From Gift to Governance: Commons Theory, Cultural Exchange, and Governance Friction in Public Institutions

Cultural diplomacy of the Republic of Croatia illustrated by the example of the project Croatian cultural season in France

Introduction: The Power of Place at the U.S. Overseas Research Centers, Heritage Diplomacy, and Archaeology

ABSTRACTThis research investigates the impact of political values and trust‐building on ethnic conflict resolution in Kosovo, whereas emphasizing the pivotal role of cultural diplomacy in achieving peace. It underscores the significance of political trust in the historically distrustful Western Balkans, particularly between Kosovo and Serbia. Through empirical data, the study delves into how political values and trust are fundamental for peacebuilding in a region marked by a tumultuous past and dwindling trust in public institutions. The findings suggest that nurturing political values and trust can foster cohesion among communities and fortify their ties to their homeland. Highlighting cultural diplomacy alongside trust‐building as indispensable for peacebuilding, the research emphasizes the necessity of democracy in effectively employing soft power tools. By addressing this critical knowledge gap, the study offers original insights into this vital field of study.

Public diplomacy is aimed at working with foreign “movers and shakers.” Russia and the United States use this foreign policy tool to build a bilateral dialogue. At the same time, the general atmosphere of mistrust is negative for the work of state and near-state structures. The activities of the US public diplomacy institutes in Russia are limited by the experience of their work in the post-Soviet space following the end of the Cold War: in the 1990s Americans were using strategic advising and capacity building tools to implement reforms in the former USSR, what nowadays is seen by Moscow as blatant interference in the internal affairs of the state and disrespect for its national interests. In turn, Russian public diplomacy in the United States is limited by the bipartisan anti-Russian consensus on Capitol Hill. Therefore, the bilateral public diplomacy of Moscow and Washington is focused on neutral activities — cultural diplomacy, twin city initiatives, and sub-state diplomacy. Still, the agenda could be extended, but political will from both sides is needed. The target audience for Russian public diplomacy is the “Greater Eurasia,” the United States is a less significant, albeit “problematic” area. For US public diplomacy, Russia is viewed not in the context of “engagement” strategy, but from the standpoint of countering propaganda. At the same time, the strategic dialogue of the two largest nuclear powers is conducted through analytical centers and the expert community. The target audience of Russian — US public diplomacy — undergraduates, graduate students, lecturers, journalists — are involved in the bilateral programs, but not on a systematic basis. To reveal the problems of the bilateral public diplomacy, and ways to solve them, the author addresses several top experts in the field and reveals their recommendations in the article.

The problematic of this study is to investigate the activities of cultural diplomacy in the Balkans for Turkey. These activities are valued over Turkey’s public diplomacy institutions through interviews made by the author. In this context, the aim of study is to examine of Turkey policies for cultural diplomacy activities in the Balkans with feedback received from the opinions and suggestions of the relevant institutions. In the research, the answer of the question “Is it effective cultural diplomacy activities of Turkey in the Balkans?” was sought. The basic hypothesis of the study is that Turkey’s public diplomacy in the Balkans has experienced a transformation of strategic vision. In the context of the hypothesis of the study, the following conclusion has been reached. The public diplomacy activities of Turkish public diplomacy institutions towards the Balkans have a strategic perspective. This paradigmatic development has become especially important since the 21st century.

In this study, the perspective of the Republic of Türkiye towards Lithuania and the Lithuanian Tatars has been examined within the framework of cultural diplomacy. The relations established within the cultural framework between the citizens of both countries contribute positively to the 92-year diplomatic relations of the two countries. Turkish Embassy in Vilnius in particular, Ministry of National Education, Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA), Yunus Emre Institute, Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB), universities, municipalities and other public institutions, companies, artists, academics, and students continue to contribute to the diplomatic relations between the two countries in the field of cultural diplomacy.
 In the study, it has been concluded that the historical and cultural bond between Türkiye and Lithuania continues to increase within the framework of public diplomacy and cultural diplomacy.

This article explores the cultural diplomacy of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) at the World Congress of Women in October 1975 in East Berlin. Organized by the Women’s International Democratic Federation to celebrate the UN International Women’s Year, the congress provided a space for communist and leftist advocates from across the globe to discuss women’s rights in connection with issues like global economic justice, anti-colonialism, and peace. But it also gave its host, the GDR, a platform to promote its emancipatory policies to women from the Global South. For weeks, delegates from Africa, Asia, and Latin America visited concerts, museums, and art exhibitions on women’s lives and took trips to neighbourhoods, kindergartens, schools, women’s advice centres, and hospitals across the GDR. Building on research on the performative dimensions of international diplomacy, this article discusses how the socialist regime transformed the congress halls, the city of East Berlin, and public institutions into ‘diplomatic stages’. It argues that while this performance was challenged by audiences like foreign journalists, Western delegates, and citizens, its success depended on the Demokratische Frauenbund Deutschlands (German Democratic Women’s League), the GDR's mass women’s organisation, and its networks to the international women’s movement.

The looting of archaeological sites became a significant problem after the Second World War. Archaeological sites had been exploited from the 18th century with varying degrees of emphasis on scientific recovery of artifacts. However, demand created by the postwar growth of the international art market provided an impetus to supply more archaeological artifacts for the market, often through looting of sites, just as advances in scientific methodologies expanded the amount of contextual knowledge that could be recovered about the past through controlled excavation. As the losses inflicted on our ability to reconstruct all facets of the past became better understood, legal mechanisms developed to deter the trade in undocumented archaeological artifacts and the looting of archaeological sites. These legal mechanisms crystallized around the 1970 UNESCO Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property. The 1970 UNESCO Convention fostered a series of national actions, including ratification and implementation of the convention through domestic legislation. In the early 2000s, several market nations ratified the 1970 convention, ushering in an era in which this convention has served as the basic international legal instrument that attempts to curtail the trade in illegally obtained antiquities. The study of the trade in looted antiquities is prevalent in several disciplines, in addition to legal studies. Ethnographers and anthropologists study the mechanisms of the trade from the looting of the object from the ground to the desires of museums and private collectors to acquire such objects. Criminologists study the motivations of the criminal actors and the best methods for deterring criminal activity. Ethicists explore the ethical dimensions of acquisitions of undocumented archaeological artifacts, particularly by public institutions, and the morality of restitution. Economists theorize about ways that archaeological heritage can become an economically sustainable resource for local populations, thereby reducing the motivation to loot sites. Finally, the international restitution of looted archaeological objects has become a central issue in cultural diplomacy among nations and in relationships among the world’s museums and educational institutions. The contemporary trade in undocumented artifacts is not entirely divorced from the historical scourge brought about through armed conflict and military occupation. The looting of the Iraq Museum in Baghdad during the 2003 Gulf War, followed by the large-scale looting of sites throughout southern Iraq, the looting of sites in Syria and Egypt during the ongoing conflicts to obtain funds, and the dismemberment of Khmer temples in Cambodia during the Khmer Rouge period all attest to the pervasive nature of looting to supply archaeological artifacts for sale on the international art market.

Using the example of projects of the Department of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Warsaw, the article analyses the potential of Ukrainian centres for academic and cultural diplomacy. In the current historical moment, using the soft power of university centres may help not only to react to current problems and mitigate the consequences of tragedies experienced by Ukrainians, including representatives of culture and academia but also to work out specifi c solutions which will allow to build a programme based on reliable research for popularising the achievements of Ukrainian culture and science in the future. Several activities undertaken in the Department of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Warsaw have been presented, including building a scholarly community of Ukrainians, conducting an international dialogue on key issues in the current historical situation, cooperation with the social environment, as well as training graduates who will be ready to work in various public institutions.

The article analyses achievements of the General consulate and honorary consulates of Ukraine in Bulgaria in the field of public and cultural diplomacy, their contribution towards shaping a positive image of Ukraine among the Bulgarian people and intercultural communication between the Ukrainian and Bulgarian people. It focuses on the public activities of the Consulate General of Ukraine in Varna that operated from 2002 till 2014 as well as on the cultural diplomacy activities of the Honorary Consuls of Ukraine in Burgas, Plovdiv and Ruse. It analyses international agreements regulating the activities of the General consulate and honorary consulates in the area of cultural and humanitarian exchange. The article identifies priority areas of support for interliterary, musical and theatrical exchange, which have become dominant in the honorary consulates’ activities. It is important to highlight the assistance of the Honorary Consuls with consolidation and operation of the Ukrainian community in Bulgaria and in uniting the Ukrainian youth. It has been found that the activities of the Honorary Consuls of Ukraine to Bulgaria prove that it is important to appoint to such positions people who have relevant experience in establishing business contacts with the Ukrainian partners and wish to promote presentation of the Ukrainian cultural heritage in Bulgaria. The study shows that each Honorary Consul of Ukraine to Bulgaria is currently mostly independent in determining priority areas of development of intercultural contacts between Ukraine and Bulgaria. It also shows a difference in the qualitative and quantitative indicators of their performance in this area as well as in the content of the Ukrainian cultural products. In this regard, it may be relevant to strengthen coordination and leverage on the resources of the honorary consulates of Ukraine in their cooperation with public institutions that are responsible for popularization of the Ukrainian culture abroad. In addition, the honorary consulates can become additional tools in promoting the activities of the Ukrainian Institute established in 2018.

Cultural diplomacy, as a dimension of the state’s cultural and foreign policy, refers to specific actions planned, coordinated or organized by central public institutions, aiming to support the objectives of the state. But the objectives of any state’s policy are rarely an object of domestic consensus: they might be disputed in society, and different emphases might be found even inside the state’s organizational frame. An important starting point in our search for Finland’s cultural diplomacy is thus to find the various reasons for which Finnish administrators would engage in and develop a cultural diplomacy. Discussing these elements in the context of the Cold War, one has to consider both the weight of the bipolar divide on any policy undertaken by the Finnish state, as well as the local context. Arguments in favor of state-led cultural outreach overseas showed a certain consistency over the three decades studied here, with concerns expressed immediately after the war and continuing up to the 1970s. This continuity was also the result of continuities in personnel, with roughly the same individuals dealing with international cultural relations inside the Finnish civil service. They developed a number of rationales for cultural diplomacy, between supporting Finland’s foreign policy in a difficult geopolitical situation, modernizing Finnish society through curated foreign examples and an opening up to global cultural trends, promoting a new image of the country abroad, supporting trade or participating in the work of international organizations.

Soft power is persuasive power that is not military or economic in nature, but is rooted in the attractiveness of culture, values and a positive image of a country. South Korea has successfully utilized soft power through the Korean wave to increase its presence and influence on the global stage. This research aims to investigate the role of Korean cultural diplomacy in integrating and uniting the international community through the concept of soft power. This research uses a qualitative approach with descriptive methods. The research results show that South Korea's cultural diplomacy, especially through the Korean Wave, has succeeded in creating a significant positive impact. The research highlights the contribution of the Korean Wave in strengthening South Korea's positive image at the global level, building sociocultural and economic ties in the East Asian region, and generating economic growth through increasing the popularity of Korean products and lifestyle. Full support from the government, including through the establishment of public institutions, provides a strong foundation for the success of South Korea's cultural diplomacy. In conclusion, research shows that South Korea's cultural diplomacy is an effective instrument in building positive connectivity, advancing the economy, and shaping global views of this country.

This paper will address the impact of the European Union (EU) on cultural policy development in Malta. The attention paid by the EU to globalising matters through culture, particularly i) citizenship participation in relation to social integration, ii) economic revival through urban regeneration, and iii) cultural diplomacy with regard to internationalisation efforts, is acknowledged and assessed through a focus on recent Maltese cultural practice. Impact will be assessed in relation to a) policy as well as legislation, b) funding structures and incentives, and c) implementation measures through initiatives taken by Maltese public cultural institutions. Convergences and divergences in comparison with key EU strategic actions will be discussed, with reference made to major legislative documents, funding programmes, and cultural projects undertaken by Maltese authorities and other cultural stakeholders in response or in relation to European developments.

The research gives an overview of Soviet public diplomacy, and the expectations Soviet people have had for it. In this article we examine how Soviet public diplomacy has contributed to promoting the country’s policy priorities worldwide since the 1920s. In particular, we first reveal how cultural diplomacy was used with the purpose of gaining international recognition and terminating starvation in the 1920s. Afterwards, we examine the practice of increasing the number of Soviet friends and proponents in the 1930s through friendship societies and cultural diplomacy tools. Additionally, the role of public diplomacy in WWII as anti-fascism resistance committees, friendship societies and international broadcasting cooperation of allied nations, including within the sphere of anti-Nazi disinformation, is discovered. Following this, the methods of Soviet public diplomacy during the Cold war confrontation are analysed through people-to-people diplomacy mechanisms, science diplomacy and development assistance to the "non-alignment" countries. Lastly, the target audience of Soviet public diplomacy is defined, along with the analysis of the main Soviet public diplomacy institutions under the lens of their activities. The article states that the Soviet Union had a strong centralized public diplomacy system aimed at the needs of foreign policy. During the Cold war, huge amounts of money were spent on the battle of two ideologies. Dogmatism, the impossibility of critical thinking within the framework of the existing system, closed borders did not contribute to the formation of a favorable image of the country. While internal problems undermined the image and attractiveness of the late USSR, for decades it was successful in winning the hearts and minds of foreign "movers and shakers".

Urban Renaissance (UR) Agency in Japan is one of the world's largest public housing institutions. When faced with the serious aging problems in Japan, the Japanese implemented innovative reform, with the smart medical and pension service launched according to the characteristics of resident population and their variation trends. As it well mastered the actual needs of residents by establishing the intelligent medical system, the occupancy rate was increased. Meanwhile, the problem of inadequate local medical resources was solved, with the satisfaction of residents as well as the cultural exchange and integration within communities ameliorated, which hence realized the sustainable development of communities. In this study, the smart medical experience of Urban Renaissance Agency in Japan was explored in the hope of providing enlightenment for the development of smart communities in China. Relevant Chinese enterprises can draw lessons from the experience of community services in Japan, and via the cooperation among industries, governments, and universities, they can collaborate with universities, scientific research institutions, high-tech enterprises, district governments, and grassroots communities to give full play to the advantages of the platform and improve service quality.