FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT TO NON-MANIPULATION: A NEW FRONTIER OF PERSONALITY RIGHTS IN THE DIGITAL AGE

Chapter 3 elaborates on three critical types of human cognitive capabilities to fulfill four classes of CPS tasks in Fig. 3.2 . For all of its advantages, the active presence of human cognition also brings vulnerabilities. Compared to computer programs and robots that strictly follow the algorithms and retain the same level of performance, human operators may violate security procedures or be prone to errors due to misaligned incentives, herding effects, inattention, fatigue, and bounded rationality. In Chap. 4 , we classify cognitive vulnerabilities into innate vulnerabilities in Sect. 4.1 and acquired vulnerabilities in Sect. 4.2 based on whether they can be mitigated through short-term external interference, including security training and mechanism design in Fig. 1.8 . For each cognitive vulnerability, we first illustrate its impact on HCPSs and how cognitive attacks can exploit it. Then, we present system-scientific perspectives to characterize the vulnerability, the attacks, and the defense methods in different security scenarios, which focus on the computational aspects of vulnerability analysis, exploitation, and mitigation in the literature.

This article synthesizes the evolution of the right to personal data protection in Brazil, contrasting the historical constitutional remedy of habeas data (HD) with the broader concept of informational self-determination (ISD). Originally designed to enable citizens to access and rectify information held in public databases, HD has proven inadequate for safeguarding rights within the Information Society, due to its limited scope and procedural constraints. The research employs a Regulatory Impact Analysis (RIA) to diagnose this inefficacy, concluding that effective protection requires the recognition of ISD as a substantive fundamental right. It further advocates for the revitalization of habeas data by assigning it a subsidiary role and aligning it with more robust instruments, such as the General Data Protection Law (LGPD). The study proposes specific regulatory interventions to ensure that HD provides more effective control over the circulation of personal data and the protection of personality rights.

The concept of networked public sphere [3] modifies the original Habermasian definition of public sphere by considering the dissemination of new interactive technologies that potentially allow new relations between civil society and government. The objective of this paper is to investigate the emergence of the networked public sphere based on the in-depth study of two Brazilian cities that have created conditions for their citizens to influence public policies through the use of Internet-based virtual platforms. To develop our study we adapt the method for analyzing political participation called democracy cube [13] that considers mechanisms of participation along three dimensions: a) who participates, b) how participants communicate with each other and make decisions, and c) how these decisions relate to political action and public policies. Our investigation shows that citizens of the two cities presented in this study use the virtual platform to engage in lively discussions and exchange of information as a way to propose and implement new public policies that are eventually adopted by their city governments. We conclude that, albeit at an early stage, the use of virtual platforms to share opinions on topics that citizens want to be recognized helps to mobilize public opinion and participation and influence the opinion of local public officials on policy implementations.Keywordscity governmente-democracynetworked civil spherepublic participationvirtual platform

This paper is the continuation of my previous PhD research, Journalism and Political Democracy in Brazil, which was published by Lexington Books (March 2008), and was an investigation of the role of the mainstream media in Brazil and in Latin America in the re-democratization phase following the end of the dictatorship in the mid-80’s. Comparing Media Systems is a comparative research analysis which aims to be an initial examination of the state of the public media structures in Europe in contrast to the strengthening of the public media platform in emerging democracies like Brazil as a means of boosting wider cultural and educational levels. It aims to assess the ways in which such an initiative can contribute to the fortification of spaces for debate and the further construction of a complex communication system that can attend to multiple and diverse publics in Latin America. In the context of decline of the PSB tradition in the UK due to digitalisation and market expansionism, this project focuses on the ways in which the public media - attached to a revised understanding of the role that the public sphere ideal can still have in the 21st century - can contribute to deepen media democratisation in the region. These nations have a weak public sector and are seeking to fortify multiple public spheres in order to expand citizens’ information rights, creating the means for cultural emancipation and providing wider access of less privileged groups to quality information and debate.

PART I: INTRODUCING GLOBALISATION, LAW AND DIGITAL DEMOCRACY 1. Corien Prins, Setting the stage for analysing digital democracy through the lens of globalisation and global law 2. Maurice Adams, Democracy and the Democracy Debate: From City State to a Globalising Society? PART II: COUNTRY SPECIFIC INITIATIVES 3. Karsten Meijer, Dutch digital manifestations of representative and monitory democracy. 4. Koen van Aeken, Digital manifestations of representative and monitory democracy in Belgium. 5. Monica Steffen Guise Rosina and Alexandre Pacheco da Silva, Digital Democracy in Brazil: how open is the government to change? 6. Arpan Banerjee, Internet Censorship in India 7. Anne Meuwese, Popular Constitution-Making. The Case of Iceland. PART III: SPHERES, ACTORS AND REGULATORY INSTRUMENTS 8. Emre Bayamlioglu, A Critical Theory of Social Media As Public Sphere 9. Rivka Weill, Digital Democracy: Do We Want Electronic Elections and Are They Constitutional? 10. Marie-Jose Garot, European citizens‘ initiative 11. Nicolo Zingales & Roxana Radu, In search of the holy grail: democratic multistakeholder governance in internet policy-making 12. Stefan Soeparman, Civic driven open data initiatives: transparantizing the workings and performance of the State?13. Colette Cuijpers, Edemocracy; reconciling the interests of open data and data protection 14. Pedro Letai, Why can’t we be friends? Copyright and Freedom of Expression at the Crossroads of Digital Democracy PART IV: AN AGENDA FOR REFLECTIONS ON GLOBALIZATION, LAW AND DIGITAL DEMOCRACY

Despite the emergence of Brazil as a global power, little is known about its security and intelligence services and the way they are seen by Brazilian society. This article analyzes the Brazilian perception of the role of its intelligence services and the relationship between the intelligence community (IC) and the decision makers. The historical background of intelligence in Brazil and a general overview of the Brazilian IC after the reestablishment of democracy are presented, as well as the general mechanisms of control and accountability of the secret services. Finally, there is consideration of some concerns on reforming the intelligence sector and its control and oversight apparatus.

As a tradition that understands public and private spheres as absolutely exclusive of one another, the liberal philosophical tradition relies on a metaphor of the social contract, where the strengthening of public decisions and collective life should happen at the expense of individual freedoms: Individuals trade a portion of their private liberties in exchange for public security protections to their person and property. Against such liberal tenets, however, the diminishing of powers in the public sector has not led to increased personal freedoms but rather the contrary. The privacy of citizens promised under liberalism—civil liberties and private expression, for example—has been compromised as much as the functionality and existence of the public sphere. The reduction of power, confidence, and investments in public regulatory and institutional bodies—for example, from welfare to education, from the overturning of the Glass-Steagull Act to the failure of the Federal Reserve system and the Security and Exchange Commission to enforce mechanisms of disclosure and accountability, from media consolidation to the squelching of public media sponsorship for minorities and local broadcasting on the public airwaves—has not led to the elevation of power in private initiative and responsibility.KeywordsPublic SpherePrivate LifeFeminist TheoryPrivate SphereCommunicative RationalityThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

The article describes Brazil’s democratic history as of the Proclamation of the Republic in 1889. Based on the theoretical perspectives of Robert Dahl’s polyarchy and Anthony Giddens’ dialogic democracy, it analyzes the alterations caused by Constitutional Amendment (EC) 97/2017 —which put an end to party coalitions in elections for offices accessible by the proportional system as of 2020— and by Decree 9759/2019. This extinguished several collegiate bodies such as councils, committees, commissions, and forums, among other instances in which civil society had the right to participate dialogically in elaboration, oversight, and decision making for programs and projects related to a wide range of public policies. The purpose of the study was to investigate whether these alterations limited or weakened the opportunities for critical and political deliberative discussion, in terms of the population’s levels of participation in democratic public spaces, referred to as the “public sphere.” In this regard, the following guiding question was formulated: what is the importance of spaces that favor dialogic democracy as a path that leads to the development of democracy (towards a polyarchy) in Brazil? To answer this question, a theoretical-qualitative research methodological approach was used. That is, the researcher, by the criterion of intentionality, chose the bibliography that would best fulfill his purposes, in order to respond to the study problem. The main conclusion was found to be that the devices of EC 97/2017 and Decree 9759/2019 weakened the spaces for critical and political-deliberative discussion on Brazilian democracy. This is because the former undermined political pluralism and the latter limited the dialogue between society and the state. This distanced Brazil from polyarchy and dialogic democracy. In terms of originality, the study develops a critical-reflexive position that explores the reconstruction of Brazilian democratic ideals, based on the arguments of the theorists referenced and on the normativity that has determined the repression of democratic opportunities for deliberation.

O racismo institucional compõe as relações sociais no Brasil, manifestando se nas esferas pública e privada, é um fator limitante na conquista de direitos sociais. Atravessa o histórico do território brasileiro e, consequentemente, influencia o desenvolvimento e a organização estatal. Nesse sentido, é cabível dizer que o racismo institucional permeia a construção da laicidade no Brasil. A separação Estado – Igreja no Brasil se deu com influência dos processos de laicização europeus, especialmente o francês. Contudo a moral e os valores cristãos continuaram a influenciar a presença pública do sagrado no Brasil, resultando em uma hegemonia dos pressupostos civilizatórios judaico-cristãos em detrimento daqueles baseados em tradições dos povos indígenas e de origem negro-africana. O histórico do Direito brasileiro, especialmente nas legislações de Direito Penal e Constitucional, demonstra que a restrição ao livre exercício religioso é intimamente ligada ao controle social da população negra. Dessa forma, recaem sobre as tradições religiosas de matriz africana as criminalizações oriundas dos dispositivos legais que limitam a liberdade religiosa. Considerando que a laicidade se configura visando a não existência de prevalência de convicções, um cenário que possibilite a existência de todas estas no espaço público, a premissa deste trabalho é inquerir sobre o tratamento que as expressões religiosas das tradições de matriz africana têm recebido na esfera pública e se esse tratamento é resultado da permanência do racismo institucional no Estado brasileiro. Esse trabalho utiliza-se do método de abordagem dedutivo, tem caráter de pesquisa qualitativa e está construído sob as bases da análise bibliográfico-documental

A pesquisa centrou-se no conceito de justiça para Aristóteles, tendo por objetivo perquirir as bases históricas e filosóficas desse pensamento e contextualização com instituições existentes em Atenas e na Grécia na sua época, bem como o arcabouço político que permitiu o surgimento de suas teorias. Além disso, partindo da justiça como algo antropológico e não mais vinculado à religião, teve como intenção investigar as diversas noções de justiça para o filósofo, como justiça política, qual seja, aquela derivada da relação entre homens, estabelecida pelas leis. Ademais, centra-se na justiça distributiva, teleológica e justiça corretiva. Os resultados encontrados, por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica, de enquadramento histórico-contextual e de análise semântico-conceitual de textos filosóficos, demonstram que a evolução da noção aristotélica de justiça forjou tanto uma fundamentação revolucionária para a época em questão quanto uma tradição clássica de pensamento que esclarece as vinculações contemporâneas entre o Direito e a Ética.

In June 2000, France passed a new law requiring ‘parity’ — an equal number of male and female candidates — for most elections. The law was applied to municipal elections in March 2001, Senate elections in September 2001, and legislative elections in June 2002. This article describes the sources of resistance to parity, and its eventual passage into law, before examining the effectiveness of the law in terms of women's place in politics. It focuses on local elections, where the parity law has had the greatest impact. Using an original sample survey of candidates, it examines the characteristics of the women and men who ran for office under parity. Despite achieving virtually identical levels of representation in local councils in France, this research points to lingering marginalization of women to lower and traditionally ‘feminine’ areas of political responsibility. And while there are some important demographic differences between the men and women who ran for local election under parity rules, the findings show that female candidates were at least as likely as male candidates to be recruited from among local elites. Nevertheless, female and male candidates appear to hold a distinctive set of perspectives on politics, suggesting that parity holds some promise for democratic renewal and policy change, at least at the local level. A key factor shaping women's distinctive political perspectives is the priority they place on family responsibilities. Women's previous exclusion from the public sphere, as well as their hesitancy to make a career out of politics, may explain their higher level of support for greater socio-cultural diversification among political actors.

Another European election, another ‘earthquake’ in France. For the third time in a row, the far-right Rassemblement National has won and for the third time, the reaction from the mainstream elite only serves to further mainstream its politics. This could not be better exemplified than in Emmanuel Macron’s decision to call for a new legislative election and appoint a right-wing Prime Minister, despite the results. The aim of this article is to couch the French case in a different light to that which is usually applied to understanding the rise of the far right. To understand what is happening in France and the crisis it (and other democracies) is facing, we must take a longer-view approach. Instead of focussing on the far right itself, this article examines the past 50 years through a lens that focuses on power and those in a particularly privileged position to shape the agenda and public discourse. This demonstrates how a different, more critical approach to the rise of the far right, which accounts for the central role of mainstream elites, can help us not only better understand this rise, but offer alternatives beyond the current hegemonic defeatism.

In recent decades, there has been significant growth and change in the methods and platforms used by political forces to communicate with their activists and voters. The era of digitalization and public discussion on social networks has gained relevance due to citizens’ new habits of consumption and presence in the virtual world, as well as the technological advances that have taken place, particularly through Artificial Intelligence. However, this does not indicate that parties have abandoned the use of models such as the party press, which had its heyday in the first half of the 20th century, as powerful vehicles for propaganda and the transmission of political messages. Several political forces continue to utilize the party press, which is currently more focused on direct communication with their militants. In recent years, Chega has emerged as one of the most significant parties in Portuguese politics. During the last legislative elections in 2025, it secured 60 seats, a significant increase from the 8 seats it held in 2022 and its initial entry into parliament in 2019 with only one elected representative. Currently, Chega holds the largest presence on social media among all Portuguese political parties. In June 2022, the party launched its newspaper, Folha Nacional , as an additional platform to complement its online presence. The publication has been consistently released since its debut. The aim of this research is to analyze the content published on the newspaper’s front page and how the topics are approached, contributing to the dissemination of Chega’s political message and the respective influence of these stories on militants. The analysis focuses on the year 2024, marked by the early parliamentary elections in March, the European elections in May, the regional elections in Madeira, and the intense debate on the State Budget in Portugal, with an unstable parliamentary configuration. The approach utilizes content analysis. It aims to contribute to the study of how political parties communicate and how their strategies are crucial in consolidating their positions. This process allows for anticipating the levels of interaction and involvement of militants and citizens with their respective party forces.

The eighties and nineties witnessed the remarkable rise of the far-right parties in Europe and the United States of America through the large and unexpected presence in the local and legislative elections, and despite its difference from one country to another, the growth of the extreme right’s voice in reality reflects the crisis of Western political systems as a whole. The rise of the extreme right movement is not only due to the current’s own strength, or the popular need for it, but rather expresses a deep crisis of the moderate right and the moderate left alike. The policies and ideas of the extreme right affect all political issues and are reflected in the policies of US governments Especially in which extremist members participate by officially adopting the calls of those extremist parties and codifying them through a series of undemocratic laws. The debate over how to interpret the shifts in the behavior of actors in international relations is hardly ceased. For decades, the interpretations of international relations scholars of state behavior have focused on two main trends, the first of which is that international interactions can be explained by analyzing the behaviors of the individual actor (agent) represented by state leaders, The decisions they make are related to their worldview and the belief system and perception of each of them. As for the second trend, the interpretation of international interactions is linked to the analysis of the structure of the international system (structure) that imposes restrictions on the movements of states, so that imposes on them who does what, when and how?

Can transnational public spheres be envisaged for Europe, which, in fact, create accountability – that is, spaces of critical articulations, control mechanisms, and political correctives to the governing levels? Can the political, as a critical force and the willingness to struggle and decide, be re-introduced into the public sphere? In which ways are race/ethnicity, class and gender cleavages being (re)presented and articulated in the public sphere and how do they intersect? In attempting to answer these questions, we aim this article at exploring the potential for a European discursive space pertaining to issues of gender and diversity. The empirical focus is on the views of political parties and social movements that are participating in public debates. Addressing the inclusions and exclusions in the European public sphere at the intersections of gender and racial/ethnic minorities, we look at the shifts in rhetoric, discourses and policies. As a result, we find common discursive patterns on the intersections between ethnicity and gender which, however, can at best be interpreted as a sign of the emergence of broader European public spheres. Only if these debates can be generalised, European public spheres fulfilling the functions of creating accountability and control mechanisms can develop.