrų kanalo darbininkų asmeninės bylos. Kai kurie Suomijos bibliotekų siekiai buvo paskatinti Suomijos nacionalinės literatūros, vadinamosios Fennica, idėjos. Pagal to meto sampratą, Fennica sudarė visos suomiškos ir kitomis finųugrų kalbomis išleistos knygos, suomių autorių knygos visomis kalbomis. Netgi knygos suomių kalba, išleistos už Suomijos ribų, priklausė Fennica kompleksui, t. y. trečiajame ir ketvirtajame dešimtmetyje sovietų Karelijoje leistos knygos suomių kalba taip pat buvo jos dalis. Daugelis Suomijos bibliotekų, kaupiančių išsamų Fennica fondą, norėjo įsigyti Rytų Karelijos knygų. Iš Rytų Karelijos į Suomiją buvo išvežta daugybė knygų ir archyvinės medžiagos, ypač kai karo sėkmė nusigręžė nuo vokiečių ir Rytų Karelijos padėtis pasidarė rizikinga. Po 1944 m. pralaimėjimo Rytų Kareliją teko palikti, o Suomijos Karelija buvo prarasta amžiams, beveik visos knygos ir archyvai buvo grąžinti Rusijai. Tačiau dalis (kol kas nežinoma, kiek iš viso) knygų liko Suomijoje. Šios knygos – tai daugiausia kuklūs leidiniai, tokie kaip vadovėliai, oficialūs leidiniai ar romanai. Jos buvo išsklaidytos po bibliotekų fondus, dažniausiai į juos pateko jau po karo. Šie leidiniai neturi ekonominės vertės ir yra įdomūs kaip Sovietų Sąjungoje leistos Fennica literatūros pavyzdžiai.

extra-governmental institutions of the extreme right,' who thought little of Finland's political institutions, and who sought to implement their objectives through the use and threat of force. During this period two military organizations were available to the extreme right. The Civil Guards (called White Guards during the 1917-18 civil war and territorial forces after 1932) were a voluntary militia of approximately 100,000, first established to facilitate independence and later used against the state. The national army was smaller with approximately 30,000 men organized under German auspices after the civil war. The goals, even the leadership of both the extreme right and the armed forces were often identical, and the military was frequently directed by the extreme right to exert force on behalf of two objectives: the establishment of a 'Greater Finland', uniting in one nation all Finnish speaking peoples, and the destruction of Finnish socialism and parliamentary democracy. 'Greater Finland', the first goal, was pursued during the civil war by Finland's military leaders. Plans for the invasion of East Karelia were drawn up by General Mannerheim in early 1918. The eastward advance was not successful, but volunteers were recruited both from the white guards and the German-trained officers (jagers) of the newly emerging national army to conduct guerilla-type operations in the east.2 After the civil war, Mannerheim's resignation as Commander in Chief in May 1918, and the rise of German influence in the armed forces complicated plans for 'Greater Finland'. At first, German dominance was welcomed by the extreme right.3 As late as November 1918 they believed that Germany would emerge victorious from the

Finnish archaeology has never been a contingent phenomenon, but closely, even if indirectly, entangled with the surrounding society and with wider international disciplinary currents. An essential characteristic of Finnish archaeology is its establishment and development in close connection with nationalism. Language has been central in Finnish nationalism and this reflects on the understanding of Finnish archaeology. Consequently, the history of Finnish archaeology can be presented as a narrative of intra-disciplinary progress circling around the question of the origins of the Finnish people and language. Before Finnish archaeology was established as a modern academic discipline with a defined identity, its institutional and economic support was state organized. Prior to the nineteenth century, the clergy was the most important social group studying ancient monuments, but during the nineteenth century the driving forces of the nationalist movement included the middle class, while in the late nineteenth century further social differentiation among Finnish archaeologists occurred. The archaeological community grew during the decades after the Second World War, but is still rather small. Before the Second World War, Finnish archaeology was highly international, partly because of contacts with Scandinavia and the Baltic countries, but this came to an end due to changes in international geopolitics and Finnish nationalism. The research has again become more international in the late twentieth century, while the importance of archaeology in the nationalist project and its cultural impact has weakened considerably.

SUMMARY: Imperial Russia never witnessed any specific positive interest to the formation of “alien” nations and the Karel national movement was no exception. Furthermore, attempts by a part of the White Sea Karels and Finns to incorporate Karels as a component of the developing Finnish nation triggered particular animosity. At the beginning of the 20 th century the authorities promoted an ethnocultural myth according to which Karels were closer to Russians than Finns and, correspondingly, ought to become part of the Russian nation. In comparison to these developments the conception of Soviet nationalities policy in Karelia, formed in 1920, was indeed revolutionary. The model selected then would have encountered most vicious counteraction in Imperial Russia. The leadership of Soviet Karelia, with Lenin’s full support and at least in the early 1920s with the support of the Soviet leadership as a whole, viewed Karels as a part of the Finnish nation, and it was only the political border between the Reds and the Whites that separated the two. The nationalities policy in Karelia was oriented towards this model and it was most successful exactly where it most corresponded to reality, namely in White Sea Karelia. Here the Russian language was replaced with the classical literary Finnish in all spheres of public life without any adaptation of the latter. In those regions where the conditions were more complicated, namely in Southern Karelia, the replacement of Russian with Finnish went on slower, albeit intensively enough. In this sense, the processes that took place in Karelia in the 1920s–1930s can hardly be termed as formation of the Karelian nation. But the Soviet empire in this period can easily be called the creator of the united Great Finnish nation, although in practice this nation was divided into two parts by the border. The leadership of the Soviet Union and, in equal degree, that of Finland, showed no interest in this border becoming transparent. In both countries the real policy was aimed at the continued opposition with each other in the hope that the enemy will collapse in the future. The leadership of Soviet Karelia, insofar as it was allowed by available means, attempted to make the border more transparent but failed to achieve this goal.

Journal Article Portugal's Revolution of Carnations: Patterns of Change and Continuity Get access Jonathan Story Jonathan Story Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 52, Issue 3, July 1976, Pages 417–433, https://doi.org/10.2307/2616554 Published: 01 July 1976

The Finnish Civil War, fought from January to May 1918, was one of the many small scale Eastern European conflicts fought in the ideological and ethnic turmoil that followed the Russian Revolution and the First World War. The war was fought between socialist Finnish Reds and conservative Finnish Whites. Despite its class conflict characteristics, the Civil War was manufactured by the Whites as a War of Liberation from Russia. The Whites successfully mobilized Finnish nationalism by exploiting the nature and history of Finnish socialism to reveal contradictions in socialist policies and painting the Reds as puppets of Russian communists.

The article compares alcohol policy to electronic media policy as forms of cultural protectionism. This protectionism has coincided with an era of economic protectionism, which in Finland started after World War I and the Finnish Civil War in 1918, and which is now ending as a result of the GATT agreement and Finland's membership of the European Union. During that era, the Finnish nation has not only been protected against imports of foreign agricultural products. The Finnish common people have also been constructed as a populace in need of civilization, and that is why the borders have been closed to bad influences, such as cheap liquor and mass culture. The article discusses the way in which this ‘bio-policy’ (Foucault) affecting peoples' living conditions has formed the Finnish culture, and its notions about art, mass communication and alcoholic drinking. As to notions of alcohol, it is predicted that the meanings of protest aroused by state control policy are gradually fading, and will give way to notions of drinking problems as evidence of a disease.

The search for a socialist El Dorado: Finnish immigration to Soviet Karelia from the United States and Canada in the 1930s, by Alexey Golubev and Irina Takala, Winnipeg, University of Manitoba Press, 2014, 236 pp., $34.95 (pbk), ISBN 978-1-611-86115-0Arguably, no other region figures as prominently in the history and mythology of the Finnish people as Karelia. It is a part of the world that has been contested since the thirteenth century, and one that resonates with Finns in particular for the region's oral folklore and mythology that is a foundational aspect of Finland's national epic, The Kalevala. First published in 1835, it contributed to the development of Finnish nationalism in the early twentieth century as well as the growing unrest that led to independence from Russia in 1917.It was only natural that, when an opportunity arose for socialist Finns to emigrate to what for many was an historic ancestral homeland and establish a socialist utopia, thousands would flock to the call. The Search for a Socialist El Dorado by Alexey Golubev and Irina Takala is the product of two significant research projects that have, for over a decade, explored this emigration from Finnish communities in Canada and the United States. The projects largely examine the 1930s and the emigration of Finns to the former Soviet Union during its formative years. One, based in Canada and led by the late Varpu Lindstrom, explored those Canadians who fell victim to Stalin's purges in the 1930s. The second, led by Irina Takala and based out of Petrozavodsk in the Russian Federation, looked at North American immigrant communities in Karelia to, as the authors write, better understand Soviet regional history and focus[ed] on the impacts of American and Canadian immigrants on the cultural, economic, and social development of Soviet Karelia during the 1930s and 1940s (viii).What Golubev and Takala have produced is clearly a study based more on the latter project. Throughout its nine chapters, The Search for a Socialist El Dorado provides a solid chronological examination of the establishment, growth, and tragic end to the North American Finnish communities in Soviet Karelia. The first three chapters provide necessary background information on the nature and characteristics of the Finnish diaspora and Soviet immigration policy during the 1930s. While much of the discussion in these sections has been well trodden by historians, Golubev and Takala provide added layers of context from the Soviet perspective using archival materials largely inaccessible to scholars until recently and a secondary literature largely untapped by North American academics. …

This chapter focuses on war finance in the two principal allies of the Central Powers, Germany and Austria-Hungary, the two financial powerhouses of the Entente, Great Britain and France, and two neutral countries, the United States and the Netherlands. It discusses the impact of mobilisation on national finances, financing the industrial war effort, demobilisation and impossible return to the pre-war financial order, and the financial legacy of the Great War. Mobilisation for war transformed the peacetime financial systems of the European powers. Financial demobilisation in Germany through inflation and stabilisation put an end to war finance, made reconstruction easier and reduced debt. Financial demobilisation following the Great War led to uncertain and therefore temporary stabilization of social policy and the political system itself. The weakness of parliamentary governments, and the attractiveness of totalitarian alternatives, arose in part out of the exigencies and consequences of war finance.

The article is devoted to the issue of economic development of world lead countries after the First World War. The aim of investigation is the identification of regularities of the post-conflict reconstruction of national economies of the world lead countries in the interwar period and the assessment of the dynamics of national defense financing as the indicator of international tension. The authors studies the experience in reconstruction of the European economies at the end of the First World War, in particular the main activities of the League of Nations (the world first International Organization for Security and Peace) in Germany, Hungary, Estonia, Greece and Bulgaria in the interwar period are highlighted. Considering the data of military expenditures of main military and political bloc participants on the eve of the Second World War, the number of military personnel and the volume of iron and steel production during the 1920–1938, the author examines their relation with the help of correlation and regression analysis that allows to quantify the impact of these factors on the financing the defense sector.

The Karelian lament, or itkuvirsi, is an extraordinary expressive form found in eastern Finland and Soviet Karelia that uses music, language, gesture, and the icons of crying to communicate affect and power. It has its roots in the ancestor worship of the ancient Karelian folk religion, and contains vestiges of classical Eurasian shamanism in its ecstatic, trancelike manner of performance. The lament is performed only by women, usually within the ritual context of funerals or weddings; however, it is also performed at non-ritual occasions with strong overtones of affect, such as when old friends meet after a long absence or as a complaint about the hardships of life. The lament is now only barely remembered by a handful of Karelian women, most of them refugees from World War II now living in Finland. The ritual contexts have completely died out in Finland, although the funeral context still partially survives in Soviet Karelia. The primary source material for this paper is drawn from my fieldwork with Karelian refugees in 1984-85, who had learned laments prior to World War II in traditional village settings.

The purpose of this study is to derive implications for the Korean National Pension System through reviewing the financial calculation system, financial objectives, and financial indicators of the German National Pension System. For this purpose, we explain the development process of the public pension system related to the financial calculation, the institutional characteristics(coverage, finance, benefit) and reform trends related to the calculation of national pension finances in order to understand the financial calculation of the German national pension. Next, we will examine the financial calculation system, financial objectives, and financial indicators of the German National Pension in detail, and give implications for the Korean National Pension System. The main implications of this study are clear agreement on financing method, clear financial goal setting, specific goal setting of major financial indicators to achieve financial goal (contribution rate ceiling, income replacement rate lower limit system, 0.2-1.5 times of monthly pension expenditure), tax subsidy of 25% of the total income, a clear accounting system such as goal, subject and calculation cycle, estimation period, and report verification, various administrative agencies. In particular, it should be noted that the major financial indicators for assessing the achievement of financial objectives in Germany are clearly presented as the contribution rate, the benefit level, and the level of the fund. Germany, which introduced the public pension system of social insurance scheme for the first time, has successfully implemented the financial calculation system for the long-term sustainability of the public pension. Over the course of more than 100 years after the introduction of the pension system, financial methods experiencing the crises such as the World War and the economic downturn (inflation) were transformed and financial objectives were clearly set in the face of low fertility and aging, unification of East and West Germany and frequent economic crises. In the case of Germany, where the Korean National Pension System has been encountered before and will be faced various economic and social crises in the future, their systematic financial calculation system and establishment of clear financial objectives have many implications for the financial calculation system in the Korean National Pension System. If the implications for the German case are reflected in the fourth financial accounting system of National Pension in 2018, it will be a more sustainable and trustworthy system.

March/April 2006 Historically Speaking 45 warrior spirit in Western armed forces. But I depart from him in my analysis by placing greater emphasis on the social and political dimension and less on the technological develWWl British recruitment poster, printed by Turner & Dunnett, London & Liverpool, 1915. Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division [reproduction number, LC-USZC4-10907]. opments that he fears will inhibit the warrior's sense ofheroism. The spirit ofthe hero will be dampened by social forces as the armed forces become more like the civilian world. Coker resembles a latter day Oswald Spengler in his gloomy prognosis . I have enough optimism and historical confidence to believe that the intoxicating potential of pharmaceutical, computer, and genetic technologies will not be realized to the extent that Coker predicts. In future wars ofa quite different character, which might demand greater commitment and sacrifice than the wars of the present, the spirit of the warrior will reassert itself. Why do I believe this? The answer is simple: the weapons (or instruments of war) might change, but the nature of humankind remains constant. In his novel An Instinctfor War Roger Spiller includes a Japanese colonel, who observes of the RussoJapanese War of 1905 that as the Europeans employed increasing numbers of machines, so "their armies try more and more to make themselves into machines. That is the spirit of modern war, and we must submit to it if we are to take our place in the new world." Yet the human spirit has not submitted in the past and nor will it in the future.5 Brian Holden Reid is professor of American history and military institutions and head ofthe Department of War Studies at King's College London. His has recently completed a three-volume history ofthe American Civil War. 1 For superb discussions ofboth, see Roger J Spiller, "Man Against Fire: Audie Murphy and his War," in Joseph G Dawson III, ed., The Texas Military Experience: From the Revolution through World War II (Texas A&M University Press, 1995), 137-144; Peter Maslowski and Don Winslow, Lookingfor a Hero: StaffSergeantJoe Ronnie Hooper and the Vietnam War (University ofNebraska Press, 2004) 2 Maslowski and Winder, Lookingfor a Hero, 145-48 3 Barry R Posen, The Sources ofMilitary Doctrine: France, Britain, and Germany between the World Wars (Cornell University Press, 1984), 54-57. 4 Michael Sherry, "Patriotic Orthodoxy and American Decline," in Edward Linenthal and Tom Engelhardt, eds., History Wars (Henry Holt, 1996), 106. 5 Roger Spiller, An Instinctfor War (Harvard University Press, 2005), 254. The Biotech Soldier: America's Future Warrior? Peter S. Kindsvatter Christopher Coker has written a thought provoking essay on the future warrior of the Western world. Of necessity, that entails a prediction of what warfare will be like. What will that warrior of the future have to face? Soldiers, military theorists , and a variety of scholars have not shied away from making such predictions, in many cases from an earnest desire to prepare their countries and their militaries for what lies ahead. The too-often heard cliché, "An army always prepares to fight the last war," is simply not true in many cases. And as Coker's essay indicates, today's American military is making a considerable effort to understand and prepare for future conflict. The problem with such predictions about future war is that they have varied from off base to abysmally wrong. None have been more wrong, unfortunately, than those predicting an end to war. English publicist Norman Angeli, for example, in his widely read book The Great Illusion, published in 1909 and revised in 1912, argued persuasively that war 46 Historically Speaking March/April 2006 in a modern commercial and industrial world would be counterproductive, to say the least. War would ruin, not enhance, a modern nation's trade and finances, which are interdependent with that of other countries. Furthermore, the people ofmodern nations are "losing the psychological impulse to war .... How can modern life, with its overpowering proportion ofindustrial activities and its infinitesimal proportion of military, keep alive the instincts associated with war as against those developed by peace?"1 That the instincts of war were still alive and well, however, was painfully evident two...

The chapter scrutinizes the structuration of sovereign debt and state power in Germany after the end of the First World War, under democratic as well as under dictatorial rule. It argues that the history of German public debt practices in this period cannot be understood without taking the intermingling logics of national politics and international finance into account. Two aspects are highlighted: the blurring lines between state agency and market interests, and the growing importance of intermediary institutions and financial mediators. The findings show that the power of the state was measured decreasingly by the amount of subscriptions of public bonds by individual citizens. The most powerful asset of the state became its differential, sometimes even coercive impact on the capacity of (national as well as international) market actors to realize their goals. These developments transcended the caesura of 1933 and question normative narratives that connect parliamentarian representation, economic liberalism and sustainable debt.

392 SEER, 85, 2, 2007 linkingglobal biodiversityconcernswith local ruralrealities,followingUNDP funding for conservationplanning in the Rhodope in 200I. But their impact is restricted due to limited numbers and finance, while their relations with government 'are messier than the ideals envisioned by advocates for civil society as a key to democracy' (p. 270) and popular 'mass-mobilization' around environmental issues has cooled since I989-90. But as envisaged in the Carpathians,NGO influence over community stakeholdergroups may at least generate models whose demonstrationeffects could be crucial over the longer term. Department of Geography DAVID TuRNiOCK Universi{y ofLeicester Valenius, Johanna. Undressing theMaid: Gender, Sexuality and theBody in the Construction of theFinnish Nation.Bibliotheca Historica, 85. Finnish Literature Society, Helsinki, 2004. 222 pp. Illustrations.Notes. Bibliography. Index. E29.00 (paperback). JOHANNA VALENIUS'Sstudy explores how the embodiment of femininity,masculinityand sexualityare constructedin representationsof the 'FinnishMaid' from I899 to I9I8 a period when Finland was strivingfor independence from Russia. Such representations,she argues, form a part of negotiations about the formation of a nation, its geo-political position and the balance between 'East'and 'West'.Her historicalanalysisis also motivatedby contemporary questions about national and militaristic discourses and practices, whereby representationsof the Finnishmaid at the turn of the twentiethcentury have become intertwined in the current debate about Finnish national identity. The study focuses on caricatures from four political magazines ranging from conservative'fennomans'to socialists,'new' Finns and Swedish-speaking Finns. The magazines incorporated different conceptions of Finnishness, nationality and the nation, with the female figure utilized as a common feature. Because the political profiles and aims of the journals diverged, the Finnish maid acquired four differentfaces, albeit with shared features,which served to eroticize the embodiment of nationality. Valenius locates her analysis in nationality, gender and sexuality, incorporating the work ofJoane Nagel, Ruth Roach Pearson, Nira Yuval-Davis and Geroge L. Mosse. Judith Butler'sheterosexual matrix is utilized, whilst coIcepts of homosociality and homoeroticism are employed in her exploration of ways in which relations between men can be placed in a national context. Nationalism, Valenius argues, is performativity is located in space. Five chaptersdeal with gender, sexualityand embodiment, as represented in i) the context of constructingthe nation, 2) national space, 3) the Finnish maid as eroticized and ethnicized bride, 4) the maid as threatened and 5) the maid as transformed into an ugly Suometar-mama. Shifting representations of the maid were strategic in discussions about what being Finnish means. Valenius also examines monumental spaces such as the Senate Square REVIEWS 393 in the Centre of Helsinki (surroundedby buildings of the state, the city, the universityand a church)and concludes with a considerationof the 'petrified paradoxes of masculine enterprises'.Connections between embodiment and power are analysed, for example, through Foucault'stheory of panopticon. In chapter four Valenius explores the implicationsof Finland being represented as a 'maid'. Many national representationsrefer to mothers, such as Mother Russia or Svea Mamma (Sweden).Finland'seternal maid is rendered intelligiblethroughthe geopoliticalposition of Finlandbetween Eastand West a maid needs to be protected and defended as an object of desire which, Valenius argues, has promoted a cult of 'great men'. At the same time there were debates between the protagonistsof differentpolitical orientationsand their representatives.Valenius also uses the concept of (dis-)embodying thenation in orderto referto the liminalityof the maid who is preventedfrombecoming an adult. In chapter five the maid is depicted as troubled and sufferingas a border region and a battle field. Through differentways of representingthe maid, issues such as power relations as well as threatened borders were contested. Here the constructionof the nation consistsof masculineactivities.The place of the female is merely symbolic. Through this female symbol men negotiate what divides and unites them. The maid is threatenedby a range of Russian male figures. Potential rapistsare representedusing racist imagery. In reference to Nagel, Valenius notes that in this way borders are constructed as ethnosexual. Masculine honour is also depicted through the shame of the female and her rescueby a man. These visualrepresentationsspeaktheir own very strong language and Valenius interpretsthis language deftly. In the context of nationality women bear the burden of representation, whereas nations themselves are scenes of masculine action. As Yuval-Davies has suggested,women have had a...