GEORGIANS IN SAFAVID IRAN: ABOUT SOME PERSIAN AND ARABIC INSCRIPTIONS OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY RELATED TO THE REPRESETATIVES OF THE UNDILADZE FAMILY

This paper explores museum artifacts from the Timurid period as invaluable linguistic archives, moving beyond traditional historical and artistic interpretations to unveil hidden narratives about past societies. It argues that the linguistic data embedded in inscriptions, manuscripts, coins, and architectural texts offer profound insights into language use, communication practices, and cultural nuances of the Timurid Empire. This paper demonstrates, based on detailed linguistic analysis of a selection of artifacts, that they served as an active repository that both conveyed political power, religious beliefs, kinship systems, and social life. For instance, Persian inscriptions on jugs and ewers underscore artistic expression and imperial authority, while Arabic inscriptions on finger-ring seals and coins highlight religious piety and political legitimacy, blending Mongol traditions with Islamic values. Manuscripts and paintings further illustrate Persian as the dominant literary language and the mechanisms of intellectual and cultural exchange. The article also highlights some issues that can be challenging for linguists when collecting data from museum artefacts, such as text fragmentation and language opacity, particularly in a multilingual environment. To overcome these challenges, this review also proposes methodological approaches, including comparative linguistics, digital epigraphy, and contextual study, to address these challenges. With the robust technology and multidimensional approach, some challenges can be overcome and valuable resources can be provided for further linguistic analysis. This cross-disciplinary initiative transforms objects as vibrant forms of knowing through which one can access a fuller account of the workings of language as an intellectual technology in building and shaping lived experience, values, and power relations in Timurid society, providing productive insights into the ways in which language acts upon culture to advance or undermine social cohesion.

The developmental process of architectural tradition of tower tombs in Azerbaijan during the 12th – 14th centuries (AD) is one of the basic questions in the Iranian history of architecture. Historically, the architectural constructions and decorations were developed in Nakhchivan by the end of 12th century. Based on the formulated doctrines of the former USSR academy, the late Seljukid architecture in Nakhchivan was indigenous and originated from the local innovations. Turkish art historians have classified the late Seljukid architecture in Nakhchivan as a variety of Turk – Islam tradition in the post- USSR years. These kinds of de- historized studies have not considered the socio- cultural relationships among Qazvin, Maragheh, Tabriz and Nakhchivan within the Iranian cultural context. The main aim of this study is to investigate the general specifications of the 12th – 14th centuries (AD) architecture of the tower tombs in Nakhchivan and Maragheh to examine their artistic and technical interactions appeared in the glorious architectural monuments during the Iranian Late Seljukid – Ilkhanid history of architecture. Methodologically, the origin of Nakhchivani tower tombs should be sought in the architectural manner of Maragheh due to the chronological order of their existing Persian and Arabic inscriptions. Although the USSR and Turkish decontextualized subjectivities in the architectural history of Nakhchivan are not well-reviewed, the architecture of the tower tombs in the Late Seljukid Nakhchivan has a processual trajectory initiated from the early Seljukid Kharāghān in Qazvin to the late Seljukid Maragheh and then the Nakhchivani manner of Ajami Nashawi.

The Safavids (1501–1722) controlled a land-based empire that comprised the modern-day nation of Iran, with extensions into Iraq, the Caucasus, and Afghanistan. The family of the Safavids originated as Sufi mystical sheikhs based in the region of Azerbaijan but were later imperialized thanks to the dynastic founder, Shah Ismaʿil (r. 1501–1524). The transition from Sufi tariqa to imperial polity was not smooth, and Ismaʿil faced external threats from the Ottoman Empire to the west, as well as internal pressure from his popular base, the Qizilbash tribal Turks who revered their shah as both a Sufi sheikh as well as a manifestation of the millenarian figure Mahdi who was popularly understood as the Muslim agent of the Apocalypse. The success of the Safavids was partly based on their ability to distance their family from such decentralized, tribal elements and seek out those constituencies that could help with regard to establishing and building legitimacy: orthodox Twelver Shiʿite jurists and scholars as well as urban Persian administrators and bureaucrats. It was Ismaʿil and his successor, Shah Tahmasp (r. 1524–1576), who proclaimed and enforced Twelver Shiʿism as the new state doctrine, thus contributing to a stark Sunni-Shiʿite division between themselves and their neighboring rival empires of the Ottomans and the Uzbeks. The apogee of the Safavid Empire took place during the reign of Shah ʿAbbas (r. 1589–1629) who, among other things, transformed Isfahan into a city of international stature with fantastic architectural patronage while at the same time enticing European merchants and traders to trade in textiles, silk, and other manufactured goods. Following the reign of Shah ʿAbbas, the Safavid Empire became less stable and more susceptible to outside elements, namely those Caucasian nobles and landed gentry who had been previously incorporated into the Safavid state as court officials, provincial governors, and ranking military officers. Concurrently, there was a rise in conservative orthodoxy among the Shiʿite religious scholars, and the previous era of open trade and strong international relations began to wane as Christians, Jews, and other minorities became increasingly targeted and persecuted. By the end of the 17th century, the Safavid court was politically isolated from the other provinces, so much so that the imperial capital was easily besieged and conquered in 1722 by an invading conglomerate of Afghan tribes.

In 2007 during its excavations within the citadel of Bjni fortress the expedition of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of the National Academy of Sciences of Armenia discovered a stone with an inscription in Arabic characters. We have read this Persian inscription in five lines sculpted on a stone fragment showing missing parts from all sides. The first line is damaged and is unreadable, the second line mentions the name of some Isfahsalar Muhammad/Mohammad طوسي... Tusi محمد سلار] سفه ا ....[ The third line is also unclear, except for the guessable word ‘Islam’. The fourth line reads ‘May the God bless all’ in Persian. The fifth line communicates the date, which is ... [ئه [ما خمس و عين ...The date is incomplete, however it is definitely the 500th year of Hijra or the XII century AD. To define the decade we need to offer numbers ending with عين ..These are forty اربعين seventy سبعين or ninety تسعين . From these figures we prefer seventy سبعين because of a few considerations: if it is forty اربعين horizontal line of alif would be visible even if it is damaged; there is a dot over عين... even though ‘ba’s dot has been put over and not under the letter. سبعين or ninety also has no dots. So by choosing seventy, we can date the inscription to the period of 1175-1183. We can’t offer a more precise date as the first number before seventy is lost. We also believe that this inscription is not an epitaph as there are no Islamic formulas for the deceased put right before the name; also the sculpted characters are too big for a gravestone and in addition they are positioned perpendicularly to the stone unlike Armenia’s Muslim gravestones. Therefore, this must be a fragment of an inscription commemorating some construction or maybe a repair or strengthening of the Bjni fortress or citadel executed by the order of Isfahsalar Muhammad Tusi. Unfortunately the inscription does not communicate the dynasty to which it belongs. However, there is another Arabic inscription of 1174 by Shaddadids carved on a citadel of Nerkin Talin/Dashtadem (Aragatsotn region of Armenia). The newly discovered Persian inscription is evidence that Muslim military had some presence during the last decades of the XII century in the Armenian fortress of Bjni.

Ruling from 1501 through 1722, the Safavid dynasty unified the eastern and western halves of the Iranian plateau and imposed Twelver Shiʿism on the population. The interpretation of the Safavid Empire as a revival of an Iranian imperial tradition dating back to the Achaemenids is not credible, but the dynasty did create the framework in which modern Iran developed. By creating a large Shiʿi polity and politicizing the Sunni-Shiʿi split, the Safavids established an essential part of the framework of the modern Middle East. Safavid military history had three phases. From the beginning of the polity in 1501 until the Ottoman Sultan Selim (r. 1512–1520) defeated the founder of the Safavid polity, Shah Ismaʿil I (r. 1501–1524) at Chaldiran in 1514, the Safavid army was a tribal army. The Turkmen tribes (uymaq) that followed the Safavid rulers were known as the Qizilbash (red heads) after their distinctive red head gear. The Safavid Empire differed little from the earlier tribal Turkic and Mongol tribal confederations that had dominated much of the Middle East since the 11th century. In the second phase, from 1514 through the reign of Shah ʿAbbas I (r. 1588–1629) the Safavid military system evolved from an army of tribal cavalry to a composite force with cavalry recruited through several different mechanisms, and artillery and infantry components. The transformation gave the Safavids an army capable of defeating the Uzbeks and Mughals and, under conditions of advantage, the Ottomans. From the death of ʿAbbas I until the collapse of the empire in 1722, the third phase, the military organization did not change, but lost vitality and capacity. In 1648, the Safavids could project enough power to take Qandahar from the Mughals; in 1722, they could not defend their own capital from an Afghan army without siege equipment. The military transformation during the second phase paralleled and depended upon a transformation from a decentralized polity in which the Qizilbash dominated the provinces to a more centralized regime that depended primarily on silk exports. The Ghilzai Afghans, who ruled what had been the Safavid Empire from 1722 through 1729, and Nadir Shah Afshar, who ruled from 1729 to 1747, took over the Safavid governmental institutions. Some historians regard Nadir Shah as one of the great commanders of history. This bibliography includes generally accessible works in English, French, and German, on the assumption that its users will be mostly Western military historians, not scholars of Iranian history. It does not, therefore, include primary sources, either in Persian or in other languages. Most of the works listed, especially the Encyclopaedia Iranica articles, contain excellent bibliographic information. The citations themselves reproduce the transliteration in the works cited. Otherwise, this bibliography employs a simplified version of the transliteration system employed in the International Journal of Middle East Studies without diacritical marks except the reverse apostrophe for the letter ع (ayn, pronounced as a glottal stop in Persian). Because there is no standard method of transliterating languages written in the Arabic script into the Latin script, readers must expect some variations.

The political landscape of the emergent medieval Georgian nation among the predominant Islamic emirates is a relatively new field for western scholars. The Medieval Georgian polity, led by King Davit IV (Aghmshenebeli), rose to power in the late 11th and early 12th centuries CE. As the crowning jewel of a new architectural scheme, King Davit IV constructed the Gelati Monastery as a symbol of political, social, and religious power in medieval Georgia. King Davit IV’s son, King Demet’re I, finished the monastery in the 12th century and added to its construction with one fundamental piece, the iron gates of Ganja. The gates, taken by King Demetrius I from the Islamic city of Ganja in 1139 CE as a spoil of war, were placed next to the grave of King Davit IV Aghmshenebeli. My paper investigates the symbolic importance of the gates from Ganja in its original context for the local Ganjans and what it later meant to the Georgians. I also address the types of peoples involved with the transformation of the gate’s power as it moved locations. These gates have an Arabic inscription on them that indicates the original purpose of the gates for the Islamic ruler of Ganja. A translation of the Arabic script on the gates is also given in my paper. Finally, I demonstrate how the meanings of the gates of Ganja changed as King Demet’re I moved them from Ganja to their final destination within the Gelati complex and how those meanings related to the political landscape that the Medieval Georgian Kingdom sought to create.

In their narratives of the rise of the Safavid dynasty, many Safavid chroniclers include accounts of either one or two dreams of Shaykh Safi al-Din (1253-1334), founder of the Safavid order. A historiographical reading of the various renditions of the dreams serves several important purposes: it gives insight into the historical methodology of the Safavid chroniclers, it indicates changing religious perspectives in Safavid Iran, and it demonstrates the patterns of political legitimacy that evolved from the reign of Shah Isma'il (1501-1524) to the reign of Shah ‘Abbas I (1587-1629). This paper will thus examine six versions of Shaykh Safi's dreams and show how interpretations of the dreams changed over time, based on evolving religious and political attitudes.Scholars have long been aware of the importance of dreams in Islamic history, and have outlined the many religious and political functions of dream episodes in historical and philosophical texts.

List of illustrations Map Acknowledgements 1. The Lords of Ardabil 2. Theocratic state: the reign of Shah Isma'il I (1501-1524) 3. Internal dissensions and external foes: the Safavid state from 1524 to 1588 4. The Safavid empire at the height of its power under Shah 'Abbas the Great (1588-1629) 5. Relations with the West during the Safavid period 6. The flowering of the arts under the Safavids 7. 'Isfahan is half the world' - Shah 'Abbas's Isfahan 8. The social and economic structure of the Safavid state 9. Intellectual life under the Safavids 10. Decline and fall of the Safavids Notes Index.

Reviewed by: Japanese Assimilation Policies in Colonial Korea, 1910-1945 Don Baker Japanese Assimilation Policies in Colonial Korea, 1910-1945. By Mark E. Caprio. University of Washington Press, 2009. 320 pages. Hardcover $75.00; softcover $35.00. Well over sixty years after Japanese colonial rule over Korea (1910-1945) came to a sudden end, it is still difficult to find an objective and dispassionate evaluation of what happened to the peninsula and its people during the thirty-five years of Japanese rule. Most Koreans continue to insist that anything positive that emerged during this period would have happened anyway. They are adamant that industrialization and the expansion of public education and public health facilities, for example, would still have taken place even if Korea had been left alone. Those of a nationalistic bent usually go on to angrily accuse the Japanese of retarding rather than accelerating Korea's march to modernity and contend that any assertions to the contrary are an insult to the intelligence and determination of the Korean people, who were clearly capable of constructing their own path into the modern world. Many Japanese, on the other hand, continue to believe that their nation brought the benefits of modern civilization to a people mired in stagnation and unable to help themselves, and that Koreans who refuse to acknowledge this contribution are blinded by their nationalistic biases and should be embarrassed by their failure to show appreciation where it is due. Mark Caprio, as an American scholar of Korean history teaching at Rikkyo University in Tokyo, is uniquely qualified to avoid the nationalistic extremes of the debate over the right and wrong, and the impact, of Japanese colonial rule. Using both Korean and Japanese sources, and an impartial eye, he examines one aspect of the colonial period, Japan's official policy of welcoming the Korean people into the Japanese political and cultural community, and he comes up with some startling conclusions. The introductory paragraph of Japanese Assimilation Policies in Colonial Korea, 1910-1945 will surprise many Koreans. Caprio cites a prominent Korean living in Seoul bragging, in 1940, that his eldest son had been accepted for service in the Imperial Army. A footnote adds that over 250,000 Koreans applied to serve in the Japanese military in 1942 alone and that over the course of the Pacific War over 150,000 Koreans proudly wore a Japanese [End Page 416] military uniform, with 6,377 paying the ultimate price of death in battle for their loyalty to the emperor and the empire. In the remainder of this book, Caprio makes clear, however, that the Japanese attempt to assimilate the population of Korea was ultimately a failure, despite the many young Korean men who volunteered to fight on Japan's behalf. Moreover, he explains that much of that failure was the result of Japanese prejudice rather than Korean resistance. Providing a nuanced account of both Japanese policies toward colonial subjects and of reactions to those policies, Caprio challenges the popular nationalistic line that Koreans were almost universally opposed to Japanese rule and cooperated only under duress. He also challenges the counterclaim that Japanese rhetoric and the reality of the nation's rule were one and the same, that the Japanese government seized control of the peninsula to help the Korean people and bring them into the modern world and consistently acted with their best interests at heart. His well-documented account of how the colonial government actually interacted with those it ruled, and how those it ruled viewed that government, undermines the assumptions behind much of what has been said and written about the colonial period. Before he gets into the specifics of Japanese colonial rule over Korea, Caprio first discusses colonialism and imperialism in general. He notes that a colonizer can adopt one of two approaches: direct rule, making the colony an integral part of the mother country (favored by the French) or indirect rule, utilizing local elites and indigenous practices to control the local population (favored by the British). He points out, however, that in actual practice the difference between the French and British approaches was not very wide. The French accepted as full members of their community only...

Trends in Synthetic Diamond for Electrochemical Applications

Corpus of Arabic and Persian Inscriptions of Bihar (A. H. 640-1200)

This paper describes a socialization process that sorts presumptive major and minor heirs of agropastoral estates into distinct family roles and status groups. The discussion illuminates ambiguities inherent in this process that give all prospective heirs some scope for altering their ascribed roles and statuses. It is argued that their success in this endeavor depends largely upon their ability locate attractive life options outside their natal community and bring these options bear on negotiations over transmission of their family's estate. The transmission of property is strongly associated with inequality in many European peasant communities. Village parents in Pyrenean and Alpine districts (Bourdieu 1962, 1976; Cole and Wolf 1974; Collomp 1984; Douglass I975), Germany (Berkner 1977; Golde I975), large parts of Western Ireland (Arensberg 1968; Scheper-Hughes 1979), and other regions (Berkner 1972; Hansen I977; Lison 1974, 1977; O'Neill 1983; Vernier 1984) commonly assign their children unequal rights, duties, and legacies with reference cultural norms that define ideal characteristics of major and minor heirs. Individual offspring typically function outside their families in accordance with their places in these domestic orders of precedence. Their differential public behavior furthers development of distinct status groups at community level. This sorting of offspring into distinct family roles and status groups is an ongoing process subject changing interests, claims, and capabilities of property owners and their expected heirs (see Medick and Sabean 1984: 16). Customary practice may initially motivate parents designate eldest son as their expected major heir (e.g., Bourdieu 1962; Collomp 1984; Lison 1974), but they usually retain right replace this child at a later date with a more promising successor. In most preferential inheritance societies, Ethnohistory 34:2 (Spring 1987). Copyright ? by American Society for Ethnohistory. ccc ooi4-I8oi/87/$I.50. This content downloaded from 207.46.13.16 on Thu, 16 Jun 2016 06:17:25 UTC All use subject http://about.jstor.org/terms 172 Rainer Lutz Bauer parents aim their strategies for transmitting their estates at improving social positions of their families (e.g., Bourdieu 1976: izz; Lison 1974: 74; Vernier 1984: 40). They tend encourage all their children compete for larger portions of their estates and hope for individual advancement on basis of their relative contributions realization of this aim (see ScheperHughes 1979: 163-85). This underscores equivocal statuses of individual heirs-to-be and uncertain paths of specific family histories. A key issue underlying negotiation of differential heirship statuses is relative power of actors bargaining over transmission of an estate. Among nineteenth-century European peasants, ownership of land was premier source of power. This reinforced domination of parents over children, major heirs over minor heirs, and largeholders over smallholders. However, villagers with subordinate statuses might strive improve their life options by exploiting resources outside purview of local power holders. They sometimes prospered in this endeavor as a result of exceptional abilities or exceptional circumstance. Witness successful transatlantic migrants (indianos) of nineteenth-century Northern Spain (Ferrer del Rio I85I: i6zo; Kasdan 1965; Kenny 1976). Those who returned Spain and settled in their natal communities were often able negotiate new heirship or family statuses with unexpected strength. As a result, social differentiation produced by inheritance processes acted back upon domestic relations. In following pages, I analyze relationship between inheritance practices and inequality in a local context. I describe family and inheritance systems of villagers of Sierra del Caurel, an agropastoral district in Spanish province of Lugo, as coiistituted in century prior Spanish Civil War. This period is characterized by relatively stable patterns of behavior that formed in early decades of nineteenth century and changed substantially after war. My description focuses on socialization process whereby members of an offspring set are distinguished as individuals and social actors by their recognized claims major and minor shares of their parents' estate. I show how these claims are negotiated by parents and their children with reference interacting norms that emphasize precedence of eldest sons, required competencies of major and minor heirs, and integrity of patrimonies. My aim is reveal how inequality develops within particular families, is extended and reinforced at community level, and is transmitted between generations. The Inheritance System Property and family in Sierra del Caurel are bound together in a complex conceptualized by Caurelaos-the inhabitants of sierra-in notion of casa (house) (see Lis6n I974, I977). The casa centers on an agropastoral estate composed of real property and connected rights in communal doThis content downloaded from 207.46.13.16 on Thu, 16 Jun 2016 06:17:25 UTC All use subject http://about.jstor.org/terms Inheritance in a Spanish Community main. Preferential inheritance practices tend perpetuate a link between this estate and a particular family line. This link is essence of casa. Cultural norms favor a single child in each generation of a family as major heir of casa. This child receives (improvement) from each of his parents. The typically comprises the third and fifth (el tercio y quinto) or (after establishment of Spanish Civil Code in 1889) two-thirds of parents' estate. All children in a family, including major heir, share equally in their parents' residual estate. Consequently, even in a large offspring set, a millorado (improved heir) inherits bulk of his house's patrimony. This customary division of property sharply differentiates life chances of major and minor heirs within a given family. The enables major heir become a fully enfranchised community member: it ideally gives him a complete and viable farmstead, right and obligation to marry in his natal house (casarse en casa), and right and duty speak for his casa. The legitimas (legally required minimal inheritance shares) of minor heirs secure their place in Caurel's domestic economy and simultaneously restrict their claims on community and casa. Legitimas ideally serve capitalize minor heirs' marriages with major heirs of other casas, support their independent farming or business ventures, or otherwise provide them livelihoods of their own. In practice, minor heirs often remain lifelong dependents of their natal casas-as celibate residents, seasonal migrant laborers, or operators of exiguous farms supported by their favored sibling. Cultural preferences identify ideal major heir of a casa. Lis6n describes Caurel and adjacent mountain districts of eastern Lugo province as portion of region of Galicia in which patrilineal and patrilocal millora is most deeply embedded (I977: I75). He goes on say that in principle tends marry an eldest son en casa, whether or not he is first offspring, or at least a son of any kind; in case there are no [sons], it is a daughter, preferably eldest, who receives manda (i.e., millora) (1977: I75). To what extent are these cultural preferences realized in practice? Consider sex and birth rank of individuals who were married en casa in parish of San Juan de Seoane in I940. I identified a total of 48 such apparent major heirs (or heirs-to-be) in Caurel's Padr6n Municipal, township's household register (Ayuntamiento I940). All of these individuals had at least one surviving sibling; all but six had two or more. Twenty-seven (56 percent) were eldest sons. Sixteen of zz who remained were daughters. It is significant that half of these favored daughters were eldest children. The order of preference for major heirs suggested by 1940 Padr6n approximates Lis6n's observation. Despite myriad factors that tend constrain agreement between cultural norms and practice-among them, absence of male offspring, incapacity or disinclination of eldest sons, conflicts between parents and their children-it is clear that eldest sons are I73 This content downloaded from 207.46.13.16 on Thu, 16 Jun 2016 06:17:25 UTC All use subject http://about.jstor.org/terms

Hereditary hemorrhagic telangiectasia (HHT) is a rare autosomal-dominantly inherited disease that occurs in approximately one in 5000 to 8000 people. Clinical diagnosis of HHT is made when a person presents three of the following four criteria: family history, recurrent nosebleeds, mucocutaneous telangiectasis, and arteriovenous malformations (AVM) in the brain, lung, liver and gastrointestinal (GI) tract. Although epistaxis is the most common presenting symptom, AVMs affecting the lungs, brain and GI tract provoke a more serious outcome. Heterozygous mutations in endoglin, activin receptor-like kinase 1 (ACVRL1; ALK1), and SMAD4, the genes involved in the transforming growth factor-β family signaling cascade, cause HHT. We report here the case of a 63 year-old male patient who presented melena and GI bleeding episodes, proven to be caused by bleeding from multiple gastric angiodysplasia. Esophagogastroduodenoscopy revealed multiple angiodysplasia throughout the stomach. Endoscopic argon plasma coagulation was performed to control bleeding from a gastric angiodysplasia. The patient has been admitted several times with episodes of hemoptysis and hematochezia. One year ago, the patient was hospitalized due to right-sided weakness, which was caused by left basal ganglia hemorrhage as the part of HHT presentation. In family history, the patient's mother and elder sister had died, due to intracranial hemorrhage, and his eldest son has been suffered from recurrent epistaxis for 20 years. A genetic study revealed a mutation in exon 3 of ALK1 (c.199C > T; p.Arg67Trp) in the proband and his eldest son presenting epistaxis.

<p>Branchial cleft anomalies comprise approximately 30% of congenital neck mass and present as cyst, sinus or fistula. They occur due to disturbance in the maturation of the branchial apparatus during fetal development. They are congenital lesions usually present in childhood, but they are usually diagnosed in later childhood or early adulthood because of enlargement or infection. Branchial cleft fistulae are usually diagnosed earlier than cysts. Correct diagnosis leads to proper management. Complete surgical excision is the treatment of choice. Second branchial cleft and pouch anomalies are commonest amongst all branchial cleft lesions, but complete second branchial cleft anomalies with external and internal opening is rare. Branchial anomalies with family history are also very rare. Here we present a case report of complete branchial fistula with family history which was managed by complete excision of fistula through transcervical and transoral approaches. 3 members of one family in 2 generations presented with branchial apparatus anomalies (father and his two children, elder son and younger daughter). All of them were having branchial fistula on right side of neck since birth.</p>

The voice of the most vulnerable: lessons from the nuclear crisis in Fukushima, Japan