From Collectivity to Embodiment: Political Engagement in Eileen Myles’s Selected Poetry

The degree to which one experiences an attitude as a moral conviction is associated with a host of consequences, such as charitable giving, volunteerism, political engagement, resistance to compromise, intolerance of dissenting viewpoints, and acceptance of any means, including violence, to achieve morally preferred ends. Despite these profound ramifications, our understanding of the psychological functions of moral conviction remains limited. In three studies, we tested competing hypotheses about two possible functions of moral conviction: personal identity and social identity expression. Study 1 developed and validated personal and social identity function measures in a U.S. sample and provided an initial test of hypotheses (N = 320). Study 2 further validated these measures and tested whether cultural mindset moderated the relationship between identity functions and moral conviction in a U.S. sample (N = 364). Study 3 tested hypotheses cross-culturally (i.e., using U.S. and Indian samples, N = 300). The personal identity function uniquely predicted moral conviction in all three studies and across six issue domains, whereas the social identity function did not (Studies 1–3). Surprisingly, neither cultural mindset (i.e., an independent and interdependent self-construal or endorsement of the individualizing or binding moral foundations) nor culture moderated these results.

Political participation is critical for the legitimacy of democracy, yet we know surprisingly little about how political competencies develop and can be promoted in young adults. Many studies show low levels of political activity among young Americans, including college students and recent graduates. Although this is widely recognized as a problem, there is little research on specific experiences and practices that show promise for increasing political understanding and involvement among young people. In addition, much existing research on political life focuses on a narrow set of activities, especially voting, rather than on the multiple dimensions of responsible political engagement, dimensions such as the understanding, skills, and motivations that support and enhance many forms of active democratic citizenship. This article describes and shares initial results from a pre- and postsurvey used in The Political Engagement Project, a study of the effects of 21 different courses and programs on a diverse group of undergraduates at a range of colleges and universities across the United States. Analyses of variance performed on surveys of 481 students conducted at the beginning and end of courses and programs show that educational interventions with a focus on political engagement can significantly boost many dimensions of democratic participation, including expectations for future political activity. On average, all students participating in the twenty-one interventions increased their political knowledge and skills. Other effects of courses and programs differed for students who began their programs with higher versus lower levels of political interest. For the group with lower initial interest, the interventions significantly increased students' sense of identity as politically engaged persons and their expectations for participating in a range of political activities, with small to medium effect sizes (Cohen's d = .24–.66). The group with higher initial interest experienced smaller but significant gains in understanding and skills (d = .12–.19). The results support understanding political engagement as a multidimensional set of inclinations, competencies, and behaviors. The results from this research also provide evidence that well-designed courses and programs can effectively promote these four key dimensions of political engagement in a diverse range of undergraduates without significantly changing students' party identifications or their positions on a liberal-conservative continuum.

Australia's political engagement on health and climate change: the MJA-Lancet Countdown indicator and implications for the future.

Civic and Political Engagement

Each university in Malaysia has its shared values to guide its organizational staff and students despite being highlighted as political values. However, only a little research highlights or relates shared political values at the university level, particularly among university students in Malaysia. Therefore, the study was conducted with the purpose of finding a common ground of shared values that relate to political values emphasized by universities and embraced by students. This paper highlights the shared values of student political freedom held by public university students in Peninsular Malaysia. This study analyzed some of the perspectives of the students to provide some of their views towards the values of political freedom by conducting in-depth interviews with 60 participants. The study found three primary themes representing the core values guiding these students' political engagement. Firstly, the importance of knowledge and adab in every aspect of students' political actions and decisions. Secondly, leadership and integrity values take centre stage, as participants stress the need for ethical leadership that prioritizes the nation's interests over personal gain. Thirdly, the value of patriotism and national identity becomes apparent, with students expressing a profound sense of loyalty and pride towards their nation. The study concludes that fostering these political values among university students is vital for a mature and responsible political culture. It suggests disseminating these values through formal, non-formal, and informal education, promoting civic responsibility and active citizenship. Collaborative efforts across all levels of society are deemed essential for achieving a humane and prosperous nation, where political freedom and engagement are guided by knowledge, adab, leadership, integrity, and patriotism. Embracing these values enables Malaysian students to contribute significantly to the nation's progress and democratic development.

This study examines the relationships between socio-economic status (SES), political engagement, and job satisfaction among women, with a focus on how SES moderates these relationships. The objectives are fourfold: (1) to analyze how varying SES levels influence women’s participation in political activities; (2) to investigate the impact of SES on women’s job satisfaction; (3) to explore the interconnectedness between political engagement and job satisfaction; and (4) to identify barriers and facilitators affecting women’s socio-economic conditions, political involvement, and job satisfaction. The study hypothesizes that women with higher SES will show higher political engagement and job satisfaction, that political engagement positively influences job satisfaction, and that SES moderates the impact of political engagement on job satisfaction. A quantitative research design was employed, with a sample of 100 female employees from diverse socio-economic backgrounds in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, India. Data were collected using a structured questionnaire covering SES (income, education, employment), political engagement (voting, political activities), and job satisfaction (work environment, career advancement, job security). Regression and moderation analyses were conducted to test the hypotheses. Results show that higher SES correlates with greater political engagement and job satisfaction. Political engagement is positively associated with job satisfaction, and this effect is more pronounced among women with higher SES. The moderating effect of SES suggests that women in higher socio-economic positions benefit more from political engagement in terms of job satisfaction. The study concludes that SES plays a significant role in shaping political participation and job satisfaction among women. It highlights the need for policies addressing socio-economic disparities, promoting political engagement, and improving workplace conditions to enhance women’s overall well-being and opportunities.

Political engagement among young activists in the Philippines has changed since new media technologies have gained critical mass. This article reports on how engagement has been redefined by the young and how information and communication technologies (ICTs) have contributed to the amplification of their voices in political life. Activists and ordinary youth were interviewed through unstructured individual and group conversations, and they were asked about their definitions of political, civic, and social engagement. The expression of opinions online is highly valued as a political activity and is believed to be a politically consequential action. Young activists strategically use ICTs and social networks to gather support for their causes and to gain the attention of the traditional media and politicians.

A national mail survey of adolescents between the ages of 12 and 17 ( n = 876) was conducted immediately before the U.S. presidential election (October 2012) to investigate socialization agents that may correlate with political and civic engagement. The relative importance of potential correlates of engagement including demographics, parents, peers, schools, religion, traditional media, social networks, and digital communication were evaluated. Regression analysis revealed that civically engaged youth identify with a religion, participate in civic education activities at school and extracurricular activities, take action (e.g., boycotting or buycotting), develop attitudes about citizenship, and engage in online/social media political activities. Politically engaged youth come from higher income households, discuss news and politics, take action, and are very prone to engage in online/social media political activities. While a wider range of activities appear to be related to civic engagement, those who are politically engaged appear to have a strong interest in online media usage. Implications are discussed.

Dance with Me, the book from which these poems are drawn, is a friendship book/conversation between the cultures of the two authors, Andrea Hoa Pham and Lola Haskins. Each is a poet in her own language, Vietnamese and English respectively, and to some extent the work here illustrates clearly, even at the glance of the reader’s eye from one poem to another, the differences in the poetic language and poetic conventions available to, and chosen by, the two writers.

Social media sites are now vital resources for political activism and engagement. Social media sites like Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and TikTok are essential for encouraging political engagement and awareness among users because they enable the real-time sharing of news, viewpoints, and conversations. These observations highlight the changing nature of media consumption and political participation, highlighting the increasing significance of digital platforms and user-generated material in addition to conventional news sources. This study, titled explores the significant role of social media in shaping the political engagement of Malaysian youth during the 15th General Election (GE15. Utilizing the Uses and Gratification Theory (UGT) and the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) as theoretical frameworks, this research delves into the motivations behind social media use and the factors influencing its acceptance among young voters. By integrating these frameworks, the study seeks to understand why Malaysian youth used social media during GE15 to engage in politics. This research synthesizing data from several sources, such as the papers, reports, and public opinion on social media. This research contributes to the understanding of digital political behavior by demonstrating how social media functions as a vital tool for youth political engagement in Malaysia’s General Election (GE) 15th. It underscores the importance of considering both psychological gratifications and technological acceptance when analyzing the impact of social media on political involvement.

Disenchantment with politics and low electoral turnout does not mean young people are not engaged with politics. However, our understanding of what being ‘politically engaged’ entails is somewhat challenged by the lack of consensus concerning the definition of this particular concept. Furthermore, existing conceptualizations of political engagement and participation (offline and online) often center on a limited set of political action items, failing to realize that a person can be politically engaged but not participate in political actions. Despite attempts to understand how young people themselves define politics, there are insufficient youth specific explanations of what being politically engaged means. In the present study, focus groups including young people (18–24 years) were conducted to examine understandings of political engagement. Participants were also asked to group a set of items they considered most accurately assessed this construct. Using the results, a conceptualization is proposed taking into account young people’s definitions of political engagement; this suggests that young people consider political engagement to have emotional and cognitive dimensions but also to be conceptually distinct from political participation.

This article explores the relationship between individual-level sociability and political engagement. While some evidence exists that individual-level sociability may be related to political engagement and interest, little is known about the ways in which sociability affects participation in different forms of political activity, particularly newer forms of online political engagement. Using data from the 2009 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we explore the ways in which individual-level sociability affects political engagement in a range of activities, including online political discussions. We find sociability levels affected some activities more than others. Sociability has no impact on more socially isolated political activities such as voter registration and voting, but greatly impacts engagement in political activities involving a higher degree of social interaction, such as attending a meeting where a member of Congress was present and discussing politics with others, both in person and online. These findings help explain longstanding questions about the factors that motivate participation in traditional political activities as well as newer online forms of political engagement.

Excerpt of the content: Jewish activist communities have historically been allies to communities of color in the fight for racial justice and equality in our country. Jews were among those who worked to establish the NAACP in 1909. In the early 1900s, Jewish newspapers drew parallels between the Black movement out of the South and the Jews' escape from Egypt, pointing out that both Blacks and Jews lived in ghettos, and calling anti-Black riots in the South "pogroms." Historically, Jewish leaders stressed the similarities rather than the differences between the Jewish and Black experience in America, and emphasized the idea that both groups would benefit the more America moved toward a society of merit, free of religious, ethnic, and racial restrictions. In more recent history, Blacks and Jews fought side by side in the Civil Rights Movement. The kinship and relationship between the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King and Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel has been regularly and continually celebrated. What has been less often discussed is the relevance of the social circumstances that created and, in some cases, still sustains a rift between Black activists and white Jewish anti-racism activists. In the late 1960s, the birth of the Black Power movement shifted the emphasis in Black activist communities toward self-determination, self-defense tactics, and racial pride. While this shift was crucial to the evolution of Black consciousness and identity in America, the expansion from the singular nonviolence and racial integration approach espoused by King left many white Jewish activists with little input in the Black community and an anti-racism movement that seemed to be moving on without them. Click for larger view "Blacks and Jews fought side by side in the Civil Rights Movement," the author writes. Here, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth march alongside Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel from Selma to Montgomery, Alabama, in March 1965. Since the 1960s, efforts at coalition building and solidarity work for justice between white Jewish and Black communities have suffered and never reached the pinnacle that was reached during the early days of the Civil Rights Movement. The rapid decline of American anti-Semitism since 1945 (alongside the nation's continuing and pervasive anti-Black racism) and the increasing gap in accumulated wealth and education between Black and Jewish communities have widened the rift of perceived shared interests between Black and Jewish activists. Many of the civil rights struggles that joined Blacks and Jews in the middle of the last century--i.e., anti-lynching, desegregation, voter registration, etc.--were typically organized around divisions in society that easily identified injustices between persecutors and their victims (a division in which Jews could also identify as victims). Between the late 1960s and the present, much of the anti-racism work that has galvanized Black activists has shifted and come to be concerned more specifically with disparities in access, privilege, and power between those with and without white skin privilege in our country. Click for larger view Members of Beyt Tikkun Synagogue pray alongside Rev. Dr. J. Alfred Smith Jr. of Allen Temple Baptist Church in Oakland, California, after the acquittal of Trayvon Martin's killer. Disappointingly few synagogues nationwide engaged in similar expressions of Jewish-Black solidarity. A Weakened Coalition In 2013, the lack of deep and abiding connections between Black and Jewish communities of activists became apparent to me in the disparate responses I encountered to the events surrounding the killing of Trayvon Martin and the subsequent acquittal of George Zimmerman. Here's a quick summary for any readers who need a reminder of what happened: in July 2013, after more than sixteen hours of deliberation, a jury of five white women and one Latina woman found George Zimmerman not guilty of second-degree murder and manslaughter. Previously, on a drizzly February night, Zimmerman had shot Martin, an unarmed seventeen-year-old, in a gated community in Sanford, near Orlando. Citing Florida's stand-your-ground law, Sanford police originally did not charge Zimmerman or take him into custody. Only after social media outrage and civil rights protests alleged racial profiling and discrimination did Governor Rick Scott appoint a special prosecutor, who brought the charges against Zimmerman six weeks after... Language: en

Armchair citizenship and ontological insecurity: Uncovering styles of media and political behavior

Purpose: This study examines the role of social media information quality, social media usage frequency, and political marketing activities through social media in increasing the trust and political engagement of women in North Luwu. Methodology: A quantitative approach was used, with a population of female activists in the region. Data were collected from 250 respondents through an online survey and analyzed using a structural equation modeling approach based on partial least squares (PLS-SEM). Results and Findings: The results indicate that social media information quality has a significant and positive effect on trust (p 0.05) but is not significant for political engagement (p 0.05). Conversely, social media usage frequency has a significant and positive effect on both trust (p 0.05) and political engagement (p 0.05). Political marketing activities on social media significantly affect trust (p 0.05) but do not show a direct significant effect on political engagement (p 0.05). Trust is proven to mediate the relationship and has a significant effect on increasing political engagement (p 0.05). Novelty and Originality: This study offers a new way of thinking about things by adding an important factor—the amount of time people spend on social media—that hasn't been looked at in previous studies (Hamid et al., 2020).Conclusion: This study helps politicians and political marketing consultants in the real world, and it also expands the ways that social exchange theory and relationship marketing can be used to understand women's political participation.Type of Paper: Research Article.