Has PMGDISHA Enhanced the Digital Skills and Expanded the Freedoms of Rural Citizens? Exploration Through the Capability Approach

This paper empirically examines the on political, civil and economic that, a country can have a high degree of civil freedom, and a high degree of economic without any political freedom, but can not have any political if it does not have some degree of civil and economic freedom. Using panel data of five SAARC countries over the period 1995-2011, the dynamic panel data econometric techniques and Granger-causality tests validated the regarding economic and political freedom, but regarding civil and political the reverse is found true. estimates of the empirical model using UECM show that economic has significant short-run and long-run effects in improving the political in the SAARC region.Keywords: Political Freedom, Civil Freedom, Economic Freedom, Dynamic Panel DataJEL classification: F49, O5, P5(ProQuest: ... denotes formulae omitted.)1. INTRODUCTIONThe world has experienced unprecedented democratic wave during the last four decades that Samuel Huntington (1993) called the Third Wave of democratization. revolution of that began in the 1970s was amplified by the collapse of Communism in the 1990s and the widespread acceptance of the economic policies of the Washington consensus. This boom reversed the earlier trend toward state intervention and socialism, which began to take hold at the beginning of the twentieth century (Rosa and Vanssy, 1995). boom has been observed in political democracy and freedom, and civil and economic which have been accompanied by a movement towards competitive markets, liberalization, and the globalization of previously closed economies. This as Milton called The Tide Is Turning.1Milton in his famous book Capitalism and Freedom (1962) made one of the most influential arguments for economic liberalism at a time when the ideas of liberals (in the traditional sense) were distinctly unfashionable. world-wide shift from autocracy toward civil and economic and democratization has led to substantial research on the interrelationship between various freedoms. In Capitalism and Freedom, sought to establish an argument about the interconnectedness of economic and political freedom, known as liberal hypothesis or Friedman hypothesis which asserts that economic is an indispensable means towards achievement of political freedom. According to (1962, p. 10) History suggests only that capitalism is a necessary condition for political freedom. Clearly it is not a sufficient condition.With the development of the relationship between economic and political freedom, a third category of has been added to the mix in the subsequent years, namely social or civil freedom. himself has argued for the need of such addition in a number of lectures.2 He said, I've grown increasingly to think that we need to make three classifications (of freedom) instead of two: economic freedom; social or civil freedom; and political freedom. ... You can have a high degree of social freedom, and a high degree of economic without any political freedom. What's not clear is whether you can have any political if you don't have some degree of the other freedom (2002, p. 17). This is the new version of the Hypothesis.This paper aims to offer evidence concerning the direction of the trichotomic causation between measures of economic, civil and political freedom, and examines whether Freidman's New Hypothesis holds in case of South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation (SAARC), using panel data set of five SAARC member countries over 1995-2011 period. South Asia, a region of about 23 percent of global population having only 2 percent of global income, finds itself in the midst of significant economic, political and social transformation since the early 1990s. …

Economic and political freedoms are often used as key indicators to classify types of political regimes. These freedoms, which include freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and economic freedoms such as freedom of business and freedom of trade, significantly affect how a country is perceived as a democracy or an autocracy. Democracies are typically characterized by high levels of these freedoms, allowing open expression and market regulation that encourages competition and fair trade. In contrast, autocratic regimes often impose restrictions on both speech and economic activity, limiting the scope of political discourse and centralizing economic control. These freedoms not only reflect, but also shape the political landscapes of modern states. The synthesis of freedoms with political governance not only determines the internal dynamics of nations, but also affects their relationships on the global stage. Ensuring the development and protection of these freedoms is of paramount importance to the development of stable, prosperous and just societies around the world. Economic and political freedoms are the foundation of democratic government and are essential to the personal and economic well-being of citizens.The purpose of the work is to conduct a study of the influence of the scope of economic and political rights and freedoms on the formation of the political regime in the country. The object of the research iseconomic and political freedoms as key criteria for the classification of types of political regimes. The subject of the research is social relations that arise, change and cease in the process of consolidation and implementation of economic and political rights and freedoms and their influence on the formation and functioning of democratic and autocratic political regimes. Research methodology includes methodological approaches (active, systemic, comparative, axiological), general scientific methods of thinking (analysis, synthesis, abstraction, generalization), philosophical (dialectical, metaphysical, hermeneutic, epistemological), general scientific (historical, synergistic, functional, structural) and specifically scientific (formal-legal, comparative-legal) methods. As a result of the study, problematic issues related to the problem were analyzedwith the realization of economic and political freedoms as key indicators of the country's political regime, which significantly affect the trajectory of its development and international position.

The construct of Consumer Alienation has attracted the interest of several researchers who have used it to assess consumer attitudes toward business in general. Alienation-the degree to which a consumer has negative beliefs about business in general and is alienated from it-and its associated measurement are employed to assess the relationship between political and economic freedom and the degree to which consumers believe businesses are responsive to their needs and wants. Three countries, representing very different levels of development, are examined to determine whether consumer alienation is related to economic and political freedom. China represents a country with very limited freedom, Bulgaria has limited freedom, and the United States represents a country with a high degree of economic and political freedom. Expectations derived from prior research suggested that we should find substantial differences in alienation between the three samples. Our hypothesis, based on the understanding that...

This article addresses the issue of causality in the relationship between political and economic freedom and economic growth in transition countries. This problem has been discussed in the literature but the results concerning political freedom and economic growth are still ambiguous. Moreover, owing to the impact of time we now have at our disposal significantly longer time series, which in this kind of research is especially important. The analysis was conducted for 25 post-socialist countries for 1990–2008 using a set of 20 indicators of economic and political freedom and Granger causality tests. The results show that although economic freedom has a positive impact on economic growth in transition countries, political freedom is neutral for economic growth; changes in the level of political freedom are however influenced by economic growth.

The relationships between political and economic freedom is a theoretical and practical proposition with contemporary significance. As a social public activity with the core of allocating limited resources through authority mechanism, politics will inevitably form a certain force, norm and restriction on individual members in society. For the individual members which is the basic composition unit of politics, the core content of individual freedom appeals is to protect the individual free space from the improper infringement of governments. As the corresponding existence of political authority and the important connotation of individual freedom, there exists a close relationship between the economic freedom, political system and policy action. Since 1950s, the development of behaviourism and the scientific of political research provide methodological support for seeking cause and effect relation between political and economic freedom from the angle of empirical research. This article reviews the recent advances in the empirical research on the relationship between political and economic freedom from four aspects, including economic freedom and political freedom, economic freedom and political democratization, economic freedom and political corruption, economic freedom and political stability. The existing empirical researches have drawn correlation conclusions on the two variables, but cannot rule out the influences of other variables and the interaction of other factors, and thus fail to provide sufficient evidences to determine the causal relationship between the two variables. On a deeper level, such failures can be attributed to that the politic and freedom are both extremely complex social practices and value selection processes, which involves institutional arrangements, policy orientation, and more controversial ideological issues, and should be examined and reflected in a broader theoretical field and practical choices.

Measures of central bank independence combine many attributes that may or may not affect inflation. Central bank attributes are chosen as a result of political calculations over the distribution of resources between competing interest groups. Simultaneity bias results from regressions of central bank independence or of economic and political freedom on inflation or growth. Our estimates demonstrate the connections between economic and political freedom and central bank attributes that lead to inflation. Countries showing high degrees of economic freedom adopt structures that lead to lower inflation; those that show high degrees of political freedom do not adopt inflation‐reducing institutional structures.

Entrepreneurship and democracy are often considered complementary, but recent evidence points to a paradox that entrepreneurial activities have increased in undemocratic contexts. Exploring economic and political freedoms, this paper investigates the development of entrepreneurship in Vietnam, an economy characterised by low economic and very low political freedoms. It suggests changes in economic freedom over time influence opportunity perceptions and activities more than absolute levels. We identify key aspects of how culture and institutions have changed, which have been conducive to entrepreneurship. Overall, we show how even small increases in economic freedom stimulate entrepreneurship, even in the absence of political freedom.

This paper is a study of Gandhi’s “Hind Swaraj” to bring out the philosophical significance of the concept of Swaraj. Gandhi has laid down his philosophy of life in this work which defines the concept of self-rule and also the concept of political and economic freedom. The Hind Swaraj is Gandhi’s manifesto for Indian freedom struggle since it lays down the principles of Satyagraha, namely Satya and Ahimsa. In this paper, an attempt is made to show how Gandhi harmonizes the political and economic freedom with spiritual freedom. Gandhi emphasizes the soul-force as the new principle for the emancipation of the Indian masses in addition to their economic and political freedom.

This chapter investigates the relationship between freedom and economic growth. Two components of freedom are considered – political and economic. While political freedom measures have frequently been used, this chapter offers three separate variables to measure a major, and much neglected, determinant of economic growth – namely, economic freedom. The relationship of freedom with respect to welfare is examined through the use of five separate indicators of welfare: – per capita income growth, measured in constant dollars and purchasing power parity (PPP) dollars; total factor productivity growth (TFPG); growth in secondary school enrollment and decline in infant mortality. Data for over ninety countries are used for the time period 1973–1990. The results are robust and invariant to alternative specifications. In particular, both political and economic freedom are positively associated with economic growth. For example, a 1 point increase in political freedom (on a 7 point scale) leads to an increase in per capita growth of approximately 1 percent; and an opening up of international capital markets (as proxied by the black market premium on the currency) leads to an increase of 1.6 percent in the per capita growth rate. These results hold regardless of whether the estimation is ordinary least squares (OLS) or in the context of a simultaneous equation model. Further, the results hold for all three educational attainment variables (World Bank 1991; Barro and Lee 1992, 1993b; and Nehru, Swanson, and Dubey 1993). One reason why these results differ markedly from the “no (or negative) freedom-growth” relationship observed in the literature is because of the improved specification of the growth model developed in this paper, i.e., a model which incorporates both economic and political freedom.

Purpose: In the dynamic landscape of education, the integration of digital infrastructure significantly shapes public-school teachers' effectiveness. This study aims to investigate the interplay between digital infrastructure and teaching effectiveness, focusing on four subvariables: Access to Digital Infrastructure, Digital Pedagogical Skills, Technical Support and Infrastructure Maintenance, and Perceived Impact on Teaching Effectiveness. Specifically conducted at Old Damulog National High School, the research explores the current state of digital infrastructure, assessing teachers' access to resources and platforms. It also analyzes educators' digital pedagogical skills and evaluates technical support and infrastructure maintenance. The study aims to provide insights for policymakers, administrators, and educators, guiding the development of strategies to optimize digital infrastructure and enhance overall teaching effectiveness in public schools. Methodology: The quantitative research design was used on this study. A Survey Questionnaire was administered to public school teachers of Old Damulog National High School. The survey will include items related to access to digital infrastructure, digital pedagogical skills, technical support, infrastructure maintenance, and perceived impact on teaching effectiveness. Likert scales and closed-ended questions were used for quantitative data analysis. Findings: The study on "Digital Infrastructure and Teaching Effectiveness of Public-School Teachers" uncovers a multifaceted dimension. Teachers show varying access to digital resources, indicating potential disparities. Positive trends emerge in developing digital pedagogical skills, yet perceptions of technical support and infrastructure maintenance are moderate. The study emphasizes the importance of a robust feedback mechanism for infrastructure improvement and the necessity for comprehensive backup plans. Despite a generally positive perception of digital infrastructure's impact on teaching effectiveness, identified areas for improvement focus on providing structured professional development opportunities. These findings highlight the intricate interplay of access, skills, and support, emphasizing the need for targeted interventions to optimize digital tools in public-school teaching practices. Implications to Theory, Practice and Policy: The study highlights the need to refine existing frameworks to address the complex dynamics of digital infrastructure in teaching effectiveness. Educators and administrators can utilize these insights for targeted professional development, ensuring teachers have the requisite skills for optimal use of digital tools. The study emphasizes the importance of vigorous technical support and infrastructure maintenance for seamless integration. From a policy perspective, it advocates for comprehensive policies addressing access disparities, laying the groundwork for equitable digital education. Top of Form Recommendations: Based on the findings of this study, several key recommendations emerge to enhance the digital infrastructure and teaching effectiveness of public school teachers. Firstly, there is a critical need for targeted professional development opportunities to strengthen teachers' digital pedagogical skills. Administrators and policymakers should invest in training programs that focus on collaborative efforts and awareness of accessibility considerations, as highlighted by the literature. Secondly, addressing challenges in technical support and infrastructure maintenance is imperative. Schools must provide opportunities for teachers to offer feedback and suggestions for improving digital infrastructure, and comprehensive backup plans should be established to mitigate the impact of failures. Furthermore, policymakers should prioritize developing and implementing comprehensive policies that ensure equitable access to digital resources, minimizing disparities among students. Encouraging collaboration and resource-sharing among teachers can be instrumental in creating a supportive and dynamic digital learning environment.

The COVID-19 pandemic has raised concerns about the vulnerabilities of global value chains (GVCs), leading to discussions on how to enhance their resilience, security, and sustainability through adjustments to Industry 4.0 roadmaps. While some argue that digitization under Industry 4.0 could be a potential solution to make GVCs more resilient, others suggest that it could potentially reverse the trend toward GVCs and favor near-shoring or reshoring. However, empirical research on the impact of digital technologies on GVCs proliferation is lacking. This study addresses this gap by using a panel data set covering 27 African countries from 2005 to 2018 to examine how digitalization under Industry 4.0 affects the participation of African countries in GVCs. The findings reveal that digital infrastructure and skills positively and significantly impact GVCs participation. However, based on the Hansen threshold model, we find that when digital skills are below a certain threshold, digital infrastructure negatively affects both forward and backward linkages to GVCs. Conversely, when digital skills are above the threshold, digital infrastructure has a positive impact only on backward linkages. Nonetheless, digital skills consistently and significantly impact the participation of African countries in GVCs, irrespective of the level of digital infrastructure. As a conclusion, this study highlights the importance of digital infrastructure and skills in shaping the participation of African countries in GVCs, and underscores the need for further research in this area.

The article summarizes and analyzes the constitutional mechanism for ensuring the realization of political rights and freedoms of man and citizen in Ukraine. Particular attention is paid to the institutions of constitutional law, in particular, the Parliament, the President of Ukraine, the executive and the judiciary, which are designed to ensure these rights. The realization of constitutional political rights and freedoms is impossible without ensuring the organizational and political activities of its state bodies, public organizations, and officials. This follows directly from the essence of law. The activity of these subjects in this area is not an end in itself, but evidence of the reality of individual freedom proclaimed in society, a necessary factor in the transfer of legal opportunities in the real use of social benefits, use of freedom, enshrined in the Constitution of Ukraine. That is why it is so important to determine the role and importance of both the state as a whole and its individual bodies in the mechanism of ensuring the constitutional political rights and freedoms of citizens. Among the tasks that need to be solved, one of the most important is the study of the mechanism for ensuring the constitutional political rights and freedoms of citizens. Protection, protection, guarantee, observance and respect of the rights and freedoms of the person are the subject of a large number of scientific and theoretical studies. However, we consider it necessary to consider the above issues from a fundamentally new point of view, namely "through the prism" of the functioning of a single and integrated mechanism for ensuring the constitutional political rights and freedoms of citizens. Disclosure of the content of the mechanism for ensuring the political rights and freedoms of man and citizen makes it possible to define in more detail and concretely the chain from their enshrinement in the constitution to the moment of their use. The concretization of constitutional political rights and freedoms of citizens presupposes the existence of a mechanism that ensures compliance with the rights and freedoms of citizens.

This paper analyzes the role of economic development in curbing corruption by focusing on political and economic freedoms for a sample of Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) countries over the period 1984-2013. In addition, the analysis investigates whether political and economic freedoms lower corruption in natural-resource-rich countries by considering both linear and non-linear effects. The results reveal that the interactive relationship between economic and political freedoms and government size leads to a reduction in corruption. Furthermore, our results show robust support to suggest that an increase in income increases corruption in natural-resource-rich countries. Overall, our findings provide some relevant policy implications for MENA countries.

Corruption and Economic Development: New Evidence from the Middle Eastern and North African Countries

A growing body of evidence documents numerous and deleterious economic and social consequences of corruption. These findings beg the question: How to reduce corruption? We exploit exogenous sources of variation in latitude, ethno linguistic fractionalization, settler mortality rates, legal origin and initial values of economic and political freedom as instrumental variables for economic freedom and political freedom. We document the existence of a negative, robust, statistically significant and economically consequential impact of economic and political freedom on corruption and both freedoms are complementary. However, “horse race” results suggest that economic freedom trumps political freedom in the effort to deter corruption.