Hating the Neighbors: The Role of Hate Crime in the Perpetuation of Black Residential Segregation

This study aimed to analyse the emergence and development of Disability Hate Crime as a policy area in the criminal justice system in England and Wales. It did this through building an understanding of the contributory factors including the challenges within the criminal justice system, wider government and politics, the independent statutory sector and disabled peoples organisations that led to the emergence and development of Disability Hate Crime policy and practice. This study contributes the first comprehensive analysis of the emergence and development of Disability Hate Crime in England and Wales to hate crime studies. Using a case study approach the thesis triangulates evidence from interviews in activist, policy and political streams, from hate crime cases and analysis of policy documents to chart this policy journey. It analyses the journey from agenda invisibility through agenda triggering to significant institutionalised actions on Disability Hate Crime in the criminal justice system, showing the roles of activism, politics and policy making in shaping this policy process. It underscores the analysis of this policy journey with a key focus on problematisation in policy making on Disability Hate Crime. This study found that Disability Hate Crime has faced challenges in its emergence and development as a policy area in the criminal justice system. It has faced challenges at each stage of the policy journey from initial agenda triggering, through agenda setting and onto agenda institutionalisation. This study concludes that Disability Hate Crime is an unsettled and unsettling policy agenda with agenda institutionalisation, as an established predictable area of policy and practice, some way off, despite legislation in 2003. The study found that: - Disability Hate Crime remains an unsettled policy agenda in that it displays an unsettled discourse, varied ways of responding, a need for ongoing national strategic action, and limited transition into day-to-day routine business. - Disability Hate Crime is an unsettling policy agenda in that it challenges understandings of hostility and prejudice beyond direct manifestations of hostility. It is also unsettling in that it raises a dual problematisation of targeted crimes against disabled people as either hostility targeting or vulnerability targeting. This reflects a wider dual problematisation of disability as either an issue of welfare or as an issue of rights. - Current understandings of disability hostility reflect under recognition of disability discrimination and linked ideologies of ableism and disablism. This under recognition of disability hostility lead to justice failures in Disability Hate Crime cases. Constructions of the targeting of disabled people in crime as based on vulnerability lacks recognition of such targeting as biased, hostile targeting of disabled people. This study reconceptualises disability hostility as hostility including vulnerability targeting. Arising from these conclusions, on an optimistic note, this study recommends a change to hate crime law which recognises that disability hostility can be based on hostility demonstration, a hostility motivation or hostile targeting because of disability. This study concludes that rather than institutionalisation of Disability Hate Crime as day-to-day hate crime business, it still remains unusual business. This study contributes a reconceptualization of the concept of disability hostility to include targeting because of disability – ‘disability vulnerability’. It makes the case for varied legal provisions to reflect the protection requirements of different hate crime strands. It adds to the body of case studies on public policy making. Finally, it illuminates the influence of equality law on Disability Hate Crime policy making.

This study investigates causes of black residential segregation. The units of analysis are cities and a causal model is specified and evaluated using the technique of path analysis. The principal hypotheses are supported, although there is some interaction with regional location. The data suggest that the relative status of blacks and black population size are important determinants of segregation; these findings are especially interesting given the general belief that black socioeconomic progress is unrelated to changes in segregation, as well as the tendency to ignore absolute size of the black population in analyses of segregation. Also important are percent black and the relative growth rates of the white and black populations; however, the impact of the latter variable was smaller than anticipated in view of the emphasis often given to it. This study is concerned with the causes of residential segregation in large United States cities. The approach is comparative in that we analyze the determinants of intercity variation in residential segregation. A causal model is specified and three basic hypotheses are examined: (1) black-white status differentials affect residential segregation, (2) both the absolute and relative size of black populations have important and independent effects upon segregation, and (3) the rate at which the black population is growing relative to the white rate affects segregation. Despite the attention devoted to the causes and consequences of black segregation, there have been surprisingly few comparative studies using cities as units of analysis. Instead, explanations by social scientists have tended to treat segregation as a qualitative rather than as a continuous variable, and concern has been with specification of the conditions under which it emerges. For example, Warren (1969) argues that black segregation can best be understood as the outcome of internal colonialism, in which white domination of ghetto institutions creates a sense of helplessness and dependency on the part of ghetto residents. Moreover, in those studies where segregation is taken as a variable, it has been treated as a causal factor, and its effects on such dependent variables as assimilation, infant mortality, and fertility differentials analyzed (e.g., Duncan and Lieberson, 1959; Jiobu, 1972; Jiobu and Marshall, 1971; Lieberson, 1963; Marshall and Sinnott, 1971). A major exception is Taeuber and Taeuber (1965a) who examined factors producing changes in segregation levels during the 1940s and 1950s. Also important is Schnore and Evensen's (1966) analysis of city age and segregation levels in southern cities. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND HYPOTHESES The ecological approach to residential segregation tends to conceptualize it as the spatial expression of intergroup variations in status. Park (1967:68) provides the classic statement of this view: It is because social relations are so frequently and so inevitably correlated with spatial relations; because physical distances, so frequently are, or seem to be, the indexes of social distances, that statistics have any significance whatever for sociology. In a closely reasoned statement of this hypothesis, Lieberson (1963) argues that a group's status is an important determinant of its competitive position. Low-status groups tend to be spatially isolated from higher-status groups, partly because high-status persons avoid locating their residences in the same areas, and partly because low-status groups are less able to compete for the more attractive residential sites occupied by high-status groups. Consistent with this hypothesis Lieberson (1963) shows that intergroup segregation levels in 1930 varied closely with such indicators of group status * We wish to express our appreciation to the anonymous referees who offered numerous and extremely helpful comments. Of course, we alone are responsible for the interpretations as well as any remaining ambiguities or errors.

‘Hate crimes’ hurt more than similar, but otherwise motivated crimes. This has increasingly been acknowledged and understood by criminal justice agencies in a number of countries, by supra-national policy bodies and civil society organisations concerned with fundamental human rights, and by those in the civil and public sectors working to support victims of ‘hate crime’. A substantial body of evidence about the personal injuries of ‘hate crime’ has now accumulated to support the notion that ‘hate crimes hurt more’. This chapter extends the evidence base further by unfolding some new data on the physical, emotional, and behavioural injuries of ‘hate crime’. It also suggests that understanding the particular impacts of ‘hate crime’ can serve to inform appropriate and effective support for victims and inform the training of those working with victims.

In the United States, the dominant approach to responding to various forms of interpersonal violence, such as intimate violence or bias attacks, supports and expands the state apparatus of incarceration. For communities of color and LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and queer) communities who are already at risk for institutional violence, solutions that are built on a foundation of criminalization become a source of violence as they intensify policing mechanisms. These uneasy dynamics can be examined through a closer look at legislation intended to protect survivors of intimate violence and hate crimes. Analyzing the emergence of legislative responses to violence that is committed against people who are marginalized because of their race, religion, ethnicity, nationality, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, and disability provides an insight into systematized sociopolitical institutions, such as the state incarceration apparatus. Legislation that addresses “violence against women” and “hate crimes” are used both against and in “protection of” Asian American communities and offer illustrative examples of the relationship between individualized violence and state violence. In this Article, we examine how these legislative acts exclude, neglect, and punish survivors who deviate from the parameters of the “model minority victim.” Next, we examine the impact of these different legal remedies -- how they expand state criminalization of immigrant communities and perpetuate negative stereotypes of people of color, and how they rely on the criminal-legal infrastructure in the United States for “safety” and “punishment” and serve to build the perpetually expanding prison system. Finally, we examine the potential for transformative justice strategies as a response to individualized violence that do not rely on the state. We look at the ways in which state-based responses to violence contribute to race-based discrimination and fail to encourage solidarity among people of color. Instead, we propose a shift away from state-based responses to community-based responses that identify all forms of violence whether personal, political, state, or systemic.

This thesis explores feminist women's experiences of online gendered hate: abusive, threatening or upsetting acts or comments which are often sexual, violent, or gendered in content, and which target women in public online spaces. This work draws directly on the experiences of feminist women in England and Wales, using data gathered during focus groups and interviews, and analysed within frameworks offered by feminist and hate crime scholars. The participants were feminist women who had directly received abuse themselves, or had experienced online gendered hate indirectly: through reading about this or seeing other women being targeted. Accounts given by participants showed the importance of the internet as a space in which they could practice, perform, and develop their feminism. However this was also a world in which women experienced a continuum of abusive acts. Setting this study apart from existing research is the finding that ‘mundane’ behaviours (often treated as trolling) were seen as abusive and harmful by many of the participants. Using these findings, this research develops a model for conceptualising online gendered hate. Analysis revealed that feminist women's participation in online spaces was disrupted by abusive behaviours. This thesis argues that the ways in which online abuse controls women's participation in the online world is wider than has previously been understood: women did not have to experience abuse directly to be constrained by it. In this, online gendered hate sends a message to all feminist women online about what is (and is not) appropriate performance of difference (Perry, 2001). This research examined how women attempted to fight back and resist online abuse, concluding that no one strategy was successful. Reflection is given to how the findings of this research contribute to contemporary debates on the inclusion of misogyny as a strand of hate crime in England and Wales.

Acts of hostility against people with disabilities remain largely overlooked by academia and the UK government. Despite this, between 2014/15-2016/17 the known incidents of disability hate crime in the UK increased by 249% with hate crime reports on Britain’s railways increasing by 23% between 2015/16-2016/17. Although estimates suggest that 19% of the global population has a disability and whilst public transport is a recognised trigger-environment for hate attacks against disabled people, no dedicated research existed, until now, to understand the victim experience. The key aims of this thesis are to transform academic understanding, methodology and theoretical frameworks.Public transport providers have an equality duty to protect all passengers; if not undertaken, minority groups remain susceptible. This thesis explores victim experiences through in-depth, semi-structured interviews and focus groups with 56 participants. Public transport staff members were interviewed and policies explored to understand how diligently authorities, providers and staff meet their legal obligations to protect susceptible passengers as obliged by the Public Sector Equality Duty. To enable engagement with people who possess a range of physical and mental disabilities, specific ethical considerations and adaptions were employed and diverse communications facilitated.Findings reveal everyday abuse, distress and violence affecting disabled passengers and fuelling aversions to using public transport often results in social isolation. Conflicts can be triggered by occupancy of priority spaces with most abuse occurring on buses. Staff members hold little awareness of the problem or confidence to manage it. Most authorities do not discharge their safeguarding obligations, consequently providers are not incentivised to safeguard. The thesis outlines the implications of these findings for scholarship and policy offering recommendations which are designed to raise awareness of the problem and improve access to justice.

Hate crime and the city, by Paul Iganski, Bristol, Policy Press, 2008, 168 pp., £21.99 (paperback), ISBN 978-1-86134-939-2 The images and thoughts produced when thinking of hate crime for most peop...

Book synopsis: The Handbook on Crime is a comprehensive edited volume that contains analysis and explanation of the nature, extent, patterns and causes of over 40 different forms of crime, in each case drawing attention to key contemporary debates and social and criminal justice responses to them. It also challenges many popular and official conceptions of crime. This book is one of the few criminological texts that takes as its starting point a range of specific types of criminal activity. It addresses not only 'conventional' offences such as shoplifting, burglary, robbery, and vehicle crime, but many other forms of criminal behaviour - often an amalgamation of different legal offences - which attract contemporary media, public and policy concern. These include crimes committed not only by individuals, but by organised criminal groups, corporations and governments. There are chapters on, for example, gang violence, hate crime, elder abuse, animal abuse, cyber crime, identity theft, money-laundering, eco crimes, drug trafficking, human trafficking, genocide, and global terrorism. Many of these topics receive surprisingly little attention in the criminological literature. The Handbook on Crime will be a unique text of lasting value to students, researchers, academics, practitioners, policy makers, journalists and all others involved in understanding and preventing criminal behaviour.

Book summary: the Handbook on Crime is a comprehensive edited volume that contains analysis and explanation of the nature, extent, patterns and causes of over 40 different forms of crime, in each case drawing attention to key contemporary debates and social and criminal justice responses to them. It also challenges many popular and official conceptions of crime. This book is one of the few criminological texts that takes as its starting point a range of specific types of criminal activity. It addresses not only 'conventional' offences such as shoplifting,burglary, robbery, and vehicle crime, but many other forms of criminal behaviour - often an amalgamation of different legal offences - which attract contemporary media, public and policy concern. These include crimes committed not only by individuals, but by organised criminal groups, corporations and governments. There are chapters on, for example, gang violence, hate crime, elder abuse, animal abuse,cyber crime, identity theft, money-laundering, eco crimes, drug trafficking, human trafficking, genocide, and global terrorism. Many of these topics receive surprisingly little attention in the criminological literature. The Handbook on Crime will be a unique text of lasting value to students, researchers,academics, practitioners, policy makers, journalists and all others involved in understanding and preventing criminal behaviour.

The Handbook on Crime is a comprehensive edited volume that contains analysis and explanation of the nature, extent, patterns and causes of over 40 different forms of crime, in each case drawing attention to key contemporary debates and social and criminal justice responses to them. It also challenges many popular and official conceptions of crime. This book is one of the few criminological texts that takes as its starting point a range of specific types of criminal activity. It addresses not only 'conventional' offences such as shoplifting, burglary, robbery, and vehicle crime, but many other forms of criminal behaviour - often an amalgamation of different legal offences - which attract contemporary media, public and policy concern. These include crimes committed not only by individuals, but by organised criminal groups, corporations and governments. There are chapters on, for example, gang violence, hate crime, elder abuse, animal abuse, cyber crime, identity theft, money-laundering, eco crimes, drug trafficking, human trafficking, genocide, and global terrorism. Many of these topics receive surprisingly little attention in the criminological literature.

Say What You Need To Say: A Concurring Opinion Regarding Intra-religious Hate Crimes After the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd, Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act and United States v. Mullet

Evaluating the Integration of Hate Crime Law into Police Practice: A Content Analysis of Police Agency Policies on Hate Crimes in Maryland

IntroductionMost studies of the relationship between racial segregation and racial health disparities have focused on residential segregation. School-based racial segregation is an additional form of segregation that may be associated with racial disparities in health. This study examines the relationship between both residential segregation and school segregation and racial health disparities among non-Hispanic Black compared to non-Hispanic White persons at the county level in the United States. It also examines the relationship between changes in residential and school segregation and subsequent trajectories in a variety of racial health disparities across the life course.MethodsUsing the CDC WONDER Multiple Case of Death database, we derived an annual estimate of race-specific death rates and rate ratios for each county during the period 2000–2020. We then examined the relationship between baseline levels of residential and school segregation in 1991 as well as changes between 1991–2000 and the trajectories of the observed racial health disparities between 2000 and 2020. We used latent trajectory analysis to identify counties with similar patterns of residential and school segregation over time and to identify counties with similar trajectories in each racial health disparity. Outcomes included life expectancy, early mortality (prior to age 65), infant mortality, firearm homicide, total homicide, and teenage pregnancy rates.ResultsDuring the period 1991–2020, racial residential segregation remained essentially unchanged among the 1051 counties in our sample; however, racial school segregation increased during this period. Increases in school segregation from 1991 to 2000 were associated with higher racial disparities in each of the health outcomes during the period 2000–2020 and with less progress in reducing these disparities.ConclusionThis paper provides new evidence that school segregation is an independent predictor of racial health disparities and that reducing school segregation—even in the face of high residential segregation—could have a long-term impact on reducing racial health disparities. Furthermore, it suggests that the health consequences of residential segregation have not been eliminated from our society but are now being exacerbated by a new factor: school-based segregation. Throughout this paper, changes in school-based segregation not only show up as a consistent significant predictor of greater racial disparities throughout the life course, but at times, an even stronger predictor of health inequity than residential segregation.

Teaching and Learning Guide for: Isn’t Every Crime a Hate Crime? The Case for Hate Crime Laws

Hate crimes against people with disabilities are being fuelled by public perceptions that many are 'benefit scroungers', Trades Union Congress delegates heard at their annual conference in Brighton last week.