Four. The South End: Returning to a “Gentrified” Neighborhood

Abstract. Field sampling and other experiments were carried out during February 2001 to determine whether different morphodynamic characteristics occurring within an intermediate sandy beach of southern Chile (ca. 39°S) convey differences in population abundance, tidal movement, burrowing ability and oxygen uptake of the anomuran crab Emerita analoga (Stimpson, 1857). Crabs were collected along transects extended between the lowest swash levels and the retention zone above the effluent line of the south and north end of the beach. Burrowing times of nearly 70 crabs collected at each study site were measured in saturated sands collected from the lowest swash level of each site. Oxygen uptake of crabs was measured in incubation glass bottles. The intertidal zone of the north end of the beach was wider (56 m) and flatter (1/14) than that of the south end (45 m and 1/9, respectively). In general, the swash zone of the north end was significantly wider than the south end throughout the sampling period. The frequency of swashes and number of swash crossings above the effluent line, plus up‐wash speed, were usually higher at the steeper south end of the beach. The mean population abundance of E. analoga per linear metre of beach was significantly higher at the north end, whereas density per square metre was significantly higher at the south end. No differences were found in biomass figures. Although the highest abundance of crabs at the north end was usually observed at the lowest swash levels, similar population abundances occurred along all the tidal levels sampled at the south end. Burrowing times of crabs collected from both ends of the beach increased significantly with increasing carapace length and body mass. The mean burrowing time of crabs collected at the south end of the beach was shorter than that of those collected at the north end. Oxygen uptake of E. analoga was positively and exponentially correlated with the size of individuals collected from both ends of the beach. Results of ANCOVA showed no significant difference between the regression lines obtained for the oxygen uptake of crabs collected at both ends of the beach. It is concluded that physical features of each end of the beach seem not to differ enough to produce differences in oxygen uptake of E. analoga, or in the biomass, population structure and body size of crabs, within a single beach of south‐central Chile.

Marine sediment remediation at the United Heckathorn Superfund Site was completed in April 1997. Water and mussel tissues were sampled in February 1999 from four stations near Lauritzen Canal in Richmond, California, for Year 2 of post-remediation monitoring of marine areas near the United Heckathorn Site. Dieldrin and dichlorodiphenyl trichloroethane (DDT) were analyzed in water samples, tissue samples from resident mussels, and tissue samples from transplanted mussels deployed for 4 months. Concentrations of dieldrin and total DDT in water and total DDT in tissue were compared with Year 1 of post-remediation monitoring, and with preremediation data from the California State Mussel Watch program (tissues) and the Ecological Risk Assessment for the United Heckathorn Superfund Site (tissues and water). Mussel tissues were also analyzed for polychlorinated biphenyls (PCB), which were detected in sediment samples. Chlorinated pesticide concentrations in water samples were similar to preremediation levels and did not meet remediation goals. Mean dieidrin concentrations in water ranged from 0.62 rig/L to 12.5 ng/L and were higher than the remediation goal (0.14 ng/L) at all stations. Mean total DDT concentrations in water ranged from 14.4 ng/L to 62.3 ng/L and exceeded the remediation goal (0.59 ng/L) at all stations. The highest concentrations of both pesticides were found at the Lauritzen Canal/End station. Despite exceedence of the remediation goals, chlorinated pesticide concentrations in Lauritzen Canal water samples were notably lower in 1999 than in 1998. Tissue samples from biomonitoring organisms (mussels) provide an indication of the longer-term integrated exposure to contaminants in the water column, which overcomes the limitations of grab samples of water. Biomonitoring results indicated that the bioavailability of chlorinated pesticides has been reduced from preremediation levels both in the dredged area and throughout Richmond Harbor. Total DDT and dieldrin concentrations in mussel tissues were dramatically lower than measured levels from preremediation surveys and also lower than Year 1 levels from post-remediation biomonitoring. The lowest levels were found at the Richmond Inner Harbor Channel station (4.1 {micro}g/kg total DDT and 0.59 {micro}g/kg dieldrin, wet weight; mean of resident and transplant mussels). Mean chlorinated pesticide concentrations were highest at Lauritzen Canal/End (82 {micro}g/kg total DDT and 7.1 {micro}g/kg dieldrin, wet weight), followed by Lauritzen Canal/Mouth (22 {micro}/kg total DDT and 1.7 {micro}g/kg dieldrin, wet weight) and Santa Fe Channel/End (7.5 {micro}g/kg total DOT and 0.61 {micro}g/kg dieldrin, wet weight). These levels are 95% to 99% lower than those recorded by the California State Mussel Watch program prior to EPA's response actions. The levels of PCBs in mussel tissue were also reduced by 93% to 97% from preremediation levels. Surface sediment concentrations of dieldrin and DDT in November 1998 were highest in samples from the head or north end of Lauritzen Canal and progressively lower toward the mouth, or south end. Total DDT ranged from 130 ppm (dry weight) at the north end to 3 ppm at the south end. Dieldrin concentrations decreased from 3,270 ppb (dry weight) at the north end to 52 ppb at the south end. These results confirmed elevated pesticide concentrations in sediments collected from Lauritzen Channel by Anderson et al. (1999). The pesticide concentrations were lower than maximum concentrations found in the 1993 Remedial Investigation but comparable to the median levels measured before remediation was completed. Sediment analyses also showed the presence of elevated PCB aroclor 1254, and very high levels of polynuclear aromatic hydrocarbons (PAH) in Lauritzen Channel.

May/June 2007 Historically Speaking tiousness both divides and unites them. It divides them because they have different views of the world. Britain, through closeness to America, tries to be more than it seems. France, through proclaiming its independence, tries to seem more than it is—as de Gaulle put it, behaving like a great power precisely because it no longer is one. Britain's position seems to the French to be subservient; France's, to the British, to be posturing. Both face the same problem of having ambitions that exceed their capacities or, more precisely, that exceed their willingness to pay the cost. Hence in recent months the French have had difficulties in backing up their diplomatic role in Lebanon with troops; and although Britain is managing to provide troops in Iraq and Afghanistan, they are perilously overstretched and underequipped. The irony, of course, is that cherished ambitions could be served if they acted together, but they could only act together by giving up cherished ambitions. Both countries will soon have new governments, and a new chapter in their political relationship may open. But we can be sure that the ambivalence will remain. Robert Tombs is afellow of St. John's College, Cambridge , and university reader in French history. He is co-author, with his wife, Isabelle, of'That Sweet Enemy: The French and the British from the Sun King to the Present (Knopf, 2007). A World of Kings Brendan McConville • ? November 5, 1764, diarist John Rowe recorded that "a sorrowful accident" had happened in Boston's North End. A giant "carriage" constructed by the neighborhood's residents , carrying effigies of the Pope and other figures , had "run over a Boy's head" during a raucous procession "& he died instantly." In response to the tragedy, the authorities dismantled the effigies and sought to destroy a similar cart in the South End, the "North & South end Popes" as they were known. However, when the magistrates "went to the So. End [they] could not Conquer upon which the South End people brought out their pope & went in Triumph to the Northward" to seek victory in the traditional battle between the neighborhoods that occurred on Boston Common every November 5th. "At the Mill Bridge," Rowe continued , "a Battle begun," the North End people "having repaired their pope." Neighborhood pride was on the line—the North End traditionally prevailed in these battles—but on this day a repaired pope would not do, and "the South End people got the Battle . . .. Brought away the North End pope & burnt Both of them at the Gallows . . . Several thousand people following them" to see the spectacle on Boston Neck. So ended the annual celebration of the foiling of Guy Fawkes's 1605 plot against KingJames I and the English nation.1 Certain images predominate in popular imagination when we think of colonial America. Somber Puritans, heads bowed in prayer when not hunting witches at Salem; broad-hatted Quakers preaching peace in the city of brotherly love; yeomen farmers chopping wood and tending crops; dignified Indian chiefs negotiating with the ever-increasing number of white settlers; Virginia tobacco planters living in Georgian mansions on the Northern Neck, served by African slaves; and deerskin-clad frontiersmen opening new lands and fighting against the various Indian nations. Scholars have refined these images and added new ones to their more specific conversations : visions of midwives and wenches, merchant entrepreneurs, aggressive artisans, confidence men, enlightened intellectuals reading Country-influenced pamphlets, and evangelical preachers seeking to save souls from eternal hellfire. But mobile papist archetypes crushing innocent children, followed by nightRqyalism , it has seemed to the generalpublic and most American scholars, had never really taken deep root in colonial society. time battles on Boston Common? This all seems to be somehow foreign, un-American, at best the manifestation of lower-class rowdiness in a busy colonial port, at worst an early display of irrational religious bigotry. Yet it was none of these things. Boston's North and South End gangs were remembering Pope's Day, one of a number of annual royal rites at the core of political life in an imperial America that existed before 1 776. In that lost world, public holidays did not celebrate...

This essay argues that discourse related to residents of Boston’s South End as environmental agents justified the removal of minority and working-class residents from the neighborhood, and, in particular, the New York Streets section in the 1950s. It combines analytical approaches of urban ecology and traditional elements of social history to examine how the neighborhood orientated to the city in an economic sense, how residents created a mixed-use neighborhood, how social institutions functioned as contested spaces of cultural production, how settlement house workers created a framework of discourse about the South End, how negative perceptions of working-class and minority residents coalesced across American life, and how city officials activated the discourse to create the first steps of urban renewal in Boston. The conclusion examines how minority groups understood environmental factors to be central to urban renewal and how social justice groups took an environmental focus in their activism.

Federal and local officials have in recent years enacted programs to escalate the middle-class resettlement of city neighborhoods. Enamoured with the physical and economic benefits promised by the back-to-the-city movement, they have underestimated the shortcomings of this neighborhood revitalization strategy. The experience of Boston's South End with publicly supported middle-class resettlement illustrates the severe social and political strains that can develop between incumbents and more affluent “pioneers”—strains which can ultimately inflict damage on the neighborhood's poor. Officials must direct current resources to aid the cities' poorer residents and avoid stimulating gentrification until its adverse side effects can be controlled.

This article centers on a group of upper‐middle‐class gentrifiers living in a neighborhood in theSouthEnd ofBoston, and their complex attitude towards diversity. I use data from my fieldwork in theSouthEnd, based on ethnographic observation and 77 interviews with residents active in local organizations, such as neighborhood associations. These residents explicitly stress their endorsement of diversity, in terms of class, race, but also sexual orientation, and their commitment to maintaining it. I examine the meaning they give to this principle, the actions they take in its name and the kind of relations they establish with those ‘others’ who embody such diversity. I argue that the gentrifiers' love of diversity, which cannot be reduced to sheer hypocrisy, is intrinsically linked to their capacity to control it, thus shedding light on the changing definition of social distinction in upper‐middle‐class culture.

VATERITE is a microcrystalline form of calcium carbonate. It is rarely observed in nature, but has now been identified in a precipitate formed in Holkham Lake, Norfolk. The lake is nearly one mile long, is fed by springs at the south end and discharges over a weir towards the sea at the north. At the south end a narrow stretch, about 200 yards long, is separated from the main body of the lake by a low dam which maintains a slightly higher water level. In spring 1970, the water at the south end developed a marked milky opalescent appearance. Biological investigations showed no unusual species at either end of the lake, and ho evidence of pollution. Chemical and structural analyses identified the suspended material as chiefly calcium carbonate.

This study combines historical and quantitative methods to determine the market response to a major nineteenth century American urban architectural form-the speculatively built row house. The paper estimates a hedonic price index which decomposes the original purchase price of the row house into a set of prices for the characteristics of the house, including detailed architectural features. In turn, the estimated prices for the architectural features reveal the market's response to the aesthetic design. With more than 3,500 row houses, its tree-lined streets, and scattered parks, Boston's South End is the largest Victorian residential district remaining in the United States. The homogeneity of the brick bowfront row house form, coupled with the variety of architectural features, provides an unusual opportunity to test the effect of architecture on market values. We find that variables for lot size, house size, and location within the neighborhood explain 74 percent of the price of a row house. Architectural style and features account for an additional 14 percent of the price of the house and are more highly valued when they differentiate a row house from its neighbors. These are significant results, for they provide systematic statistical evidence that architectural design matters in the marketplace. "But tell me: When you say; 'The value of a building,' do you really lay more stress on the subjective value than the dollar value?" "On both. For human nature determines that subjective value, sooner or later, becomes money value; and the lack of it, sooner or later, money loss. The subjective value is far higher, by far the more permanent; but money value is inseparable from the affairs of life; to ignore it would be moonshine."

Reflectivities recorded by the W‐band Cloud Profiling Radar (CPR) aboard NASA's CloudSat satellite and some of CloudSat's retrieval products are compared to Ka‐band radar reflectivities and in situ cloud properties gathered by instrumentation on the NRC's Convair‐580 aircraft. On 20 February 2007, the Convair flew several transects along a 60 nautical mile stretch of CloudSat's afternoon ground track over southern Quebec. On one of the transects it was well within CloudSat's radar's footprint while in situ sampling a mixed phase boundary layer cloud. A cirrus cloud was also sampled before and after overpass. Air temperature and humidity profiles from ECMWF reanalyses, as employed in CloudSat's retrieval stream, agree very well with those measured by the Convair. The boundary layer cloud was clearly visible, to the eye and lidar, and dominated the region's solar radiation budget. It was, however, often below or near the Ka‐band's distance‐dependent minimum detectable signal. In situ samples at overpass revealed it to be composed primarily of small, supercooled droplets at the south end and increasingly intermixed with ice northward. Convair and CloudSat CPR reflectivities for the low cloud agree well, but while CloudSat properly ascribed it as overcast, mixed phase, and mostly liquid near the south end, its estimates of liquid water content LWC (and visible extinction coefficient κ) and droplet effective radii are too small and large, respectively. The cirrus consisted largely of irregular crystals with typical effective radii ∼150 μm. While both CPR reflectivities agree nicely, CloudSat's estimates of crystal number concentrations are too large by a factor of 5. Nevertheless, distributions of ice water content and κ deduced from in situ data agree quite well with values retrieved from CloudSat algorithms.

The Wind River Mountains are made up of a core of pre-Cambrian granodiorites, except at the south end where schists predominate. On the northeast flank the dips of the sediments range from 10° to 15°. The dipping sediments range from Cambrian to late Cretaceous in age, only the Silurian being absent. Eocene, Oligocene, Pliocene, and Pleistocene overlap the older formations in some places. On the east side a series of anticlines parallels the main range about 25 miles from the summit. Minor faults affect the anticlines as well as the main range on the east side and the pattern of the lakes indicates much faulting in the pre-Cambrian core. The main uplift and folding of the range came at the close of the Mesozoic, but minor uplifts occurred during the Cenozoic. That the uplifts were irregular is indicated by the absence of Ordovician and Devonian strata at the south end, and the pinching-out, north of the range, of the Tensleep, Phosphoria, and Chugwater formations. The Lander sandstone at the base of the Ordovician in the southern end of the Wind River Mountains is absent at the northern end and thickens to 80 feet or more on the east side of the Big Horn Mountains. The glaciation and peneplanation of the range are worthy of more discussion than can be given in a short paper, and the development of the drainage lines east of the range should be treated at length. The known oil-bearing formations on the east flank are Madison, Tensleep, Phosphoria, Dinwoody, Sundance, Dakota, Mowry, and Frontier.

This chapter tells a detailed story of a small coalition of housing advocates in Boston’s South End. The coalition’s participants are identified only by pseudonyms,1 except for elected officials. The events of this story took place little over a decade ago – this is an important fact to keep in mind as you read further; this chapter is a history lesson in more ways than one. The events that are reported here, although they occurred in the 1990s are in fact shaped by tumultuous events that occurred in an earlier era.KeywordsExecutive DirectorUrban RenewalCoalition MemberCommunity BenefitCity PlannerThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Perhaps no other country has experienced as much and as detailed socio-political engineering as apartheid South Africa. The apartheid project impacted people’s lives at every level, always with the goal of creating a set of parallel but grossly unequal spatial realities with almost no meaningful contacts between the population groups. This apartheid era legacy is one of enormous inequalities reflected in landscapes of separate, ethnically determined social worlds filled with despair for non-White South Africans. The bulldozing of two residential districts – South End in Port Elizabeth and Sophiatown in Johannesburg – are used as examples of government policies intent on breaking up mixed-race areas in order to create the “neat” residential areas that were such an integral part of apartheid planning. In the post-apartheid era, planners now have the task of undoing the many legacies created by the racially based system. Since 1994 there has been significant improvement in service delivery and in quality of life conditions for previously disenfranchised South Africans, but most of that change has taken place within already defined residential districts, so that many of the previously racially segregated residential districts remain as rigidly segregated today as they were during apartheid. The persistence of the pattern of racial segregation is seen as an outcome of municipal policies which focuses on service delivery in situ and rather than on the deliberate racial integration of residential areas. It is posited that not implementing policies of social integration could cause difficulties for future national cohesion and development.

The Environment of Vein Formation and Ore Deposition in the Purisima-Colon Vein System, Pachuca Real del Monte District, Hidalgo, Mexico

troyed; the first floor is a stone vault, the second and third of framed timber. A note on this castle and an illustration have been published in the Journal for 1897, p. 449. The roof has been reslated, but the old woodwork remains intact except at the south end where it has been largely repaired. The space covered is 28 feet 6 inches by 20 feet 6 inches, and the height is 12 feet. There are four principals placed at intervals of 7 f eeti and leav ing half intervals at the ends; they are connected by purlins and collars at about two-thirds of their height. On the collars stand small king-posts, which support a purlin with small cross-pieces, a short distance below the ridge. The joints are morticed and secured by oak pins, and the frame is stiffened by various diagonal pieces as shown in the photograph and sections. Five common rafters are placed between each pair of principals; they are laid flat, not on edge as in modern roofs. The' rafters at either end of the roof abut against the collars and corner pieces, leaving the upper parts of the gables vertical.1 The framework is covered with split latihs, like those used by plasterers; a coating of mortar laid on them received the ancient slates, some of which are preserved in the castle. They are thin, greenish flags of irregular shape, and vary from 9 to 14 inches in length; in each is a J-inch hole which contained an oak peg to assisti in securing it. The photograph is taken from the south end, and shows the best preserved portion of the roof. The drawing gives transverse and longitudinal sections of the framing. Henry S. Crawford.

The position of the water table around an oil or gas accumulation may be affected by various constraints, both geological and physical. In the complete absence of geological constraint, the table is still not likely to be horizontal, except where the average pore size in the sand is uniform all around the pool. If the average pore size is much greater at the north end of a pool, for example, than at the south end, the result of capillary forces will raise the water table at the south end with respect to the level at the north end. A simple picture of this effect is obtained by considering the following experiment. In a vessel of water, set up a ring of vertical capillary tubes of bore proportional to the mean grain size at each point along the ring representing the oil-wa er interface. The position of the top of the water columns in these capillaries will then represent the water table tilt to be expected around the pool. The paper gives the required mathematics and a numerical application to a California pool with known water table tilt. End_of_Article - Last_Page 1777------------