From Site of Tragedy to Commemorative Space: King Jeongjo's Reorganization of Palace Space and the Reconfiguration of Crown Prince Sado's Memory

창덕궁 후원의 부용정(芙蓉亭)은 독특한 평면형태, 공간구성, 건물의 장식 등이 뛰어난 비례와 대비를 이루고 있는 점을 인정받아 2012년 3월 2일에 보물 제1763호로 지정되었다. 그러나 지정사유가 형이하학적으로 평가되었고, 그마저도 왜 지금과 같이 독특한 형태로 조영되었는지 명확하게 규명하지 못하였다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 역사적 배경을 바탕으로 자연철학 및 사상에 관한 형이상학적 접근을 시도하였고, 조영의도와 공간구조의 특징을 규명하여 부용정의 정체성을 찾는데 주력하였다. 요약된 결과는 아래와 같다. 첫째, 부용정의 조영배경 및 특징: 정조는 즉위와 함께 창덕궁 후원에 규장각(奎章閣)을 창설하고 개혁정치의 일환으로 초계문신(抄啓文臣)을 양성하였다. 또한 각신(閣臣)들을 가인(家人)처럼 우대해주며 친정체계를 구축하였다. 정조의 적극적인 개혁정치는 신하들에게 후원을 구경시켜주기는 계기가 되었으며, 정조 16년(1792)에 각신을 중심으로 한 내각상조회(內閣賞釣會)를 공식적으로 발족하고 후원유람을 정례화하게 되었다. 후원유람은 꽃을 보고 낚시를 하는 상화조어연(賞花釣魚宴), 난정수계의 활동 등으로 이루어졌고, 이후 국가의 대신들이 참석하게 되면서 큰 행사로 발전하게 되었다. 정조는 대신, 중신, 각신들과 이러한 문화 활동을 함께하고 나아가 자신의 왕도정치를 실현할 장소로써 부용정을 조영한 것이었다. 둘째, 부용정의 입지와 공간적 특성: 정조는 즉위(1776)와 함께 택수재를 새롭게 개축하였다. 무엇보다 개유와-택수재-원도-어수문-규장각을 축선에 맞춰 연계한 점은 자신의 정치적 이상을 실현하기 위해 현재의 규장각 일원을 계획-설계한 것으로 판단할 수 있다. 정조 17년(1793)에는 기존의 사우정(四隅亭) 형태였던 택수재를 군신(君臣)이 함께할 수 있는 공간으로 조성하기 위해 위계를 두어 증축하고 부용정이라 칭하였다. 지당 위에 위치한 부용정의 북쪽공간은 임금의 공간으로 다른 곳보다 한 단 높게 조성하였고 창호도아자살로 차별화한 특징을 보인다. 서쪽과 동쪽은 신하들의 공간이다. 중앙공간은 양측의 신하들이 북쪽공간에 입어한 임금을 배알하기 위해 마련된 공간이며, 서쪽과 동쪽의 신하들은 부용정의 귀퉁이 공간을 돌아 남쪽공간에서 중앙공간으로 입실하게 되는 구조로 조영되었다. 결국 부용정은 최소한의 공간으로 편전(便殿)의 기능까지 수행할 수 있도록 설계된 정원건축물인 것이다. 셋째, 부용정의 문화적 가치: 부용정 일원은 세조, 인조, 현종, 숙종, 정조 등 왕들의 사유적인 정원문화가 복합적으로 존재하며 꾸준히 발전된 특징을 보인다. 특히 정조는 선왕들이 조성해놓은 다양한 물리적, 사회적, 상상적 환경 등을 계승하였고 더불어 자신의 왕도정치를 위해 신하들을 후원에 불러들였으며 그 중추적 장소로 부용정을 완성한 것이다. 곧 부용정은 조선왕조의 영속성이 반영된 정원건축물로 그 가치를 높게 평가할 수 있으며, 공간적으로도 유교사상이 정자에 반영되어 위계가 구분된 독특한 사례로써 왕의 정원에서만 나타나는 특수성을 잘 보여주고 있다. Buyongjeong, a pavilion in the Rear Garden of Changdeok Palace, was appointed as Treasure No. 1763 on March 2, 2012, by the South Korea government since it shows significant symmetry and proportion on its unique planar shape, spatial configuration, building decoration, and so forth. However, the designation of Treasure selection was mainly evaluated by concrete science, in that the selection has not clearly articulated how and why Buoungjeong was constructed as a present unique form. Therefore, this study aims to clarify the identity of Buyongjeong at the time of construction by considering its historical, ideological, philosophical background and building intention. Summary are as follows: First, Construction backgrounds and characters of Buyongjeong: Right after the enthronement, King Jeongjo had founded Kyujanggak(奎章閣), and sponsored civil ministers who were elected by the national examination, as a part of political reform. In addition, he established his own political system by respecting "Kaksin(閣臣)", Kyujanggak's officials as much as "Kain(家人)", internal family members. King Jeongjo's aggressive political reform finally enabled King's lieges to visit King's Rear Garden. In the reign of King Jeongjo's 16th year(1792), Naekaksangjohoe(內閣賞釣會) based on "Kaksin" was officially launched and the Rear Garden visitation became a regular meeting. The Rear Garden visitation consisted of "Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)" - enjoying flowers and fishing, and activities of "Nanjeongsugye". Afterward, it eventually became a huge national event since high rank government officials participated the event. King Jeongjo shared the cultural activities with government officials together to Buyongjeong as a place to fulfill his royal politics. Second, The geographical location and spatial characteristics of Buyongjeong: On the enthronement of King Jeongjo(1776), he renovated Taeksujae. Above all, aligning and linking Gaeyuwa - Taeksujae - a cicular island - Eosumun - Kyujangkak along with the construction axis is an evidence for King Jeongjo to determine how the current Kyujangkak zone was prepared and designed to fulfill King Jeonjo's political ideals. In 17th year(1793) of the reign of King Jeongjo, Taeksujae, originally a square shaped pavilion, was modified and expanded with ranks to provide a place to get along with the King and officials. The northern part of Buyongjeong, placed on pond, was designed for the King's place and constructed one rank higher than others. Discernment on windows and doors were made with "Ajasal" - a special pattern for the King. The western and eastern parts were for government officials. The center part was prepared for a place where government officials were granted an audience with the King, who was located in the nortern part of Buyongjeong. Government officials from the western and eastern parts of Buyongjeong, could enter the central part of the Buyongjeong from the southern part by detouring the corner of Buyongjeong. After all, Buyongjeong is a specially designed garden building, which was constructed to be a royal palace utilizing its minimal space. Third, Cultural Values of Buyongjeong: The Buyongjeong area exhibits a trait that it had been continuously developed and it had reflected complex King's private garden cultures from King Sejo, Injo, Hyunjong, Sukjong, Jeongjo and so forth. In particular, King Jeongjo had succeded physical, social and imaginary environments established by former kings and invited their government officials for his royal politics. As a central place for his royal politics, King Jeongjo completed Buyongjeong. Therefore, the value of Buyongjeong, as a garden building reflecting permanency of the Joseon Dynasty, can be highly evaluated. In addition, as it reflects Confucianism in the pavilion - represented by distinguishing hierarchical ranks, it is a unique example to exhibit its distinctiveness in a royal garden.

Jeongjo was the 22nd king of the Joseon Dynasty and a representative artist of the late Joseon Dynasty who was skilled in poetry, calligraphy, and painting. Although he accomplished the great work of national administration by reforming the writing style, he deepened his individual and original writing style by recognizing calligraphy and painting as a picture of the mind with the attitude of not going back unless getting drunk. In other words, to communicate with the world and convey his thoughts and meaning, he gained a new understanding of traditional calligraphy through subjective self-awareness by reading with his eyes and learning with his heart. Thus, he eventually created his unique calligraphy style. The aesthetic consciousness contained in King Jeongjo’s handwriting on the signboards within Hwaseong Haenggung Palace can be summarized as a willingness to realize the benevolent royal government, a style of taking advantage of authority, and an intention to paragon, caution, and indication. It has become the source of the world of creating King Jeongjo’s handwriting on signboards. Accordingly, the King’s handwriting on the signboards within the Hwaseong Haenggung Palace condenses the aesthetic consciousness to realize a benevolent royal government by being sage inside and kingly outside. It also contains the moral content of a virtuous government that meets the demands of the essential benevolent mind of humans. In addition, before legal application, aesthetic style as a means of authority is shown as political fairness through rewards. This aesthetic intention as a symbol of paragon or caution is also clearly revealed through filial piety and sincerity. Consequently, King Jeongjo’s unique aesthetic consciousness through his handwriting on the signboards within Hwaseong Haenggung Palace can be highly evaluated in that it is an artistic pursuit and aims to respect the public mind and life intention of not going back unless getting drunk, and is rooted in Confucian benevolent government, the equilibrium-harmony aesthetic expression of the timely mean.

This thesis aims to identify the characteristic aspects of the Yun Haengim’s Sino-Korean poem, focusing on his poems in response to the king’s poem. There are 264 poems in Seogjaego, his collective works and 60 poems are the poems in response to the king’s poem. In addition, his relationship with the king Jeongjo is important in his studies and literature. Therefore, it is important to study the poems in response to the king’s poems in his poetic world. As the King's letter to Yi Mansu indicates, Jeongjo sent a letter to his favorite subjects and asked them to write a reply to embody the king's political intentions expressed in his poem. Yun's response poem was written in a way that embodied his communion with Jeongjo or his political intentions. By comprehensively reviewing Seogjaego, Hongjaejeonseo, Naegagillyeog, Seungjeongwon Ilgi, the following characteristics were derived as a result of comparing the relationship between Yun's reply and Jeongjo's poem, the realization pattern of creative intention, and the response pattern of other subjects such as Yi Mansu, Chae Jaegong. The response poems he wrote when he was a low-level official responded to the intention of the king's poem, but tried to use large-scale poetic words in expressing its content, and through it, it takes the form of expressing a peaceful world. The ones he wrote when he became a high-ranking official deepened the king's political intentions implied in the king's poem and added meaning through communication with the king

This thesis aims to identify the characteristic aspects of the Yun Haengim’s Sino-Korean poem, focusing on his poems in response to the king’s poem. There are 264 poems in Seogjaego, his collective works and 60 poems are the poems in response to the king’s poem. In addition, his relationship with the king Jeongjo is important in his studies and literature. Therefore, it is important to study the poems in response to the king’s poems in his poetic world. As the King's letter to Yi Mansu indicates, Jeongjo sent a letter to his favorite subjects and asked them to write a reply to embody the king's political intentions expressed in his poem. Yun's response poem was written in a way that embodied his communion with Jeongjo or his political intentions. By comprehensively reviewing Seogjaego, Hongjaejeonseo, Naegagillyeog, Seungjeongwon Ilgi, the following characteristics were derived as a result of comparing the relationship between Yun's reply and Jeongjo's poem, the realization pattern of creative intention, and the response pattern of other subjects such as Yi Mansu, Chae Jaegong. The response poems he wrote when he was a low-level official responded to the intention of the king's poem, but tried to use large-scale poetic words in expressing its content, and through it, it takes the form of expressing a peaceful world. The ones he wrote when he became a high-ranking official deepened the king's political intentions implied in the king's poem and added meaning through communication with the king

This study aims to deeply examine the emotional impact and family sentiments within the bereaved family community following the tragic historical event of Imo Tragedy (1762) in the late Joseon period, focusing on the death of Crown Prince Sado, the central figure of the incident. The research methodology adopted is document analysis, primarily utilizing historical records such as Hanjungnok (Record of Sorrowful Days) and the Joseon Wangjo Sillok (Annals of the Joseon Dynasty). The analysis results showed that the family sentiments observed within the bereaved family community (King Yeongjo, Lady Hyegyeong, King Jeongjo, and Royal Noble Consort Yeongbin Lee) were analyzed as grief and regret, maternal love and sacrifice, filial piety and restoration of honor, and guilt and pity. However, the death of Crown Prince Sado was found to be inconsistent with the Joseon era's concept of “Good Death” (Well-Dying). Based on this analysis, this study identified the fundamental perception and values concerning “Good Death” (Well-Dying) in the Confucian society of the Joseon period. Furthermore, the study aims to re-explore the historical origins of the contemporary social welfare concept of “Good Death” (Well-Dying) within the Joseon-era Confucian context, thereby comprehensively analyzing and reinterpreting the socio-cultural meaning of death.

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.儒家的養老觀念具有深刻的思想根源。它有形上根據，也有現實原因。從表現形式上看，儒家的養老觀蘊含在儒家的“孝道”思想之中，由於孝道在儒家那裏既有著形上的天道根源，亦發揮著宗教性的功能，這使得蘊含在這一孝道思想中的養老觀念也兼具了這兩種思想特徵，即儒家養老觀既是形上的天道的要求，同時又具有宗教性關懷的內蘊。基於血親的自然情感因素和人對老年生活狀態的憂慮則構成了儒家養老觀念現實的、直接的緣由。這種由孝道維繫的養老觀念決定了儒家對“老人”界定的特殊性和養老方式的特殊性。在家庭中，“老”是相對於盡孝的義務而言的，而社會層面的“老”則需要加以特殊規定，以便於社會層面的養老實踐。而在養老方式上，這種由孝道維繫的養老觀也決定了家庭或子女是主要的、基本的養老場所和主體，但國家或政府在宣導、維護這種養老觀念上，以及為家庭養老創造必要的物質條件和保障方面，則負有絕對的義務和責任。China’s citizens are growing old at an alarming rate. The increase in the country’s elderly population has created profound social and economic complications that can be solved only by appropriate policies and moral decisions on caring for aging people. Who will take care of the elderly? Should elderly people depend on their families or on the government? The author of this paper shows that filial or familial piety—the Confucian ideal of moral responsibility for one’s elderly relations—is intrinsic to the traditional Chinese value system, and should continue to shape Chinese society today. The author contends that filial piety is the key ethical principle of Confucianism based on its metaphysical foundation of the Dao. Instead of talking about the rights of elderly people, we should emphasize the moral duty of their adult children.However, the traditional emphasis on filial piety has been challenged by social changes in the last few decades, especially since China’s economic reform. There are fewer and fewer households with “three generations under one roof,” due to China’s urbanization and one-child policy. More and more people are choosing to invest in institutional care (such as nursing-home care and residential care) as an alternative to traditional familial care. Despite these changes, the author maintains that filial piety, as the core value of the Confucian ethical system, should play an important role in modern Chinese society. Supporting one’s elderly relations (both emotionally and financially) offers not only a practical solution to the problem of elderly care in China, but also an ethical way for family members to fulfill their moral duties and maintain family solidarity. Although Western approaches to community care that combine formal and informal sources of support may in some cases help to meet the welfare needs of vulnerable elderly people in China, a complete rejection of traditional filial piety is far from appropriate. The author concludes that commitment to the traditional ethical value of filial piety enables people to live together in peace and harmony.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 2849 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

The Twenty-Four Paragons of Filial Piety:Their Didactic Role and Impact on Children's Lives Weimin Mo (bio) and Wenju Shen (bio) The texts that make up the orthodox canon of Confucianism, The Classic of Filial Piety and its supplement The Twenty-Four Examples of Filial Piety, could be considered the oldest example of children's literature that still has a strong impact on children's daily life.1 The Classic of Filial Piety has been dated by modern scholars to the period between 200 B.C. and A.D. 350 (Barnhart 73). Consisting of a series of conversations between Confucius and one of his disciples, Tseng-tzu, it provides a systematic instruction in filial piety and represents the epitome of the literary classics on the topic (Traylor 63-64). Written in archaic Chinese, which is drastically different both syntactically and semantically and far more compact than the modern language, it employs fewer than four hundred Chinese characters and is divided into eighteen short chapters that children can easily read, memorize, and recite.2 Until the beginning of the twentieth century, Chinese children from well-to-do families started their education at home at private schools for their clan. For around two thousand years, until the downfall of the Qing dynasty in 1911, The Classic of Filial Piety was the first textbook for schoolchildren in China, the work from which they learned both ethics and how to read. Even though in ancient times literate people made up only a small percentage of society, the scholar class in China successfully instilled those teachings into every aspect of life. Moreover, The Twenty-Four Examples of Filial Piety, which embodied the teachings of the earlier book, powerfully reinforced its predecessor's didactic role. Thus The Twenty-Four Examples of Filial Piety has been traditionally accepted as an official supplement to The Classic of Filial Piety, the stories in this supplement were so popular that even nonliterate people became thoroughly versed in Confucian teachings. According to Confucius, filial piety encompasses all aspects of human social life and is implied by all the virtues associated with human behavior. It is the keystone that organically links politics, ethics, and religion in a way not found in other cultures. The eighteen chapters of The Classic of Filial Piety provide fundamental principles regarding the role of filial piety, and a glance at some of the chapter titles gives some idea about its importance in life of the Chinese. They delineate the duties of filial piety in relation to social institutions and for people in all walks of life: "Filial Piety in Relation to the Five Punishments," "Filial Piety in Relation to the Three Powers," "Filial Piety in Government," "Filial Piety in Mourning for Parents," "Filial Piety in the Son of Heaven," "Filial Piety in High Ministers and Great Officers," "Filial Piety in Lesser Officials," "Filial Piety in the Common People," and so on. In his introduction, Confucius explains that filial piety provides the foundation for an all-embracing rule of conduct: Our bodies—to every hair and bit of skin—are received by us from our parents, and we must not presume to injure or wound them:—this is the beginning of filial piety. When we have established our character by the practice of the filial course, so as to make our name famous in future ages, and thereby glorify our parents:—this is the end of filial piety. It commences with the service of parents; it proceeds to the service of the ruler; it is completed by the establishment of the character. (Doeblin 142) Chapter Ten, "An Orderly Description of the Acts of Filial Piety," describes how filial piety is linked to ethics and politics: He who thus serves his parents, in a high situation, will be free from pride; in a low situation, will be free from insubordination; and, among his equals, will not be quarrelsome. In a high situation pride leads to ruin; in a low situation insubordination leads to punishment; among equals quarrelsomeness leads to the wielding of weapons. If those three things be not put away, even though a son every day contribute beef, mutton, and pork to nourish his parents, he...

Background: In Indonesia, managing chronic conditions, like type-2 diabetes (T2D), relies heavily on filial piety and caregiver coherence. Filial piety emphasizes respect and responsibility for caregiving family members, while caregiver coherence reflects alignment and collaboration among caregivers. Despite their importance, the relationship between these factors and T2D management remains unclear, necessitating further investigation. Purpose: This study aimed to examine the relationship between filial piety values and family caregiver coherence among T2D patients, while exploring the influence of demographic factors on these variables. Methods: Using an analytical descriptive design with a cross-sectional approach, 324 family caregivers from 14 Primary Health Centers (PHCs) in Malang City, Indonesia, were selected through cluster random sampling. Filial piety values were assessed using the Filial Family Scale (FFS), and family caregiver coherence was measured with the Sense of Coherence-13 (SOC-13) questionnaire. Spearman's rank correlation and multiple logistic regression were employed for statistical analysis. Results: Findings revealed that 84% of respondents displayed high filial piety values, and 63.6% exhibited high family caregiver coherence. However, no significant correlation was identified between filial piety values and caregiver coherence (p = 0.0124, r = 0.086). Familial relationship factors emerged as the primary demographic influence on both variables. Conclusion: Although no direct association was observed, the study highlights the continued importance of filial piety and caregiver coherence in T2D management. The prominence of familial relationships as an independent factor underscores their critical role in chronic disease care within Indonesian cultural settings. Implications for Nursing: This study highlights the need for nurses to strengthen family relationships through culturally sensitive approaches that enhance filial piety and caregiver coherence to improve the effectiveness of type-2 diabetes management. Keywords: Caregivers, Indonesia, Coherence, Filial piety, Type-2 diabetes.

Many countries, including the United States, lack consensus about the core ethical principles concerning health and health care, beyond a market‐based approach to resource allocation. This chapter offers a normative theory for analyzing health policy decisions and recognizes that norms need fundamental restructuring to address existing health problems. Substantive normative principles (moral legitimacy) should be introduced into deliberative democratic process (political legitimacy) for a comprehensive, integrative theory of health and social justice. The chapter reviews the role of moral values in motivating citizens' support for public policies, and explores differences between social agreement frameworks such as incompletely theorized agreements (ITAs) and overlapping consensus and more traditional political bargaining models. ITA analysis of the American Clinton health care reform attempts reveals agreement on the mid‐level concept of universal coverage, but disagreement on both high‐ and low‐level principles. The chapter concludes that high‐level principle (e.g. health for all) or low‐level principle (e.g. willingness to pay for other's and future selves' health insurance) agreement, arising from internalization of shared public moral norms, might lead to more stable support for reform.

Objective To explore these adults′ perspective with filial piety and as well to elucidate adults′experience and filial caring behaviour whose parents were diagnosed as advanced cancer. Methods This is a qualitative study. A semi-structured and individual in-depth interview guide was designed and utilised to explore perspectives of 15 adults whose parents were diagnosed as advanced cancer. Thematic analysis method was adopted to analyse the data, which were synthesised into themes and subthemes. Results Three main themes were explicated: emotional experience, filial caring behaviours for parents and dilemmas and pressures. These adults adopted obedience, accompany, improving quality of life, completing parents’ wish to fulfil their commitment and filial piety during taking care of their cancer parents. However, they encountered ethical dilemmas regarding disclosure or non-disclosure cancer diagnosis to their parents. Conclusions Due to the profound influence of Chinese traditional culture, the adults whose parents were diagnosed as advanced cancer committed their filial caring behaviour to their parents very wholeheartedly and encountered difficulties and dilemmas. Therefore, oncology nurses are advised to share their love to cancer patients, to work with compassion and sympathy and support them by assisting with taking care of their patients, which in turn may facilitate their filial caring behaviours, decrease their pressure and negative emotions. Key words: Neoplasm; Advanced stage; Children; Filial piety; Qualitative study

Drawing from Southern Vietnamese folk poetry, this article analyzes and elucidates the manifestations of the concept of “constant obligations of morality”, including “three fundamental bonds”, “filial piety”, “loyalty and filial devotion”, “righteousness”, and “benevolence and righteousness”. These notions are interpreted through the lens of an “entity” characterized by attributes such as “completeness”, “roundness”, “squareness and roundness”, “heaviness”, and “immobility”-all associated with positive values. Conversely, an entity marked by “incompleteness”, “deficiency”, “lightness”, or “mobility” is linked to negative values. The concept of “constant obligations of morality” is dynamically adapted and expressed through metaphorical language, rooted in the material and cultural experiences of the Vietnamese people, particularly those in Southern Vietnam. This concept holds significant importance, not only shaping behavioral standards, ethics, and culture but also informing the actions of Southern Vietnamese specifically and Vietnamese society as a whole.

Examining the early history of the Chinese translation of Buddhist scriptures, it is revealed that translators from the Eastern Han Dynasty to the Wei and Jin Dynasties, such as An Shigao, Lokakṣema, Kang Senghui and Dharmarakṣa, already paid much attention to and began translating Buddhist scriptures related to “filial piety”. They even, during the translation process, altered the original meanings of some words to promote the sinicization of Buddhism or brought together the contents of several sutras to provide a more culturally attuned interpretation of the Buddhist idea of “filial piety and repayment of kindness”, in accordance with Chinese culture. With their efforts, the Chinese gradually realized that Buddhism also preached filial ethics. Buddhists were not against the value of filial piety when embracing monastic life; instead, they could accumulate merits and dedicate them to their parents and relatives, rescuing them from samsara. This introduced a fresh perspective for traditional Confucian filial piety, and highlighted the importance of “filial piety” beyond the framework of “family and state as one.” Confucianism and Buddhism were able to agree on the significance of filial piety, and Buddhism also affected and complemented the ethical cultivation of the Chinese medieval society.

Filial piety is one of the most important values in Vietnam, as it is in a number of East Asian countries. It is an expression of children's respect, gratitude, and care for their parents. While filial piety may bring joy to parents and is a personal duty for offspring, it can also be a pressure for children. Hence, in recent years, some studies have considered filial piety as two dimensions instead of one dimension.Participants And Procedure This study focused on clarifying the relationship between filial piety and perceived family happiness with 385 adult offspring who lived in Vietnam at the time of the study. The Dual Filial Piety Scale (DFPS) and the Interdependent Happiness Scale (IHS) were used. The results showed that participants regularly engaged in aspects of filial piety and there was no contradiction between authoritarian filial piety (AFP) and reciprocal filial piety (RFP). Filial piety can predict family happiness at a fairly high level. These results, besides showing the importance and value to the family, also give a multi-dimensional and comprehensive view of filial piety. At the social level, upholding the value of filial piety is the basis for building family happiness as well as making an important contribution to the implementation of social security in the family.

The Association of Filial Piety and Financial Toxicity With Surrogate Decisional Conflict Among Adult Children of ICU Patients With Cancer.

Filial piety was an important virtue in early Confucianism and was recognized even by critics of the tradition, such as Zhuangzi, as an unavoidable part of human life.1 Such a deep and abiding concern with filial piety is not unique to China alone. Many cultures throughout the world value filial behavior and record, retell, and advocate acts of filial devotion and sacrifice.2 Such behavior is often explained, as Zhuangzi seems to have done, by appeals to human nature. At times, along with religious warrants, such appeals are offered not only as explanations for filial behavior but also as justifications for filial piety as a duty, obligation, or virtue.3 However, Chinese culture is distinctive in the amount of attention paid to and the importance claimed for this particular virtue. In contrast, contemporary philosophers pay scant attention to filial piety. Among those who offer a defense of at least some form of filial obligation, the most interesting and persuasive views base filial piety on the model of friendship or a sense of gratitude for the various sacrifices that good parents make on behalf of their children.4 I argue that such arguments offer an important source for a viable defense of filial piety but fall short because they fail to capture important features of the child-parent relationship. This in turn leads them to miss important and characteristic features of the virtue of filial piety.