From Red Sorghum to Main Melody: Contemporary Chinese Language Film Theatrical Distribution in Germany Since 1989

The term “transnational Chinese cinemas” first appeared in 1997 in the anthology Transnational Chinese Cinemas: Identity, Nationhood, Gender. It was coined, theorized, and introduced in the book by editor Sheldon Lu. That was also the first time the phrase “transnational cinema” was used as a book title in world film studies. The immediate occasion for the rise of this concept had to do with the cultural landscape of Greater China and of the world in general in the post-Cold War period. Film coproduction across national and regional borders became a possibility again and was done more frequently. In the case of the Greater Chinese region of the mainland, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, filmmakers began to cooperate across the Taiwan Straits to make joint productions; they secured funding and established channels of circulation beyond their immediate territories. Simply put, transnational cinema is a cinema of border crossing, and transnational film studies transcends the unit of the nation state in film analysis. It can be understood as a model of film studies, a critical paradigm, a description of the film industry, and a type of film. The full methodological, historical, and critical implications of transnational Chinese film studies are first outlined in the introduction to the book Transnational Chinese Cinemas. Transnationalism is grasped at the following levels: First, the split of China into the mainland, Taiwan, and Hong Kong in modern history and consequently the coexistence of three competing national and local Chinese cinemas; second, the globalization of the production, circulation, and consumption of Chinese film in the age of transnational capitalism since the 1990s; third, the representation and questioning of “China” and “Chineseness” in filmic discourse itself—namely, the cross-examination of the national, cultural, political, ethnic, and gender identity of individuals and communities in the mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the Chinese diaspora; fourth, a re-viewing of and revisiting the history of Chinese ‘national cinema’ as if to read the ‘prehistory’ of transnational filmic discourse backwards in order to discover the ‘political unconscious’ of filmic discourse—the transnational roots and condition of cinema. Transnational film studies have become a major paradigm in Chinese film studies, along with the models of Chinese national cinema, Chinese-language cinema, and Sinophone cinema. It shares certain assumptions with the other three paradigms but also has its own characteristics and differences. Transnational Chinese film studies have also evolved into a broader study of “transnational visuality.” Transnational visual culture includes feature film, documentary, video, digital media, and visual arts. This situation is especially relevant in the so-called ‘postcinema’ stage when the film medium, the platform of film circulation, and the venue of viewing have changed tremendously. There are also various forms of transnational films. For instance, there exist the commercial-global blockbuster, independent art-house film, and exilic transnational cinema. Transnational cinema emerges and flourishes in the age and condition of globalization and transnational capitalism. However, this does not mean that transnational cinema necessarily serves the interests of transnational capitalism. Such a cinema can be liberating and counterhegemonic as well, depending on the particular situation.

In this paper the changes in the wage distribution in (West-)Germany between 1985 and 2006 are analysed. The theoretical framework is based on the literature on skill-biased technological change (SBTC) and on structural theory. Analyses draw on descriptive measures of the development of wage inequality among blue- and white-collar workers as well as on regression analyses of individual and structural determinants of wages for the years 1985 to 2006. The results show that wage inequality remained fairly constant until the early 1990s, but started to increase from the mid-1990s onwards. Moreover, regression analyses reveal that this increase was paralleled by rising inter-class wage differentials, while returns to (higher) education decreased. JEL Classifications: J21, J24, J31

In view of the drastic growth and inefficient utilization of UCL in China, it is unsurprising that the driving forces and mechanisms behind China’s UCL development have long been a subject of great scholarly interest. This chapter critically reviews three influential interpretations with insightful theoretical engagement and rich empirical support, including the demand-driven, political economy, and property rights frameworks. First, the conventional wisdom that highlights the demand side of urban land market tends to see rapid UCL expansion in China simply as a derived outcome of economic growth and population agglomeration in urban areas. Second, a political economy framework has been developed to understand China’s UCL development from the behaviors of local governments on the supply side. Specifically, research from this perspective emphasizes two motivations of local governments: to alleviate the increasing fiscal pressures after the tax-sharing reform by gaining extra-budgetary land sale revenue, and to promote urban economic growth by using low-priced industrial land as an important means to attract domestic and foreign investments. Third, some studies from the neoliberal perspective have attributed the rapid growth and inefficient utilization of UCL to the lack of clarity and protection in property rights. All the three frameworks present their respective interpretations to explain the massive UCL development in reforming and urbanizing China. After a critical and detailed review of such interpretations, this chapter demonstrates their common limitations such as the wide ignorance of the role played by the peasantry as the original owner and user of the UCL, the unconditional acceptance of the neoliberal ideology, the lack of a systematic analysis of the interactions among multiple actors with distinctive interests, and the limited attention paid to the region-specific development environments and their fundamental roles in shaping the localized characteristics of interest differentiation, power distribution, and interactions among multiple land-related actors.

This volume provides a comparative analysis of media systems in the Arab world, based on criteria informed by the historical, political, social, and economic factors influencing a country’s media. Reaching beyond classical western media system typologies, 'Arab Media Systems' brings together contributions from experts in the field of media in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) to provide valuable insights into the heterogeneity of this region’s media systems. It focuses on trends in government stances towards media, media ownership models, technological innovation, and the role of transnational mobility in shaping media structure and practices. Each chapter in the volume traces a specific country’s media – from Lebanon to Morocco – and assesses its media system in terms of historical roots, political and legal frameworks, media economy and ownership patterns, technology and infrastructure, and social factors (including diversity and equality in gender, age, ethnicities, religions, and languages). This book is a welcome contribution to the field of media studies, constituting the only edited collection in recent years to provide a comprehensive and systematic overview of Arab media systems. As such, it will be of great use to students and scholars in media, journalism and communication studies, as well as political scientists, sociologists, and anthropologists with an interest in the MENA region. This volume provides a comparative analysis of media systems in the Arab world, based on criteria informed by the historical, political, social, and economic factors influencing a country’s media. Reaching beyond classical western media system typologies, Arab Media Systems brings together contributions from experts in the field of media in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) to provide valuable insights into the heterogeneity of this region’s media systems. It focuses on trends in government stances towards media, media ownership models, technological innovation, and the role of transnational mobility in shaping media structure and practices. Each chapter in the volume traces a specific country’s media – from Lebanon to Morocco – and assesses its media system in terms of historical roots, political and legal frameworks, media economy and ownership patterns, technology and infrastructure, and social factors (including diversity and equality in gender, age, ethnicities, religions, and languages). This book is a welcome contribution to the field of media studies, constituting the only edited collection in recent years to provide a comprehensive and systematic overview of Arab media systems. As such, it will be of great use to students and scholars in media, journalism and communication studies, as well as political scientists, sociologists, and anthropologists with an interest in the MENA region. This volume provides a comparative analysis of media systems in the Arab world, based on criteria informed by the historical, political, social, and economic factors influencing a country’s media. Reaching beyond classical western media system typologies, Arab Media Systems brings together contributions from experts in the field of media in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) to provide valuable insights into the heterogeneity of this region’s media systems. It focuses on trends in government stances towards media, media ownership models, technological innovation, and the role of transnational mobility in shaping media structure and practices. Each chapter in the volume traces a specific country’s media – from Lebanon to Morocco – and assesses its media system in terms of historical roots, political and legal frameworks, media economy and ownership patterns, technology and infrastructure, and social factors (including diversity and equality in gender, age, ethnicities, religions, and languages). This book is a welcome contribution to the field of media studies, constituting the only edited collection in recent years to provide a comprehensive and systematic overview of Arab media systems. As such, it will be of great use to students and scholars in media, journalism and communication studies, as well as political scientists, sociologists, and anthropologists with an interest in the MENA region.

An increasing number of consumers are seeking to lead healthier lives by eating more healthful foods. In the United States, however, some are unknowingly consuming foods that are less healthful and wholesome than they expect. Through information on packages, food marketers draw attention to apparently healthful aspects of foods, while minimizing attention to the less desirable properties. A salient aspect of this situation is that such marketing practices are permissible under rules established by the relevant regulatory agency, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). In this sense, the situation constitutes a market failure, which is enabled by a regulatory failure. The political economy framework is used to examine the regulatory failure. The article takes a critical view of certain food marketing practices and argues that, for at least some customers, consumer interests are being subordinated to food firm's interests.

Recent research has highlighted the role of institutions in channeling entrepreneurs into activities with positive or negative effects on overall productivity. Embedding central elements from these theories into a political economy framework reveals the bilateral causal relation between entrepreneurs and institutions. Core features of the entrepreneur force us to view its effects on institutions as more than mechanical general equilibrium adjustments. Three analytically separate channels of influence are isolated, analyzed and exemplified. Entrepreneurs influence formal economic institutions through direct involvement in politics, by using their entrepreneurial talent to wield de facto political power and by altering the effect of formal institutions. We propose a parsimonious framework that incorporates these effects as well as the role of institutions in channeling entrepreneurial talent. We use examples from modern history as a real-world context to illustrate our framework.

Context: Noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) such as cardiovascular diseases, cancers, hypertension, kidney diseases, and diabetes account for sizeable proportion of global deaths. The proximate causes aside biological and genetics are behavioral risk factors include dietary practices. Unhealthy dietary practice leading to the occurrence of NCDs blamed for the drawback of social and economic development of lower- and middle-income countries. Aims: This research focuses on establishing links among the political economy framework (education, occupation, income, residential place, and mass media), dietary practices, and the occurrence of NCDs in Ghana. Settings and Design: It adopted a mixed method approach using the Ghana Demographic and Health Survey (2014), with a sample of 4122 and 32 qualitative interviews from four regions. Subjects and Methods: In-depth, key informant interviews, focus groups discussions, and secondary data were used. The qualitative arm was analyzed using the thematic content analysis. Statistical Analysis Used: Descriptive statistics and probit regression were used to ascertain the influences of the constituents of political economy using individual's dietary intakes. Results: The present study found that, differences in income levels (P < 0.05), residential place of stay (P < 0.05), and access to mass media (P < 0.05) were statistically significant to dietary practices and had major implications for NCDs occurrence. The qualitative outcome revealed that, educational and occupational status of individuals may influence dietary practices. The regression revealed that females are exposed to unhealthy dietary practices by 6.2% points. Moreover, rural dwelling had moderate influence on unhealthy dietary practices (3.3% points) than urban dwelling. Again, professionals, sales, and service categories have 5.8%, 5.7%, and 7.6% points unhealthy practices, respectively.

The last two decades have seen an increase in climate financing channelled to the Global South from multiple sources, putting a spotlight on climate finance coordination challenges in recipient countries. However, the climate finance coordination debate has largely been centred at climate finance provision at the global level. Emerging literature has called on recipient countries to establish effective climate finance coordination mechanisms. Yet, the calls have not clarified what accounts for an effective coordination mechanism. This paper addresses the gap by analyzing stakeholder perceptions of effective climate finance coordination in Kenya. Kenya has instituted a legal and institutional framework to guide climate finance coordination, but challenges of coordination persist. Using the political economy framework, the paper analyzes political economy factors influencing stakeholder perceptions and climate change policy implementation to identify political contestations that need to be reconciled. Data is drawn from relevant literature, 29 key informant interviews and 4 focus group discussions at the national level in Nairobi and at the sub-national level in Turkana County. Deductive thematic analysis is adopted for coding and analyzing data. Results indicate that different ideologies, interests, incentives, politics, power relations and contestation over resources largely influence stakeholder perceptions of an effective climate finance coordination mechanism and climate policy implementation. The operationalization of the National Climate Change Council and the National Climate Change Fund are the most contested. The paper calls on policy actors to reconcile political issues of contention for recipient countries to institute coordination mechanisms that gain ownership and widespread legitimacy from stakeholders.

The main objective of this paper is to verify the sustainability of public debt among Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) in a political economy framework. Annual panel data have been used for BRICS countries from World Development Indicators of World Bank for the period 1980–2017 for the analysis. Bohn's sustainability framework is used to examine the sustainability of public debt in BRICS nations and verify the influence of political economic variables such as election year, coalition dummy, ideology of the government and unemployment on public debt sustainability. The results suggest that public debt sustainability is weak for BRICS as a whole. China and India have a better public debt sustainability coefficients compared to the same for Brazil, Russia and South Africa. Structural change dummy included in the model suggests that debt sustainability is severely affected after the 2008 crisis period. Political factors have influence on debt sustainability in BRICS. Electoral cycle year and coalition dummy variables adversely affect public debt sustainability in BRICS. While centrist political ideology is found to be significant and negative, left and right ideologies are not significant for debt sustainability. Since debt sustainability is found to be weak in BRICS, countries in the region need to adopt necessary measures to improve their primary balance through appropriate fiscal and debt management. Besides, it is important for the governments to prioritize fiscal prudence irrespective of their ideologies and political compulsions.

<i>Fueling Resistance</i>

... the dominance of a culture in a society does not require all members to be able to participate in that culture on the same terms. Indeed, a culture may be dominant even if most people can only aspire to participate in it: its dominance is felt to the extent that people's aspirations, their hopes and fears, vocabulary of motives and sense of self are defined in its terms ... While it is important to recognize that the terms of participation in consumer culture are profoundly unequal, these terms are not directly tied (though they might be indirectly related) to economic equality, but are peculiar to the culture itself. (Lury 1996: 7) What then is money? It is a universal measure of value, but its specific form is not yet as universal as the method that humanity has devised to measure time all round the world. It is purchasing power, a means of buying and selling in markets. It counts wealth and status. It is a store of memory linking individuals to their various communities, a kind of memory bank and thus a source of identity. As a symbolic medium, it conveys information through a system of signs that relies more on numbers than words. A lot more circulates with money than the goods and services it buys. (Hart 2007:15) Why political economy no longer tells the whole story The uneven and contradictory interconnections between apartheid and capitalism in South Africa have long been critically debated in political economy terms from both liberal and Marxist perspectives. Recent critical analyses of transformation in South Africa and attempts to describe South Africa's reintegration into the global economy underscore, to varying degrees and from a range of different viewpoints, the growing and troubling 'limits of liberation' (Robins 2005). These studies continue to probe and problematise, within political economy frameworks, the nature of state power and national polities both in Africa and beyond, typically critiquing the domination of state politics, law and institutions, issues of ownership and control, describing how subsequent struggles for power are enacted among various political players, and between these and market actors. These critical inquiries include, but are by no means limited to, Bond 2005, 2006; Chidester, Dexter and James 2003; Daniel, Habib and Southall 2004; Daniel, Southall and Lutchman 2005; Habib and Bentley 2008; Robins 2005; Seekings and Nattrass 2006; Southall and Melber 2009, to name but a handful. Today, post-transitional South Africa comprises a contradictory network of socio-cultural and economic forms of reorganisation, broadly attesting to an accommodation of neoliberal corporate capitalism. This corporate neoliberal environment is marked concurrently by continuing uneven development, ongoing poverty and rising structural unemployment, transforming accumulations of capital, more or less successful procedures of racial redress, elitist and ethnic mechanisms of socio-economic inclusion and exclusion, manifestations of non-racialism and re-racialisation, local mobilisations of social movements and NGOs, refashioned affiliations to traditionally African social practices and hierarchies, and more. During the apartheid regime, crucial in this regard were the ways political and economic factors converged and intersected primarily through strategies of racial discrimination as a means of controlling 'cheap' black labour. However, in post-apartheid South Africa, convergences between economic, ethnic, national and other socio-cultural determinants, and the state-initiated agenda of redress, have generated new socio-economic complexities. Alongside attempts to attain sustainable economic growth and rejoin the global economy, and a desire--however implicit--to forge a sense of national identity, government has also made a point of prioritising an initiative of redress, whereby transformation has been conceptualised in terms of wealth and income redistribution to previously disenfranchised groups (see Habib & Bentley 2008: 24, passim; Innes 2007: 67). …

The legal and political explanations that underpin the contemporary literature on corporate governance have focused how the prevailing political or legal system determines how large corporations are governed. They imply that in order to facilitate good corporate practices, emerging economies should converge towards governance systems that offer strong legal protection for investors. Distinguishing itself from this approach, this paper adopts a historical account of the major political economy factors that either impeded or facilitated the evolution of the Anglo American Joint Stock Company (JSC). This illustrates how the JSC did note merge by blueprint or design as is implied in the literature. It also describes the implicit costs associated with the JSC including political rent seeking, the expropriation of small investors, market crises and monopolies. Under these circumstances legal and political developments often enhanced corporate power at the expense of the public interest. This account suggests that the JSC is better viewed as an adaptive and innovative organisational form that has thrived in the absence of formal regulations and law, rather than as a nexus of contracts arising from market failure. The evolution of the JSC and its corporate governance structures are therefore best understood within a political economy framework that accounts for market developments, political and legal interventions and the rise of the regulatory state. For developing economies the main lesson is not that they should replicate either the US or UK, but rather they can draw on the factors that allowed both countries to lessen the costs of mobilising finance, and adapt them to suit local market structures.

This chapter aims to examine the dynamics of agricultural policy as a basis for understanding the likelihood and the repercussions of alterations to the order governing agriculture. It traces the evolution of agriculture policy from approximately 1800 to the post–World War II period and explores the broad historical arena and focuses on the relationship between the United States and Western Europe during the period from the early 1960s to the late 1980s. The chapter argues that events during the last twenty five years can be modelled and explained using a political economy framework. Great Britain had decided to sacrifice the interests of landowners and farmers in order to further the growth of the economy through expanded industrial output and trade. The world has tried a diverse set of orders in an attempt to deal with political and economic factors.

Machine generated contents note: 1 Doing History: Modem Middle Eastern Studies Today, -- Israel Gershoni and Ursula Wokick -- Part 1 New Dimensions of Modernizing Processes -- 2 The Great Ottoman Debasement, 1808-1844: A Political Economy Framework, fevket Pamuk -- 3 A Prelude to Ottoman Reform: Ibn 'Abidin on Custom and Legal Change, Wael B. Hallaq -- 4 The Damascus Affair and the Beginnings of France's Empire in the Middle East, Mary C. Wilson -- 5 The Gender of Modernity: Reflections from Iranian Historiography, Afsaneh Najmabadi -- Part 2 Globalization Then and Now -- 6 From Liberalism to Liberal Imperialism: Lord Cromer and the First Wave of Globalization in Egypt, Roger Owen -- 7 Late Capitalism and the Reformation of the Working Classes in the Middle East, Joel Beinin -- Part 3 Recovering Lost Voices in the Age of Colonialism -- 8 Exploring the Field: Lost Voices and Emerging Practices in Egypt, 1882-1914, Zachary Lockman -- 9 Slaves or Siblings? Abdallah al-Nadim's Dialogues -- About the Family, Eve M. Troutt Powell -- 10 Shaikh al-Ra'is and Sultan Abdiilhamid II: The Iranian Dimension of Pan-Islam, Juan R. I. Cole -- Part 4 Constructing Identities, Defining Nations -- 11 Recruitment for the "Victorious Soldiers of Muhammad" in the Arab Provinces, 1826-1828, Hakan Erdem -- 12 The Politics of History and Memory: A Multidimensional Analysis of the Lausanne Peace Conference, 1922-1923, -- Fatma Miige Godek -- 13 Arab Society in Mandatory Palestine: The Half-Full Glass? -- Rashid Khalidi -- 14 Manly Men on a National Stage (and the Women Who Make Them Stars), Walter Armbrust

The PESA Act 1996 has been the central policy framework governing decentralized governance of the indigenous people in India. This policy however has led to conflicts on ground at the implementation level because of interpretative jurisprudence. The paper examines the conflicts on ground at implementation with the design of policy based on constitutional values. The study proposes a policy - politics framework as an explanatory context to this issue.