Frames, Policies and Politics: The Shifting Discourse of School Choice

This study investigates school choice in a gentrified urban context and examines the ways in which school choice as rhetoric creates false perceptions, how school-choice policies can betray the very principle they espouse, and how choice (while sought after by many) can undermine community. As school choice continues to expand and gain traction politically, it is increasingly important to understand the effects it has on a variety of populations and how the rhetoric surrounding the policy does not correspond with the lived realities on the ground. This research borrows the concept from psychology and economics of “the paradox of choice” (Schwartz, 2004) and applies it to school choice to demonstrate some of the negative influences of choice on parents and their views of schooling. This research calls into question one of the major arguments for the expansion of school choice—that it provides all parents the opportunity to choose the best fit for their child—by demonstrating that in actual practice choice does not meet parents’ expectation that they are in control of their child’s educational options, regardless of their class background. In this case study the choice system results in a lack of agency, anger and hostility, discontent with schooling options, and an undermining of community connections. Although a number of families do believe they had a choice and were satisfied with their child's school options, or became staunch advocates for their local district schools, the choice landscape still creates tensions.

Wisconsin Governor Tommy Thompson led a Midwestern policy revolution in the late 1980s and early 1990s centered on providing parents with more school choices. Since those early years, school choice in the forms of private school vouchers, public charter schools, and public school open enrollment have spread across almost all of the country. Longitudinal evaluations of the effects of the Milwaukee Parental Choice Program (MPCP), the voucher program initiated by Governor Thompson, indicate that student achievement outcomes were not consistently affected by vouchers but other vital student outcomes, including educational attainment, civic values, criminal proclivities as well as parent and student satisfaction were positively influenced by participation in private school choice. A generally similar pattern of results applies to public charter schools and open enrollment. Parents across the U.S. tend to have more educational options in no small part due to the pioneering initiatives of Tommy Thompson. Although the evidence on school choice, and the desirability of the policies themselves, remains fiercely contested 30 years later, our assessment is that, on balance, disadvantaged families in Wisconsin and elsewhere are no worse off and most likely somewhat better off if they have availed themselves of the school choice opportunities that Governor Thompson helped to make possible.

ABSTRACTDespite the plethora of schooling options in Indigenous communities, the public policy debate, research, and discourse on school choice is almost entirely absent a specific engagement with how school choice intersects issues relevant to American Indian youth and tribal nations. This article suggests that Indian Country is an important and unique context for understanding the meaning and processes of school choice because of the government-to-government relationship between tribal nations and the federal government, the sovereign status of tribal nations, the nation-building goals of tribes, and the muddled history of schooling options within Native communities. We offer an alternative way of conceptualizing “school choice” that is more applicable to Indigenous communities and that has yet to be articulated in the literature. First, while schooling options have existed in Indian Country for much longer than has been the case in other communities, the presence of schooling options has not historically been centered upon offering youth and families choices. Instead, it has been about control—control of the schooling offered to Indigenous youth, and therefore, control of youth and communities themselves. Second, while school choice policies focus on autonomy as an important governance principle to prompt change in traditional public school systems, sovereignty has and remains the most salient governance issue within Indigenous communities.

Contributions to the ‘school choice’ debate have exploded in the last ten years. Most of the recent contributions have come from the US on the back of the American revolution in market-led school choice experiments. However, the central idea has a long pedigree and understanding recent contributions like the new book edited by Caroline Hoxby requires some background. The first thing to understand is that in this book the phrase ‘school choice’ is used synonymously with the idea of a voucher system. Unlike in other countries, the context of the ‘school choice’ debate in the US refers to the extent to which market principles can and should be used in education and the details of the type of voucher (or charter school) scheme and its possible effects. This article explains where the school choice idea came from and briefly summarises the state of the debate. Of necessity, we review what is happening in the US in school choice reform, before examining what is new in the Hoxby volume. We then reflect on what is missing so far in this debate – exploring the idea that educational outputs are not uni-dimensional and that this can induce incentive problems. We also suggest that the key concept of accountability has been given insufficient attention in this debate.

Chapter 2 offers a limited vision of education as schooling challenged by a wider, more diverse concept to include also alternatives discussed. It looks at education as modal with differing worlds of theory and practice. It challenges parents to understand their lack of knowledge of educational options. It outlines how parents seek to know more from the state than just about school choice but are being keep in the dark. It presents street survey data showing widespread educational ignorance in the general population about diverse educational options. It highlights the problem of conflation of education with schooling. There is significant prejudice – termed here “educationism” - acting against alternatives as valid educational options and the chapter highlights this as inappropriate for educational studies in particular. Some adults are shocked to discover that alternatives to mainstream schooling are legal and viable. There are implications for democratic states and functions of education without schooling and a need for more debate about the nature of education as diverse.

The current study investigated the spatial restructuring of the Swedish upper secondary school market over time, which happened as a consequence of school choice reform started in the early 1990s. The school choice reform enabled students to choose and attend schools (public or private) based on preference rather than residential area. Consequently, public and private school providers compete for students in a form of quasi-market. Using register data for Swedish upper secondary school students from 1997 to 2011 (N = 664,895), the study showed two major changes in school market structure: an increase in urbanised commuting patterns and differentiated school choice possibilities within and across municipalities. The assumption of economic balance between supply and demand through school choice is strongly contested by these outcomes. Furthermore, not only is market failure prevalent and creating differences in educational opportunities between places but these tendencies are so far progressively escalating over time and demonstrating how students’ choices today affect and limit educational opportunities for future students.

ABSTRACTThis article refers to the case of the Direct Subsidy Scheme (DSS) in Hong Kong to engage empirically in a debate over school choice. Based on a survey of 910 parents of primary school-leavers on their considerations in making school choices for their children, our analysis shows that DSS schools as an educational option are essentially exclusive to high-income parents, and that DSS schools are opted for as an alternative for the instrumental reason of having higher chances of getting into university rather than such claimed educational reasons as providing students with innovative design of curricula, pedagogies, and assessments.

Drawing from ethnographic fieldwork carried out in a ‘Muslim’ neighbourhood in Kolkata, the paper explores the implications of socio-spatial exclusion on educational options of Muslims in urban India. While general backwardness and spatial stigma often hinder their access to leading educational institutions, the reality of living in a communally defined space imposes further limitations on their educational choices. Misinformed government policy, centered on perceptions of a monolithic Muslim identity, further shrinks educational options available to them. Within the emerging neoliberal urban, however, education is perceived by many as the primary avenue for social mobility who increasingly organize their aspirations of ‘betterment’ around it. Using interwoven narratives the paper studies the changing urban and its consequences on a marginalized community’s access to education in the city.

This article investigates why school choice is exercised to a limited degree by parents despite major government initiatives to enhance diversity, competition and choice in the Danish education system. Denmark has had 20 years of centre‐right governments, promoting choice reforms perhaps even more vigorously than the other Nordic countries, yet school choice is seldom used – only 12% of parents choose a public school that differs from the one that is allocated to them. The literature on school choice in Denmark argues that this is primarily due to a general lack of parental interest because of the relatively high similarity across schools. In this article, we argue that the main reason is to be found in the politics of vested interests, namely municipalities’ persistent use of pupil assignment schemes supported by powerful teacher union branches at the local level.

School choice policies have become a prominent feature of K-12 education in recent decades, reflecting the broader institutionalization of market-based political ideology in education. In this qualitative multiple case study, we draw on framing theory and interviews with 57 state-level education policy actors to explore the nature of the continued debate over school choice in five U.S. states. We find five patterns of framing choice as beneficial, centering around five purported goals–quality, equity, liberty, plurality, and innovation–along with critiques of these frames. Our findings illustrate that despite the contested nature of these policies, the broad appeal and flexibility of “choice”’ helps to explain its durability.

School choice has emerged as the linchpin of President Trump’s urban education reform plan, but it remains unclear how school choice policies will shape the educational experiences of the most underserved student groups, particularly English learners (ELs). Using quantitative data from one large urban school district, we examine EL participation in a system of school choice. Specifically, we investigate the extent to which never, current, and former ELs enroll in a nonzoned school. We find significant differences in the likelihood that students across these groups engage in school choice, raising important questions about whether school choice reforms are accessible to current ELs.

This paper evaluates the effects of a major Swedish school choice reform. The reform in 1992 increased school choice and competition among public schools as well as through a large-scale introduction of private schools. We estimate the effects of school choice and competition, using precise geographical information on the locations of school buildings and children’s homes for the entire Swedish population for several cohorts affected at different stages in their educational career. We can measure the long-term effects up to age 25. We find that increased school choice had very small, but positive, effects on marks at the end of compulsory schooling, but virtually zero effects on longer term outcomes such as university education, employment, criminal activity and health.

School choice reforms have been proposed as ways to enhance efficiency, equity, and effectiveness in education. This study examines the consequences of participating in public high school choice in Chicago, a city with a wide variety of choice programs, including career academies, charter schools, magnet schools, and selective test-based college prep high schools. The analysis uses population-level administrative and survey data on all public school eighth graders enrolled in Chicago to estimate the effect of school choice participation on on-time graduation propensity (i.e., in 4 years). Techniques employed to estimate this effect include propensity score, catchment area fixed effects, and multilevel analysis. Results suggest that there is a modest positive graduation benefit from exercising school choice. There are no racial/ethnic differences in the choice benefit, but low-achieving students benefit less from high school choice than high-achieving students. In addition, students in high-poverty neighborhoods gain less from exercising choice than do students in low-poverty neighborhoods. These findings call into question the extent to which school choice enhances equity for low-achieving students and students in high-poverty neighborhoods.

This paper evaluates the effects of a major Swedish school choice reform. The reform in 1992 increased school choice and competition among public schools as well as through a large-scale introduction of private schools. We estimate the effects of school choice and competition, using precise geographical information on the locations of school buildings and children’s homes for the entire Swedish population for several cohorts affected at different stages in their educational career. We can measure the long-term effects up to age 25. We find that increased school choice had very small, but positive, effects on marks at the end of compulsory schooling, but virtually zero effects on longer term outcomes such as university education, employment, criminal activity and health.

Choices of education in Japan