Grief Activism and Solidarity with Migrants Along the EU’s Eastern Migratory Route

Social media has emerged as a dominant digital medium platform in contemporary society. The quick development of social media has instigated changes concerning the way publics to interact with a group of people with similar ideologies, the quality of information they share, or the opportunity to acquire and share ideas. Social media use has a major influence on public relations, marketing, and political communication. Therefore, politicians are formulating their strategies to reach increasingly networked individuals. The chapter defines political engagement concept, focuses on excessive use of social media to understand how the emergence of digital citizenship is changing political engagement. In addition to this, the chapter also examines whether the use of social media exercise any effect on 2014 and 2019. General elections outcome or not and discuss the proposed conceptual framework for future empirical testing. The chapter highlights the various concerns needed to be taken care of while using social media as a marketing tool for promoting political participation and engagement.

Social media has emerged as a dominant digital medium platform in contemporary society. The quick development of social media has instigated changes concerning the way publics to interact with a group of people with similar ideologies, the quality of information they share, or the opportunity to acquire and share ideas. Social media use has a major influence on public relations, marketing, and political communication. Therefore, politicians are formulating their strategies to reach increasingly networked individuals. The chapter defines political engagement concept, focuses on excessive use of social media to understand how the emergence of digital citizenship is changing political engagement. In addition to this, the chapter also examines whether the use of social media exercise any effect on 2014 and 2019. General elections outcome or not and discuss the proposed conceptual framework for future empirical testing. The chapter highlights the various concerns needed to be taken care of while using social media as a marketing tool for promoting political participation and engagement.

Public communication is extremely challenging and complex in practice. The comment as a public information and communication tool adds to that. Examining the practice of comment and its Infoganda frame by the media and government at the broadcasted news media, the public information and political communication and power frame game in the public sphere is revealed and the challenges and difficulties of public information and communication and civic awareness are indicated. The research analysis is enhanced by the semi-structured personal interviews of persons that are engaged in public information and communication in the political or the media level.

Young citizens are increasingly seeking fulfillment in expressive modes of political participation, and scholars have begun to examine the implications of this trend for engagement in formal politics. While some argue that expressive practices are “crowding out” participation in more conventional civic activities, others more optimistically contend that they have expanded the political repertoires of young citizens, affording them with more opportunities to be engaged. The authors add clarity to this debate by specifying the conditions under which engagement in one particular form of expressive politics, political consumerism, is associated with conventional participation. An analysis of survey data shows that identification with other political consumers significantly enhances the relationship between political consumerism and traditional political engagement, particularly among younger generations of Americans. The authors argue that engaging in political consumerism alongside others provides an important opportunity for young citizens to develop the civic competencies necessary for engagement in the formal political sphere.

Framed by the debate on the decline of party politics and the rise of grass-roots participation, this article explores the civic and political involvement of a group of Latin American immigrants in the city of Toronto. The data were drawn from 100 interviews and two focus groups, one composed of participants who, in Canada, participated at the grass-roots level, and another focused on interviewees who were engaged in political parties. Overall results indicate that, compared to Latin America, in Canada there was a decline in the levels of engagement in formal politics, particularly in political parties, and a slight increase in the levels of participation in grass-roots politics. Associated with grass-roots politics is the perception that it is possible to transform the social reality. Disappointment with the traditional forms of political representation accompanied by a sense of distrust of political parties dominated both focus groups. Limited command of English, low socio-economic status and lack of knowledge of the ‘dynamics of Canadian politics’ were identified as factors that reduced the opportunities for this community to become more politically active. Interestingly, these obstacles seem to be more prevalent in electoral than in grassroots politics.

ABSTRACTIn light of the high amount of refugees wishing to cross the EU’s external borders into the Union, the border regime is becoming more and more standardized and, to a great extent, involves the EU neighbor states. These are confronted with a double strategy with regard to their involvement in the EU’s migration policy. On the one hand, the EU tries to guarantee its own security by setting up a tough border regime. On the other hand, the EU strives for a closer connection with its neighbors by including them more and more into its migration regulations. By having a look at Ukraine and Moldova, the paper asks what this involvement in EU policies means for the mentioned countries and focuses on their perspectives. How does their participation in EU extra-territorial migration regulation look like? What does the extra-territorialized border regime mean for those actors wishing to cross the border? For this purpose, a concept of the EU’s eastern external border regime will be developed first, including its targeted homogeneity and its partly extra-territorial functioning. By discussing the results of an ethnographic border regime analysis, the paper will present the perspectives of specific actors in third states who implement EU migration regulations on a local level by carrying out concrete EU-driven projects. Furthermore, voices from refugees and inhabitants of the border regions in third states are taken into account.

ABSTRACTRecurring debates about civics, the kinds of history that should, and should not, be taught in school, and ‘standards debates’ about the ‘basics’ typically follow on the heels of recurring moral panics about the ‘declining’ state of ‘our’ education system. Since the turn of the last century, the Australian Government initiated two major inquiries into civic education and political engagement: the 2006 inquiry into civic and electoral education, and the 2024 inquiry into civic education, engagement and participation in Australia. In this article, we focus on discourses that constituted these inquiries to identify, analyse and understand how each framed ‘the problems’ they intended to address. We demonstrate how both inquiries represented young people as the central ‘problem’, framing them as politically illiterate and largely disengaged from formal politics. However, as we reveal, throughout each inquiry attempts to reflect on how and why many young people experienced a sense of disenfranchisement from formal politics were missing, while young peoples' political engagement, such as their participation in action like street protest and strategic litigation, was overlooked or discredited.

Creativity plays an important role in politics in both online and offline spaces. Creative forms of political participation have long been tools of disenfranchised groups in their efforts to influence the government. Further, the rise of online creative participatory cultures has afforded new opportunities for civic and political involvement. Creative forms of participatory politics have the potential to facilitate exposure to ideas, foster dialogues, influence agendas and serve as ways to back talk authority. While many avenues for political involvement are creative, the role creativity may play in citizens’ political engagement is not well understood. This study examined the role of creative self-efficacy in political engagement and civic outcomes. Creative self-efficacy represents a belief in one’s ability to produce creative outcomes. A survey of participants living in Australia, South Korea, the Philippines and the USA (USA, Hawaii and Guam) ( N = 807) was conducted. Findings suggest that creative self-efficacy was positively associated with political efficacy and scepticism and not associated with apathy. Creative self-efficacy was indirectly associated with offline and online political participation through political efficacy. The implications of these findings are discussed in context of the role creative self-efficacy may play in impacting political outcomes.

Tensions between scientific organizations' conceptions and demands regarding public communication on the one hand and the public communication of individual scientists on the other hand exist and may even become more prevalent. Such tensions revolve around issues of institutional reputation management and academic freedom, centralized messaging and individual autonomy, or scientific neutrality and political engagement, and can be catalyzed by changes in media landscapes and sociocultural contexts surrounding scientific institutions. This essay identifies sources and key dimensions of these tensions. It also explores how institutions manage such tensions and how scientists respond, ranging from loyalty to institutional policies to open dissent, self-censorship, and exit. To mitigate conflicts, it advocates for inclusive and transparent communication policies that balance institutional goals with scientific autonomy, fostering trust and ensuring that both organizations and researchers contribute effectively to public discourse.

DUALIST POPULAR CONSTITUTIONALISM A Reply to Michelman

This article explores what it means, from the individual’s point of view, to engage in right-wing extremism. Recent literature on political engagement showed that many individuals today feel excluded from formal democratic institutions, and thus turn to modes of political engagement centred on small-scale, often individual, actions that remain submerged in everyday life. Analysing the stories of two right-wing extremists, this article argues that this “aesthetic” mode of political engagement is essentially about (re)gaining a sense of control over their own lives in a world that seems to elude and ignore them. While these conclusions are based on observations of extreme right activists, this article argues that they can be extended to other contemporary social movements (anarchists, Islamists, environmentalists, feminists, etc.), revealing a paradigmatic shift from a “modern” conception of politics – based on rational debate, public space, search for consensus, liberal democracy, etc. – to an “aesthetic” conception of politics, which revolves more around affects and emotions, and is inscribed in the private sphere of actors’ daily experience. This forces us to rethink our conception of what is “political” and, as social scientists, to look for politics in somewhat unusual places.

While there is a wealth of literature on young people and politics, most studies have examined their interest, trust and participation in politics as well as their attitudes toward and knowledge about formal politics. Little is known, however, about young people and the concept of politics. This article investigates 16‐year‐old students’ perceptions of the concept of politics and their conceptions of the relationship between people and politics. This knowledge is valuable for citizenship and social studies education, as an increasingly polarised political climate poses challenges to democratic politics and, consequently, to young people's political engagement and participation. In this study, semi‐structured interviews were conducted with nine students at five Norwegian upper secondary schools. The students varied in their interest and involvement in politics. A main finding is that the students perceived politics as processes related to shaping society, as decisions and activities related to ruling a country, and as the activities of discussion and debate. Three conceptions of the relationship between people and politics are presented: engagement, passivity, and detachment. In addition, while the 16‐year‐olds participated in political discussions privately and at school, they stated that they did not participate in political discussions in social media. Implications for citizenship and social studies education include the need to strengthen the bottom‐up perspective on politics and focus on in‐depth understanding of political processes and tools and methods of social‐scientific enquiry, as well as providing students with opportunities for and practice with handling opposition in political discussions online.

Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPI) represent the fastest-growing racial category in the U.S., largely due to its increasing immigration from the Asia-Pacific region (AAJC 2015). Of the 10.9 million undocumented immigrants residing in the U.S., 14% (1.5 million) are from Asia (Migration Policy Institute 2014). In response to immigrant youth organizing, President Barack Obama initiated the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program in 2012, which offers temporary relief from deportation to approximately 2 million undocumented childhood arrivals (Ibid). Yet, the unique perspectives of AAPI youth have gone unheard, and their political activities have been rendered invisible in public discourse on undocu/DACAmented youth in the immigrant rights movement. This study aims to capture political identity formation through what I coin “dual liminality” that leads to political participation for undocu/DACAmented AAPI youth. It considers how their status as undocumented or DACA, as being marginalized from both mainstream and co-ethnic claims to belonging, helped them form a collective political identity and engage in political activities. The use of strategic storytelling (Polletta 2006) throughout the process of their political development also led to their return to organize co-ethnic communities against internalized stereotypes of both “Model Minority” and “Yellow Peril”. This study involves 12 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with politically active AAPI, ages 20–26, from four major cities on the East Coast, conducted between 2014 and 2015. The interviews demonstrate how these youths’ choices to reveal their status shape their collective identity formation that leads to their political engagement. Through strategic storytelling, they use their dual liminality to shape their narrative framing in both the immigrant rights and in AAPI communities, enhancing their political participation across inter-racial boundaries.

This study looked into how students’ attitudes toward political engagement in Edo State and their knowledge of political education concepts in civic education were correlated with their gender and the location of their school. The need for a true and unadulterated democratic process, a solid education that fosters critical and analytical thinking, and responsible and effective citizen engagement became essential for both meaningful development and good governance. There were three hypotheses developed to direct the investigation. For this investigation, a descriptive survey design was used. Using the multi-stage sampling technique, 840 students were selected among 74,440 public Junior Secondary School I-III students in the Edo South Senatorial District. The Knowledge of Political Education Test, an achievement test, and the Students’ Attitude to Political Participation Likert scale, which was intended to gather data from respondents, were the two tools utilized in the study. For the hypotheses, data was gathered and analyzed using Pearson’s “r” at the 0.05 level of significance. The study’s conclusions showed a strong correlation between students’ attitudes on voting, voter registration drives, the rule of law, and the electoral process and political education. It also showed that there are no appreciable differences between gender and school location in terms of students’ attitudes toward political engagement and their understanding of political education concepts. The study recommends amongst others that Civic Education curriculum contents be enhanced to accommodate more of political education concepts. Keywords: Gender, School Location, Political Education Knowledge, Civil Education, Attitude, Political Participation

“No one leaves home unless / Home is the mouth of a shark” read the opening lines of Warsan Shire’s poem, “Home.” Connecting this powerful poem to the migrant/diasporic literary tradition, this article will introduce a new interpretive framework for the study of migrant literature—one which I call “kinopoetics.” I modify here Thomas Nail’s (2015) concept of “kinopolitics,” or a “politics of movement,” which suggests that “regimes of social motion” have historically created the material conditions for social and political formation (24). Kinopolitics, in turn, recognizes the migrant as the primary constitutive figure of social history and transformation. Extending from a politics to a poetics, kino-poetics takes a non-representational approach (derived from Gilles Deleuze, Felix Guattari, and Nigel Thrift) that treats literary texts as aggregates of sensible experience and affective maps of migrant mobility. I will explore, then, how these texts depict the migrant experience of disenfranchisement and expulsion and the “pedetic social force” (Nail, Figure 124), or active political power, that migrants are able to enact. I emphasize how migrant literature reconfigures the static, place-based poetics built into a regime of borders and nationhood. I will conclude with a kinopoetic reading of Shire’s poem, showing not only how it foregrounds the centrifugal forces that coerce refugees into exile but also how the migrant’s poetic voice confronts and undermines nationalistic hostilities.