Haaleaa nationalismia

The European Union’s increasing attention to social and cultural matters has been expressed through the notions of European citizenship and identity which are to be developed among children, adolescents and adults. Whether, and if so, how, children perceive a European identity to coexist with national identities is a challenging and relatively under‐studied question. This paper presents part of the findings of a study conducted in December 2000 which explored the ways in which 140 10‐year‐old Greek‐Cypriot pupils constructed their national and European identities. Results indicated that, despite positive attitudes towards Europe, pupils attributed little significance to the European identity, whereas national identities were extremely important. The discourse developed revealed essentialist and a‐historical representations of national identity, and an instrumentalist approach to Europe. Social psychological insights from self‐categorization theory are employed to explore whether the two identities were construed as in the same or different typical levels of abstraction. These findings are discussed within the broader socio‐political context of Cyprus and European integration.

Vakarų Europos akademiniame ir politiniame diskursuose europinio identiteto analizė dažniausiai siejama su ES politinio teisėtumo, nusakančio dalyvavimo demokratijos stygių, problema. Tuo tarpu Lietuvoje europinio identiteto problema dažniau diskutuojama pasitelkiant tautinės identifikacijos problematikos prizmę. Abiem atvejais itin pabrėžiama tautinio identiteto politinės ir kultūrinės reikšmės apmąstymo būtinybė kaip neišvengiama europėjimo ir globalėjimo procesų pasekmė. Pagrindinis dėmesys kreipiamas į paskutiniojo dešimtmečio diskusijas, jas analizuojant tarpukario ir pokario laikotarpiais plėtotų idėjų kontekste. Pirmojoje straipsnio dalyje pateikiama Vakarų Europoje vykstančių diskusijų, politinių programų ir viešosios nuomonės apklausų rezultatų analizė siekia suformuoti konceptualinį ir istorinį pagrindą tolesnei Lietuvos situacijos studijai. Pirmiausia apibrėžiamos pagrindinės sąvokos ir nustatomi kertiniai, problemiški intelektinių diskusijų taškai. Nubrėžus šią konceptualinę koordinačių ašį, pereinama prie viešosios nuomonės apklausų rezultatų analizės. Apklausų rezultatai analizuojami ir lyginami su intelektualų ir politikų įvardintomis aprašomosiomis ir normatyvinėmis vizijomis. Šitaip pamėginsiu patikrinti, kiek diskusijose ginamos identifikacijos versijos sutampa ar skiriasi nuo viešojoje nuomonėje funkcionuojančių sampratų.

This paper focuses on a questionnaire study of national and European identities in the UK and Italy, as manifested by university students. British respondents often perceive European integration as a threat to British identity. Evidence for a sense of European identity amongst British respondents is minimal: this is reflected in significantly higher levels of national than European identity amongst British respondents, and use of discursive strategies emphasizing the perceived threat to national identity posed by European integration. British and European identity measures are negatively correlated. In contrast, for the Italian respondents, overall European identity is significantly stronger than Italian national identity on quantitative measures. Italian Euro‐identity is significantly stronger than British Euro‐identity on quantitative measures, and is positively correlated with measures of Italian identity. These observations are interpreted within the broad framework provided by Moscovici's theory of social representations (Moscovici, 1984) and Tajfel's social identity theory (Tajfel, 1974).

The presented article, based on the empirical study materials, examines the concept of European identity and the attitude to the European integration of the young people in a number of the EU countries. The relevance of the study is determined by the lack of a clear definition of the concept of “European identity” in the scientific discourse, as well as the need to assess to what extent the opinion of Europeans, in particular of the younger generation, coincides with the statements of researchers in this field. The objective of this study is to determine how representatives of European youth understand European identity, to highlight its main elements and assess the impact of European integration processes on the formation of European and national identities. Students from European countries were selected as the target group of the study, since their worldview was formed in the context of a united Europe. The research was carried out within the framework of the Erasmus + Jean Monnet Project “Transformation of identities in Europe and Russia in modern conditions” (Project No. 611458-EPP-1-2019-1-RU-EPPJMO-PROJECT). In conducting the research, the in-depth interview was chosen as the main method.he results of the study showed that respondents, whilst identifying themselves as Europeans, still find their national identity more important. Among the elements of European identity, the respondents name, first of all, “European values” (mobility, freedom, democracy), as well as cultural (religion) and behavioral characteristics (love of travel). The study results are preliminary and allow us to identify the most significant trends in the formation of the modern European identity, that will serve as the basis for further research.

This special issue challenges the concept of fluidity and flexibility of identities by demonstrating that ‘new’ European identity is not easily adopted and that the co-existence of ethnic and national identities is an ongoing process of negotiation. The theoretical approach assuming multiple identities can be confirmed for ethnic minorities in Central and Eastern Europe who were often thought to be focused on ethnic identities. This issue provides empirical quantitative and qualitative evidence for showing that ethnic minorities typically relate to their ethnic identity and to the national identity of their residence country simultaneously. The individual papers reveal that the development and maintenance of ethnic, national and European identities are often linked to the socio-economic situation and possible benefits. Also, social and cultural practices such as language and media consumption are crucial for the construction of identities. Furthermore, articles in the special issue highlight that national and European politics, above all minority rights and integration policies, may contribute to ethnic and European identification.

ABSTRACTIdentification with Europe can constitute an important part of psychological citizenship for European citizens. From a self-categorization perspective, higher-order (e.g. with Europe) and lower order subgroup identities (e.g. with the nation) may interfere with each other if they are seen as incompatible. We were interested in contextual moderators at school and country level of youth’ national identity on identification with Europe. We used multi-level regression analyses based on data from the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study, collected from 14-year old students (n = 71,282) from 22 European countries. Results showed strong positive effects of national identity at the individual, and classroom-level on European identity. However, main effects of national identity at the individual level were qualified by a number of interactions with contextual-level moderators. The relationship between national and European identity was weaker for adolescents attending classrooms or living in countries with lower average levels of trust in EU institutions. Living in countries with higher gender and income inequalities, less friendly immigration policies, and a communist past lessened the association between national and European identity. Results point to the powerful effects of context in shaping the relationship between national and European identity.

ABSTRACTThe European Union's (EU) political and economic integration project has grown dramatically since its inception in 1952. While the ultimate goal of the EU is unclear, one of its aspirations has been to attempt to create European citizens. The idea is that over time, citizens would look towards Europe as their main national identity. While the political and economic integration projects are quite far along, the national identity project has lagged far behind. The number of people who have primarily a European identity is quite small and has not increased much in the past 20 years. There is a far larger number of citizens for whom their national identity is paramount, but a European identity also exists. Since 2005, this group has grown smaller and the number of citizens with only a national identity has grown larger. This article argues that the EU integration project has pushed citizens to value their national identities more and to look to their national governments to protect them. We examine the evidence for this in the context of the 2007–9 financial crisis. We show that in countries most seriously hit by the crisis, national identities have increased dramatically and citizens with some European identity have decreased.

Standardized Awareness. National and European Identity as a Matter of the European Union LawSummarySince the very beginning of the European integration process, the national identity has constituted a problematic issue for the integration as such. The main question was, whether the national identity is an opportunity or an obstacle to the European Union. The national identity constitutes collective awareness – comprising such elements as “material culture” (history, literature, arts, music, folklore), language, spiritual culture (customs, public morality, religion) and legal culture.Initially, the European Union welcomed these distinguished characteristics. The European Union founders believed that for its durability the community needs not only an open economic area but also social diversity. Hence, the Maastricht Treaty establishing the European Union includes an article guaranteeing the national identity of the European Union member states. The obligation to respect the national identity is associated with instruments that are left to the disposal of the member states. In this respect, two groups of treaty provisions are to be distinguished. Some of the existing treaty provisions require that the European Community operate to preserve the national identity (to stimulate, to support and to supplement the member states activities in the field of propagation of culture and history, preservation of national heritage and in non-commercial exchange of literary and art works). Other treaty provisions block Brussels’ (the European Union’s organs) actions against those member states which for the purpose of preserving national identity, infringe the regulations of the European Community.In the Amsterdam Treaty of 1997, its authors introduced a system reconstruction of the ideological foundations of the European Union. Although the national identity has not been replaced with the supranational identity, the new axiological fundament of the united Europe was defined. It should be stressed that the Amsterdam Treaty created so called “European identity” existing parallel to the national identity One of the treaty goals is to transform the national-particularistic way of thinking about the European Union citizens into the “European awareness”. The European Union is obliged not only to support the State Parties’ culture but also to display all of the axiological elements that are common for the entire European continent. Hence, national identity as a sociological value is no more autonomic. The European Union started to create a substrate of the European culture that has gone beyond the simple sum of national’s cultures, which would be the basis for the future European statehood.What remains unanswered is whether the European identity created in such a way poses a threat to the national ties or not. National and European identities are autonomous institutions only on the surface. European standards of human rights protection go far beyond political and economic rights. These standards interfere in customs and traditions and in public morality of nations, trying to find a balance between them. In reality, the danger of such a process is correlated with the nature of the economic integration as well. In the process of creation of the law of the European Union , economic issues are treated with priority. Hence, free trade undermines the protection of works of art, open borders create favourable conditions for the transfer of pornography as well as the trend to re-define the history. Therefore, the authors of the treaties have created a “safety valve” – all of the aforementioned norms which constitute legal instruments of protection of the national values. Hence, the problem consists in their proper use by the member states.

Researches of the correlates of the national identity are plentiful both in Serbian and foreign literature. However, in the past decade or so, a new social identity starts to make its way into the researches of the social psychologists-European identity or the sense of belonging to the Europe and the Europeans. This paper deals with the relation between national and European identity, as well as with the correlates of both of these, or one of them. The sample consisted of 451 subjects, all residents of major cities in the Vojvodina region (northern Serbia), divided into several categories-ethnicity (Serbs and Hungarians), educational level (primary and secondary school or University degree), gender and age. Several scales have been used: Cinnirela's national and European identity scale, Collective self-esteem scale, scale measuring attitudes towards the European integration-STEIN and Social dominance orientation scale-SDO. The questionnaire with the demographic characteristics has also been the part of the instrument. The research has been conducted in 2005 and 2006 in the all of the major Vojvodinian cities. Results show the relation between national and European identity is foggy, but general conclusion is that we can observe them as independent identities. The correlates of the national identity were ethnicity, high social dominance orientation, high collective self-esteem and negative attitude towards the European integrations. Correlates of the European identity were fewer: ethnicity, positive attitude towards the European integration and low social dominance orientation.

Introduction Part I The European Public Sphere and European Integration The Transnationalization/Europeanization of Public Spheres What is Europe? Geographies of Journalism Media Representations of EU Matters in National Media Systems - The Hungarian Case Transnational European Media: Overcoming National Barriers to European Publics The Hungarian Press System in Romania: The World of the Operators Romani Media in Eastern Europe Part II National and Transnational Identities The Media and Nationalism, East and West The Politics of Belonging: Identity Anxiety in the European Union European Media and the Culture of Europeanness Pan-European, Regional and National Identities in the Eurovision Song Contest Part III European Media Policy: Boon or Barrier to European Integration? European Melting Pots? European Integration and EU Audiovisual Policy at a Crossroads Which Frontiers for EU Media Policy: An Assessment in the context of the European Project The Clash of Rationalities: Media Pluralism in European Regulatory Policies Digital Television and Its Effect on European Identities Conclusions Contributors Index

This study explores the complex interplay between national and European identities within the European Union (EU), focusing on France and Germany. It examines how individuals integrate a bicultural European identity alongside their national one, treating European identity as a supra-national culture. The research adapts the Bicultural Integration Identity scale (BII-2) to measure this integration, combining it with qualitative data from open-ended questions. A survey of 90 respondents from France and Germany revealed that while European identity exists, it coexists with, rather than replaces, national identities. Key findings include a correlation between age and participation in the 2024 European Parliament elections. Factor analysis confirmed the BII-2's core constructs, with variations in item explanations. Notably, bicultural background, international and intercultural experiences, and frequent second-language use correlated with the affective component of European identity. Qualitative analysis supported these findings, emphasizing the clarity of perceptions regarding the cultural aspect of a European bicultural identity. The study suggests that fostering intercultural exchange through programs like double-degree programs, exchange initiatives, and language assistant programs is crucial for strengthening European identity. It highlights the need for personal-level linguistic connections. Interestingly, attendance at European schools did not significantly impact European identity, suggesting an area for further investigation. Limitations include the study's focus on only two member states and a small sample size. Future research should expand to include all EU member states and consider longitudinal studies to better understand the evolving nature of European identity. The study concludes that reconciling national and European identities is essential for the future success of European integration.

The possible existence of a European cultural identity has come increasingly to the forefront of political and academic debate in recent times. The very term itself is evidently open to question, and is used in different contexts to mean rather different things. Indeed, if we only look at the official pronouncements of the European Union since the early 1970s, it is possible to track an evolving notion of 'European identity'. Bram Boxhoorn (1996) discerns two principal strands in this evolution: first, the concept of an 'external European identity', that occurs in the context of statements on a common European foreign or defence policy; the second, more fluid, notion of 'internal identity', first began to appear in the 1970s, in response to perceived deficiencies in the integration process, and was accompanied by talk of bringing Europe 'closer to its citizens'. In the 1980s, this policy of developing a positive image of European identity continued with the introduction of the symbols of national identity (flag, anthem, ceremonial). However, in the post-Cold War era, and the difficulties post-Maastricht of establishing a clear consensus on the exact degree of integration desirable within the union, references to European identity have taken on a much more modest form. More apparent are ideas of a 'European family of cultures', or that citizens of the European Union should be free to evolve feelings of a 'double belonging' at both national and European level.

National identity and values have been one of the most often studied topics among researchers in international relations throughout the years, from a variety of angles, especially in relation to European democratic ideals. The ideals at the heart of European Integration have been hotly debated in recent years as a result of some significant changes in EU governance. It is well known that European Integration is seen in a wide range of elements. In the first decade of the twenty-first century, the best approach to build shared values as a chance to hold European nations and citizens together and to support European public policy was through the expansion of the EU and the established constitution. The process of Albania’s European integration is a significant and ongoing component of the topic of European integration. Since June 1991, Albania has had a relationship with the European Union. In this topic, I’ve discussed the advancement Albania has made thus far in relation to the requirements it still needs to meet, the Balkan nations that want to join the EU, and Albania’s current status aspirations. Considering a country’s sovereignty, where sovereignty currently stands in relation to the European Union and its integration, and the relationship between European and National identity, the study of this topic modestly brings the interaction between national identity and values with European identity and European standards.

Contents: Cultural Diversity, Legitimacy of the EU and European Identity Dieter Fuchs and Hans-Dieter Klingemann Preface and introduction Hans-Dieter Klingemann and Dieter Fuchs PART I: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 1. Cultural Diversity, Legitimacy of the EU and European Identity: A Review of the Debate Olivier Ruchet 2. Cultural Diversity, the Legitimacy of the EU and European Identity: A Theoretical Framework Dieter Fuchs PART II: EUROPEAN IDENTITY, NATIONAL IDENTITY AND SUPPORT FOR THE EU 3. Support for the EU and European Identity: Some Descriptive Results Dieter Fuchs and Christian Schneider 4. Multiple Identities and Attitudes Towards Cultural Diversity in Europe: A Conceptual and Empirical Analysis Andrea Schlenker-Fischer 5. National and European Identity: The Case of France Isabelle Guinaudeau PART III: ATTITUDE FORMATION TOWARDS THE EU 6. Deliberation and the Process of Identity Formation: Civil Society Organizations and Constitution-making in the EU Julia DeClerck-Sachsse 7. National Political Conflict and Identity Formation: The Diverse Nature of the Threat from the Extreme Left and Extreme Populist Right Simon Bornschier 8. Making the Polity: Exploring the Linkage between European Citizens' and Political Elites' Preference for European Union Public Policy Catherine E. de Vries and Christine Arnold 9. Explaining Support for European Integration: An Attitudinal Model Dieter Fuchs 10. Cultural Diversity, Legitimacy of the EU and European Identity: Summary and Discussion Dieter Fuchs, Hans-Dieter Klingemann and Andrea Schlenker-Fischer

This article focuses on the early stages of an international project on gamifying national identity. It examines the production of the content required for developing a sophisticated and engaging approach to pedagogical innovation in education, through game- based learning. This will encourage individuals to think about both European and national identity, specifically within the context of the European Union (EU). At a time when the EU faces significant challenges, a better understanding and appreciation of the role of national and supra-national identity and belonging in Europe is clear. RU EU?–an Erasmus+ funded project–aims to develop an innovative online game to help students and others enhance their understanding of their own national and European identities and challenge attitudes and prejudices. The content development of the game has brought together experts with socio-political knowledge, pedagogical understanding and technical expertise. This article discusses the early stages in the content development process, during which we amassed material from literature reviews, academic interviews and student focus groups and surveys. We sought to ensure that the content of the game reflected the issues raised within the game development lifecycle and our article describes our engagement with this material and its integration into game content.