First-time homeownership across immigrant groups and generations in Sweden

This paper investigates residential mobility and housing changes among immigrants, their descendants, and the native population, alongside the association between family and household characteristics and residential mobility. We apply discrete‐time event history analysis to rich French administrative panel data covering the period 2012–2019. The results show distinct patterns of residential moves among migrant groups and generations. Immigrants from North Africa and Sub‐Saharan Africa are less likely to move to homeownership and more likely to move to social renting compared to the native French population. By contrast, immigrants from Southeast Asia, Turkey, and Europe have a similar likelihood of moving to homeownership as the native population. We find little differences in the probability of moving to homeownership across migrant generations; however, the second generation appears less residentially mobile than the immigrant generation. The descendants of immigrants from North Africa and Sub‐Saharan Africa are the least likely to move to homeownership and the most likely to move to social renting. This suggests that either structural barriers or cultural norms shape the mobility patterns of immigrants and their descendants in the same way. Finally, we observe similarities in the association between household characteristics and residential mobility for migrants, their descendants, and the native population. This suggests that life course events play a similar role in residential mobility across all population groups. For migrants and their descendants, those with low socioeconomic resources move less, suggesting that a lack of resources is a determinant of low mobility.

Objective: To study the association between country of birth and incident urolithiasis in immigrant groups in Sweden, using individuals born in Sweden (or with Swedish-born parents in the second-generation study) as referents.Methods: This nationwide follow-up study included first- and second-generation immigrants residing in Sweden between 1 January 1998 and 31 December 2012. Urolithiasis was defined as having at least one registered diagnosis of urolithiasis in the National Patient Register. Cox regression analysis was used to estimate the risk (hazard ratios (HR) with 95% confidence intervals (CI)) of incident urolithiasis. The models were stratified by sex and adjusted for age, sociodemographic status and co-morbidity.Results: Compared to referents, slightly higher incidence rates and HRs of urolithiasis (HR; 95% CI) were observed among first-generation men (1.06; 1.04–1.09) and women (1.12; 1.08–1.16) but not among second-generation immigrants (persons born in Sweden with foreign-born parents). Among first-generation immigrants, higher HRs were noted among men and women from Central and Eastern Europe, Russia, Latin America, Africa and Asia. Lower HRs were seen among men and women from the Nordic countries, most Western European countries and North America. Among second-generation immigrants, higher HRs were noted among men and women from Denmark, Germany and Hungary, in men from Austria, and in women from the Netherlands and Poland. Lower HRs were seen in second generation immigrants from Latin America, Africa and Asia (men and women).Conclusions: We observed substantial differences in incidence of urolithiasis between certain immigrant groups and the Swedish-born population, of importance in the clinical situation.

BackgroundThere is a lack of studies of amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS) in immigrants.ObjectiveThe objective is to study the association between country of birth and incident ALS in first-generation immigrants versus Swedish-born individuals, and in second-generation immigrants versus native Swedes.MethodsStudy populations included all adults aged 18 years and older in Sweden, in the first-generation study 6,128,698 individuals (2,975,141 men, 3,153,557 women) with 5,344 ALS cases (3017 men, 2327 women), and in the second-generation study 4,588,845 individuals (2,346,855 men and 2,241,990 women) with 3,420 cases (2027 men and 1393 women). ALS was defined as having at least one registered diagnosis of ALS in the National Patient Register 1998–2017. The incidence of ALS in different first-generation immigrant groups versus Swedish-born individuals was assessed by Cox regression, expressed as hazard ratios (HRs) with 95% confidence intervals (CI). The models were stratified by sex and adjusted for age, geographical residence in Sweden, educational level, marital status, and neighbourhood socioeconomic status.ResultsAfter adjusting for potential confounders, the HRs were lower in foreign-born men, 0.71 (95% CI 0.63–0.81), and women, 0.80 (95% CI 0.70–0.92). The ALS risk was lower among men and women from most Western countries (Europe outside Nordic countries, and North America), and from other regions of the world (Africa, Asia, and Latin America). Among men and women with foreign-born parents, the risk of ALS did not differ significantly from native Swedes.SignificanceIn general, the risk of ALS was lower in first-generation men and women but did not differ in second-generation individuals.

Strangers No More: Immigration and the Challenges of Integration in North America and Western Europe. By Richard Alba and Nancy Foner. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2015. Pp. 336. $35.00 (cloth); $24.95 (paper).

Recent cohorts of U.S. children increasingly consist of immigrants or the immediate descendants of immigrants, a demographic shift that has been implicated in high rates of child poverty. Analyzing data from the 2014-2018 Current Population Survey and using the U.S. Census Bureau's Supplemental Poverty Measure, we describe differences in child poverty rates across immigrant generations and assess how these disparities are rooted in generational differences in the prevalence and impact of key poverty risk factors. Our estimates show that poverty rates among Hispanic children are very high, particularly among first-generation children and second-generation children with two foreign-born parents. Low family employment is the most significant risk factor for poverty, but the prevalence of this risk varies little across immigrant generations. Differences in parental education account for the greatest share of observed intergenerational disparities in child poverty. Supplemental comparisons with third+-generation non-Hispanic White children underscore the disadvantages faced by all Hispanic children, highlighting the continued salience of race and ethnicity within the U.S. stratification system. Understanding the role of immigrant generation vis-à-vis other dimensions of inequality has significant policy implications given that America's population continues to grow more diverse along multiple social axes.

There is a scarcity of studies examining the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the descendants of immigrants, a group representing a growing segment of the population in many countries. This study utilized a national cohort event history analysis in Sweden, consisting of all residents aged over 20 years at the end of 2019 (n = 7 871 444), with a follow-up period from 31 December 2019 to 1 June 2021. Poisson regression was used to estimate incidence rate ratios for severe COVID-19 morbidity [hospitalization, intensive care unit (ICU) admission] and COVID-19-related mortality based on generation status [first generation (G): foreign-born, arrived as adults; the 1.5 generation: foreign-born, arrived as a child; second generation: native-born to two foreign-born parent; and 2.5 generation: native-born to one foreign-born parents] stratified by their region of origin (Nordics, Global South, and Global North) using the majority population (two native-born parents) as reference. All immigrant generations experienced higher rates for severe COVID-19 morbidity compared to the majority population. While this pattern is observed across all regions of origin, the largest differences appear among individuals with a Global South background. Adjusting for social and health factors moderately attenuates the estimates for the descendants of immigrants. Mixed results are found regarding COVID-19 mortality by region of origin and generational status. All immigrant generations experience a COVID-19 morbidity burden comparable to first-generation immigrants and should thus be considered when planning preventive measures to prepare for future pandemics and health crises.

Immigrant Positioning in Twentieth-Century Mexico: Middle Easterners, Foreign Citizens, and Multiculturalism

Recent research has shown that there is a substantial skill difference in Sweden between natives and second-generation immigrants. The objective of this study is to find out whether there exists a relationship between immigrant school segregation and the individual’s human capital. The variation in immigrant concentration rate between cohorts within a school generally does not affect the individual’s human capital outcome. However when estimating specific peer influences between different immigrant groups (first-generation immigrants, second-generation immigrants with two foreign-born parent and second-generation immigrants with one foreign-born parent) the study shows three major findings. First, for men (both natives and second-generation immigrants) there is a general negative effect of having a large share of first-generation immigrant schoolmates. Second, for both men and women a large share of schoolmates with a completely foreign background (non-native parents) has a negative influence on the Swedish grades of second-generation immigrants with two foreign-born parents. Third, for men there seem to exist specific and positive peer influences within the groups of second-generation immigrants with either one or two foreign-born parents.

This article compares adolescent alcohol and illicit drug use among first- and second-generation immigrants from Nordic, non-Nordic European and non-European countries with that of the native Swedish majority population. Using data from a 2005 survey, multilevel logistic regression analysis was performed on a sample of 13,070 adolescents. The survey was conducted in three Swedish regions containing 24 municipalities. Second-generation immigrants from Nordic countries were more likely to use alcohol and to binge drink, while first generation immigrants from non-European countries were less likely to; this difference is mainly explained by the relatively low use by girls from non-European countries. All immigrant groups were more likely to use illicit drugs than were the majority population. The highest drug use was found among first-generation Nordic immigrants and non-European immigrants. Consumption patterns among second-generation immigrants were more similar to those of the Swedish majority population, implying more alcohol use and less illicit drug use. Preventive policy for alcohol use should target Nordic immigrants in Sweden (second generation), while preventive policy for drug use, which is a more general immigrant phenomena, should mostly target both Nordic and non-European immigrants.

Spatial assimilation theory claims that immigrants’ acculturation and socioeconomic progress will lead to converging neighborhood attainment relative to non-migrant natives. Recently, it has been argued that equalization of local services and life chances across neighborhoods in egalitarian welfare states may delay spatial assimilation by reducing immigrants’ incentives to move out of low-income areas with many (co-ethnic) immigrant neighbors. In this article, we extend this argument to study whether neighborhood equalization also contributes to intergenerational persistence in neighborhood contexts among descendants of immigrants in Norway. Using administrative data, we find that immigrant descendants as adults often remain in neighborhood contexts that resemble their childhood neighborhoods, characterized by relative economic disadvantage and comparatively few ethnic majority residents. Intergenerational persistence in neighborhood contexts is strongest among descendants of immigrants from Pakistan, the Middle East, and Africa. The remaining immigrant–native gaps in spatial economic inequality largely reflect differences in individuals’ education and earnings, family background, and childhood neighborhood context, but these factors matter less for ethnic neighborhood segregation. For both economic and ethnic dimensions of neighborhood attainment, childhood neighborhood context is the factor that matters most in accounting for immigrant–native gaps, whereas individual socioeconomic attainment is the least important. Overall, our findings point to a pattern of “uneven assimilation” among immigrant descendants, where spatial assimilation is slow despite rapid socioeconomic progress across immigrant generations in the egalitarian Norwegian welfare state.

Each year, students graduate from schools, colleges and universities. Some find a job quickly – others do not. Delays in the transition from education to work have been associated with scarring effects and detrimental effects on later employment and career progression. Increasing numbers of graduates from universities and colleges are descendants of immigrants. The labour market performance of children of immigrants arguably constitutes an important test of the long-term structural integration of ethnic minorities. Using comprehensive Norwegian administrative data on complete birth cohorts, we apply discrete time hazard regression to examine ethnic inequalities in relative transition rates from education to work, comparing majority graduates to 10 groups of Norwegian-born second-generation immigrants from the 1973 to 1997 birth cohorts (N = 964,450 persons with 1,901,171 person-years). We find clear evidence of ethnic inequalities in transition rates, where children of immigrants or African origin fare the worst. Second, the overall patterns mostly remain unaffected when adjusted for factors like educational field, marriage status, children and parental background. Third, we find that the minority disadvantages are less marked at lower levels of education for some groups.

Testicular Germ Cell Cancer Incidence in an Immigration Perspective, Denmark, 1978 to 2003

Children of immigrants in Europe are often found to make more ambitious track choices than native-origin peers, net of academic performance and socioeconomic status. However, literature is mostly limited to Nordic and Western European countries, and little is known about Mediterranean states. In this article we fill this gap using the 2015 survey ‘Integration of the Second Generation’ to study upper secondary track enrolment for a nationally representative sample of students in Italy. We focus on two understudied determinants of track choices, gender and citizenship status, and adopt an intersectional approach by studying differences by country of origin and migrant generation. Overall, we find that children of immigrants in Italy do not tend to make more ambitious track choices than their native-origin peers: second-generation students of both genders and 1.5 generation girls make similar choices as their native-origin peers, whereas 1.5 generation boys are less likely than native-origin boys to choose the academic track. The latter finding is mostly driven by students of Albanian, Moroccan, and Balkan origin. The only group with more ambitious track choices than native-origin students are second-generation students with the Italian citizenship – highlighting the importance of expanding the access to citizenship for (children of) immigrants.

Diaspora 12:1 2003 The 1.5 Generation of Russian Immigrants in Israel: Between Integration and Sociocultural Retention Larissa Remennick Bar-Ilan University Introduction Consecutive immigrant generations and the process of their incorporation into host societies are emerging as a new focus of interest in the contemporary sociology of migration (Portes and Zhou; Portes and Schauffler; Portes and Rumbaut; Rumbaut and Portes). The bulk of the evidence from different countries and on various types of migration (ethnic return migration, labor migration , asylum seeking) shows a significant tendency to ethnic and cultural retention in the first generation of adult migrants (Alba and Nee; Rumbaut, “Assimilation”; Rumbaut and Portes). When these migrants assimilate at all, the process is usually partial and segmented, that is, the adjustment in some life realms (in the workplace , in educational and other public institutions) is more effective and expedient than in other, more private ones (family life, personal relationships, consumption patterns). In response to these observations , the concept of integration (instrumental adaptation to the host society while retaining the minority’s own ethnocultural core) emerged in modern migration discourse to replace the traditional assimilation perspective in research on first-generation migrants (Nauck; Remennick, “What Does”). Recent research among newly formed ethnic minorities in Europe and North America has shown that the pace of their integration is largely determined by the social capital they are endowed with, most importantly education, professional experience, and proficiency in the host language (Grillo; Nauck; Portes and Rumbaut). These personal resources allow recent migrants to develop biculturalbilingual identity and lifestyle over time, combining features of their home and host cultures (Berry; Portes and Schauffler; Nauck). The pace of integration is also determined by the attitudes and policies toward immigrants adopted by the host society; these can result in consensus, tension, or conflict. In response to exclusion and discrimination, immigrant communities may develop the reactive ethnicity syndrome, refusing to integrate even at the cost of marginalization and lost opportunities for upward social mobility (Portes and Rumbaut). 39 Diaspora 12:1 2003 It was commonly expected by migration theorists of the past (see Rumbaut, “Assimilation”; Neuwirth; Portes and Rumbaut) that integration should and probably would accelerate in the second generation , while the third and subsequent generations would in all likelihood reach a state of total assimilation (i.e., dissolution into the host country’s majority). However, this traditional linear model of assimilation has recently been challenged by new trends that have emergedasparadoxesofglobalization:increasedmigrationaccompanied by a revival of ethnicity and fortification of transnational ethnic diasporas. Contrary to all forecasts, second- and third-generation immigrants often reclaim their ethnic roots and reestablish social and economic links with their long-lost homelands. Reflecting this reality, some social theorists envision a new multicultural society emerging on the intersection of the global and the local, with a mosaic of ethnic languages and lifestyles preserved in some fashion and to various degrees, or even enhanced (Grillo; Vertovec). A common flaw of current research on immigrant generations is that the divide between them is too crude, overlooking significant variance in the pace and quality of integration between members of the same formal “generation” who moved to the host country at different phases of the life cycle. Clearly, there is a substantial difference in the experiences of migrants who arrive as children, as adolescents, as young adults, in middle age, or as older adults, even if they all technically belong to the first generation of immigrants. Recent studies among first-generation immigrants in Israel, Germany , and the United States have pointed to the age at migration as a salient determinant of integration through its influence on such factors as host language learning, opportunities for education, occupational success, and social inclusion in the host society (Leshem and Lissak, “Development”; Nauck; Steinbach; Gold, “Soviet Jews”; Remennick, “What Does”). Of special interest is the integration process among the so-called 1.5 generation, that is, immigrants who move to the host country as older children and adolescents, having spent part of their formative years in the country of origin. So far, few special studies have analyzed the experiences of young migrants from this standpoint; most that have done so focused on Asian youth in the United...

Some migrant and ethnic minority groups have a higher risk of coercive pathways to care; however, it is unclear whether differences in clinical presentation contribute to this risk. We sought to assess: (i) whether there were differences in clinician-rated symptoms and behaviours across first-generation immigrant and refugee groups at the first psychiatric hospitalization after psychosis diagnosis, and (ii) whether these differences accounted for disparities in involuntary admission. Using population-based health administrative data from Ontario, Canada, we constructed a sample (2009-2013) of incident cases of non-affective psychotic disorder followed for two years to identify first psychiatric hospitalization. We compared clinician-rated symptoms and behaviours at admission between first-generation immigrants and refugees and the general population, and adjusted for these variables to ascertain whether the elevated prevalence of involuntary admission persisted. Immigrants and refugee groups tended to have lower ratings for affective symptoms, self-harm behaviours, and substance use, as well as higher levels of medication nonadherence and poor insight. Immigrant groups were more likely to be perceived as aggressive and a risk of harm to others, and both groups were perceived as having self-care issues. Adjustment for perceived differences in clinical presentation at admission did not attenuate the higher prevalence of involuntary admission for immigrant and refugee groups. First-generation migrant groups may differ in clinical presentation during the early course of psychotic illness, although these perceived differences did not explain the elevated rates of involuntary admission. Further research using outpatient samples and tools with established cross-cultural validity are warranted.