Geopolitics of Rare Earth Elements: A Descriptive Analysis from the National Security and Defense Framework

From Healthcare to Warfare and Reverse: How Should We Regulate Dual-Use Neurotechnology?

СИТУАЦІЙНІ ЦЕНТРИ ДЕРЖАВНИХ ОРГАНІВ ЯК СКЛАДОВА МЕХАНІЗМУ ПРИВЕДЕННЯ У ВИЩІ СТУПЕНІ БОЙОВОЇ ГОТОВНОСТІ ЧАСТИН І ПІДРОЗДІЛІВ СИЛ ОБОРОНИ

The Indonesian Navy maintains national defence and security, yet supports the coastal communities' economic development. The West Lombok Regency has potential resources to support national development in better management. The Navy economic empowerment role in the West Lombok Regency is urgently needed. This study analyzes the effect of an economic empowerment program of the Navy on the welfare of coastal communities and the impact on national defence and security in sharia perspectives. It also analyzes constraint and strategic issues related the Navy's role in developing the West Lombok Regency coastal communities welfare and composes institutional models and cooperation in supporting the government to promote the coastal communities economy, producing the Navy role optimization strategies in economic empowerment of the West Lombok Regency. Quantitative and qualitative methods are used in this study, with analytical tools include the Result Impact Management System (RIMS), Descriptive Analysis, Tahwidi String Relationship, Strategic Assumption Surfacing and Testing (SAST), Interpretive Structural Modeling (ISM), and Analytic Hierarchy Process Approach (AHP). Research respondents were 150 families who were beneficiaries of CCDP-IFAD in five villages in West Lombok. The results indicate that the Navy's role in economic empowerment in the West Lombok Regency is not optimal yet. In sharia perspective, welfare affects national defence and security. To overcome this problem needs to be prepared the structured and applicable programs with field assistance. Based on the institutional model, the most desirable change issue is the establishment of real policies and legal frameworks to boost cooperation between institutions/stakeholders in empowering the coastal community and clearly institutional sharing of authority Keywords: Economic Empowerment, Development, Coastal Community, Sharia, National Security and Resilience. DOI: 10.7176/EJBM/12-26-05 Publication date: September 30 th 2020

Indonesia defines itself as a maritime country, since its territory consists of four-fifth sea and only one-fifth land. Indonesia’s sea territory is particularly important in uniting the country, as the sea is a medium for interconnectivity, national integrity, resources, diplomacy, national defense and security. This paper will focus on the sea’s significance to Indonesia’s national unity in its role as a medium for interconnecting the country’s many islands, and the implications thereof to Indonesia’s national security and defense. This paper will discuss within this context in particular the reclamation of Jakarta’s north coast, the 32-kilometer coastline of Indonesia’s capital city. The reclamation project will reclaim a total of 27,000 hectares of land, and privatize the whole extent of Jakarta’s coastline, which serves as the city’s gateway to the sea. This paper will thus examine how to negotiate the various political, economic, social and cultural interests within the reclamation project, and address issues regarding national defense and security arising from the project. This research applies a normative empirical methodology, and intends to provide a scientific basis for the argument that as Jakarta’s coastline is crucial in terms of national defense and security matters, the coastline should therefore be managed by a state agency and remain publicly accessible.

National defense universities around the world have developed a joint philosophy on the importance of strategic and comprehensive understanding of national defense and security for military section commanders and senior managers of the national sector. However, there is a lack of consensus in our country, particularly in the national sector, which has resulted in inappropriate strategic training for division commanders of the army, especially the managers of the national sector in the field of defense and national security. In this regard, a study was conducted to identify the missions of The Supreme National Defense University (SNDU) of Iran and the internal and external obstacles to the realization of these missions from the perspective of several experts in the Division of Army. For this research, a qualitative survey research strategy was adopted, and semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with 12 experts related to SNDU to collect data. The researchers analyzed the data by thematic analysis method and drawing of thematic networks. The Trustworthiness of the findings was assessed using four criteria. Accordingly, the findings of the research reveal a network of themes consisting of a global theme, including the "strategic training of national high managers and army based on comprehensive defense and national security" as the fundamental mission of the university, and four organizing themes, including missions, mission domains, internal obstacles, and external challenges. The implications of this research show the necessity of focusing more on the defense and national security sectors, based on the fundamental mission and the various missions under it. Subsequently, it is necessary to revise the architecture of education, research, counseling, discourse building, and diplomacy. The study of internal and external challenges indicated that the SNDU has a long way to go to achieve social authority in its mission. Finally, the research presented a set of suggestions to shorten this path and facilitate and accelerate the fulfillment of the fundamental mission of SNDU and its missions.

Purpose: This study analyzes the strategic implications of Indonesia’s membership in BRICS on national defense and security, focusing on its potential to strengthen military cooperation, diversify defense procurement, and enhance geopolitical positioning while navigating complex global alignments. Research methodology: This study employs a qualitative method using a literature review and secondary data analysis. These sources include policy documents from the Indonesian government, international reports, and academic publications related to BRICS, defense diplomacy, and global security dynamics. Descriptive and comparative analysis techniques were used to explore the strategic implications and potential shifts in Indonesia's foreign policy. Results: The study finds that BRICS membership offers Indonesia enhanced access to alternative funding via the New Development Bank, broader defense cooperation, and opportunities to modernize military capabilities through technology transfer. It also provides a platform for more assertive defense diplomacy. However, risks include potential diplomatic friction with Western allies, internal power asymmetries within BRICS countries, and challenges to Indonesia’s non-aligned foreign policy stance. Conclusions: Indonesia’s BRICS membership can bolster national defense and strategic autonomy if managed with diplomatic prudence. A balanced foreign policy is essential to leverage the advantages of BRICS while preserving partnerships with Western powers and ASEAN allies. Investment in cybersecurity, military modernization, and defense diplomacy is crucial for long-term stability. Limitations: This study relies solely on secondary data, limiting insights into internal policy dynamics and practical implementation. Contribution: It offers a strategic perspective on Indonesia’s BRICS engagement and its implications for defense diplomacy and national security.

By reviewing both national and international research on lecturers' scientific research motivation, considering the components of various research models, and incorporating appropriate research results to build a model of factors that affect lecturers' scientific research motivation in a few National Security and Defense facilities based in Ha Noi, this research has investigated these factors based on the data set of 144 responds from various lecturers, in addition to in-depth interviews of 03 lecturers of National Security and Defense Center, Vietnam National University. The analyzed data reveals that suggested elements with varying degrees of influence that contribute to lecturers' scientific motivation are: i) Lecturers' awareness of scientific reasearch; ii) Lecturers' ability to conduct scientific reasearch; iii) Support from Center/Faculty to scientific reasearch; iv) Social issues from the lecturers; and v) Research environment. These factors have mostly contributed to the full explaination of the influence level on lecturers' scientific research motivation.

THE DENATURING OF DETERRENCE: A CRISIS OF AUTHORITY IN NATIONAL SECURITY Steven Fleischmann OR FORTY YEARS THE DEFENSE OF THE UNITED STATES has been inextricably bound to a new and radical image of power: the immense destructiveness of nuclear weapons. The concept of national security has evolved largely as a response to that image, a bureaucratic means of contending with the immediate problems of national defense in the nuclear age. Through the invocation of the urgency that becomes a matter of national security, the new prerogatives and parameters of military posture are translated into authoritative formulations of policy. Hence, the bureaucracy of national security is authorized as the embodiment of a nuclear-based national defense. In the development of this bureaucracy, national defense has grown dependent upon increasing the risk of national suicide for both sides. The ineluctable conjunction between defense and suicide forces a diffusion of the concept of national defense, leaving national security without guiding objectives. Despite its bureaucratic origins, the definition of U.S. national security has developed into a constitutional problem and involves the structure of national political authority. National security, under the ever present threat of nuclear war, is deeply insecure. We know, on the one hand, that our survival is at stake, yet on the other hand, we are unable to agree on a position from which to address the question of sacrifice. Our tattered national security consensus is beset by cacaphonous consensus-seekers attempting to direct our doubts about a deterrence-based defense. The current debate over The author is an M.A. candidate at SAIS and will be a Ph.D. candidate in sociology at the University of Pennsylvania. 81 82 SAIS REVIEW the nature of nuclear deterrence reveals a crisis of authority in national security because it implies a rejection of present national security policy. The discomfiture of the political leadership in recognizing the crisis has caused it to rely upon patchwork attempts to symbolize security instead of setting the priorities for national defense. Thus the process of restoring consensus cannot begin until the role of nuclear weapons in national defense is at least clarified. The current debate must widen, for customary political analysis is limited by the causal assumptions required to assess policy. We must look beyond the question of success in policy if the methods authorized by "national security" are dissonant with the goal of national defense. Therefore, attention must be directed to the context in which policy is developed. The crisis of authority in national security cannot be contained by the struggle of proponents and their opinions, since the crisis is most pronounced in imperatives that conflict with national security policy. Those imperatives, often recognized as the unique political realities of the nuclear era, defy the stubborn experimentalism of traditional policymaking: If the launching of the U.S. nuclear arsenal against the Soviet Union or vice versa would result in self-destruction, then an awareness of this might interdict war between the two superpowers. One result of this awareness was the effort to replace the actual demonstration of military power with a symbol of that power, one which was intended to deter war, yet not directly threaten destruction. In the symbolic presentation of force that characterizes national security, the state seeks to avoid war by preparing for it. Despite the fact that making full use of available means—in the tradition of Machtpolitik—runs counter to "the interdictory demands of the nuclear age," the core of national security policy is to prepare for war. That war has already begun as a war of symbols. Both superpowers operate within traditions of state politics that threaten to push the practice ofMachtpolitik to the center of the strategic standoff by making full use of available force in launching a strategic nuclear strike. Deterrence as national security policy requires that this force be available at a moment's notice. The tension between avoiding a nuclear war and defending the national interest makes itself felt in the debate as the need to reduce the risk of nuclear war through maintenance of a stable deterrent. To this end, the military has been nuclearized at nearly every level of command, beginning with the infantry, as...

Indonesia’s sea territory is particularly important in uniting the country, as the sea is a medium for interconnectivity; a medium for national integrity; a medium for resources; a medium for diplomacy; and a medium for national defense and security. This paper will focus on the sea’s significance to Indonesia’s national unity in its role as a medium for interconnecting the country’s many islands, and the implications thereof to Indonesia’s national security and defense. This paper will within this context discuss in particular the reclamation of Jakarta’s north coast. This research applies a normative empirical methodology, and intends to provide a scientific basis for the argument that as Jakarta’s coastline is crucial in terms of national defense and security matters, the coastline should therefore be managed by a state agency and remain publicly accessible.

At the present stage, Ukraine faces complex issues related to serious challenges to its State sovereignty and territorial integrity as a result of russian aggression. In this regard, the problems of national security, the search for ways and means to ensure it are of particular relevance. The solution to these problems implies, first of all, the definition of the foundations and principles of national security and defense, the goals and principles of State policy that will guarantee protection from threats to society and every citizen. With this in mind, the aim of this study is to analyze and generalize the regulatory and organizational support of Ukraine’s national security in order to identify shortcomings and develop proposals for its improvement. Based on the analysis of the current legislative and legal frameworks for regulating the development of the national security and defense system of Ukraine, the need to amend and supplement a number of regulations has been proved, taking into account the peculiarities of the legal regime of martial law. It is found that some strategic documents do not fully meet the modern requirements for the functioning of the security and defense sector and do not take into account military risks and threats. As a result of the study, it is determined that for the formation and development of the system of ensuring national security, it is necessary to develop the Conception (Fundamentals) of National Security of Ukraine as a State document that reflects the general idea for the implementation of the State policy in this direction. This conceptual document should define interests, factors that pose threats to national interests and security, areas of activity to protect vital interests and countering the contemporary threats and challenges. While pursuing its objectives, it should include the following constituent elements: identification of objects and subjects of threats to national security in modern conditions; determination of objects of protection; a mechanism for identifying the vital interests of the country, spheres and features of their implementation; identification of subjects whose activities harm the vital interests of the individual, society and the State; determination of signs that indicate the commission of actions that harm the vital national interests of the State; determination of the main factors and conditions prevailing in the field of security; analysis of the features and mechanisms of harm to vital interests; determining the competence and relationships of bodies that carry out activities to ensure national security; formation of a set of measures for the implementation of vital interests in all spheres of life of society; activities to counter threats and localize their consequences (development and implementation of operational and long-term measures to prevent, detect and forecast internal and external threats, as well as neutralize the sources of their origin). In addition, it is expedient to elaborate the Doctrine of National Security of Ukraine as a set of official views on the purpose, functions, principles and methods of ensuring the national security of Ukraine in a specific spheres of life of society (for example, in the military, defense, economic, energy spheres, etc.). Taking into account the best world practices (the experience of Great Britain or the Netherlands), it is necessary to pay special attention to the formation of a system for assessing risks and threats to the national security of Ukraine. For this purpose, it is necessary to develop such regulatory documents as the «National Risk Profile», «National Register of Risks of Emergencies in the Field of Civil Protection», etc. The article builds a structural and logical scheme of the formation of the system of ensuring national security of Ukraine, which allows determining and delimiting the powers of various State structures and bodies in the spheres of national security and defense.

Countries with a federalist system of government have different arrangements for providing national security. US national security is provided by national and State defense forces. The quintessential national function – national defense – experienced some changes that enhanced the role of the States. Policy changes in the National Defense Authorization Act of 2008 (2008 NDAA) introduced new roles for the Governors and the State defense forces, or the National Guard. This article explores how the interests of Congress and States aligned in the 2008 NDAA such that the national defense function changed. This article finds that the national government continues to have the central coordinating role, but that the politics and provisions of the 2008 NDAA changed the national–State relationship in mission, decision-making, and command and control so that US federalism in the national defense function is evolving in unexpected ways.

Adaptation is important for all students attending universities. Students with a good and fast adaptation will help promote their own strengths and achieve high learning results. The study aimed to analyze the adaptation of students attending National Defense and Security Education at VNU National Defense and SecurityTraining Center and analyze the factors predicting the adaptation of students attending National Defense and Security Education at the Center. Through the quantitative research method with a research sample of 300 students taking the course National Defense and Security Education at the Center, the research results show that the factors belonging to students, the factors belonging to VNU National Defense and Security Training Center and family and social factors have different influences on the adaptability of students taking the course National Defense and Security Education at the Center. In particular, family and social factors have a great influence on the level of adaptation in students taking the course National Defense and Security Education at the Center. From there, the study proposes solutions to improve the adaptability of students taking the course National Defense and Security Education at the Center in the coming time.

<p><em>Security comes from Latin, secures which means free from danger, fear, and threats which consist of traditional and non-traditional security approaches. Defense is defined as the main instrument of a country to create national security. National defense is defined as a dynamic condition of a country that covers all aspects of national life to deal with threats. National security encompasses the security of the state, society and individuals. There are still several definitions from several experts regarding the concepts of security and defense to date. This article analyses the forms of contemporary threats related to security and defense and explains their similarities and differences in the study of national resilience aimed at realizing a national security system and development of the national security system in other countries. This article uses a descriptive qualitative research design through literature study and interviews. This article explains that the forms of threats that occur in Indonesia include problems at the border area, SARA intolerance, inequality in bureaucratic reform, not optimal law enforcement, and transnational crime. Similarities and differences in the concepts of security and defense can be seen from the regulations, the concepts used, the institutions and the constitution. This article shows that national resilience is influenced by national defense and security. The safe condition of a country is inseparable from the security and defense factors alone but is synergized with each other factors such as economic, political, legal, social, cultural, ideological, geographic, demographic and natural resources.<strong></strong></em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong><em>: defense, national security, national resilience, security</em></p>

Journal Article The Theory and Concept of National Security in the Warsaw Pact Countries Get access F. Rubin F. Rubin Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 58, Issue 4, Autumn 1982, Pages 648–657, https://doi.org/10.2307/2618475 Published: 01 October 1982

Strategic command of the armed forces of Ukraine as a component of the state control system