Fellow Travelers: Wilson, Orwell, Trilling, Dickens

This article looks at the small number of British subjects who visited China and North Korea during the Korean War with a view to influencing British opinion. Although none were brought to trial, all experienced some form of punitive action, whether the loss of employment, loss of passports, or damage to their reputations. The subject is placed in the context of the Cold War, and the wider concerns about disloyalty on the Left at the time, as well as the controversies surrounding the Korean War in Britain. It concludes that the actions of these individuals have to be understood in terms of their alternative loyalties (such as to the ‘new’ China, or to an alternative vision of the United Nations), which ultimately outweighed allegations of disloyalty.

Rwanda and Burundi joined the East African Community (EAC) in June 2007. The entry of the two countries to the EAC was seen as a milestone not only in enhancing regional integration but also as a significant step in integrating the two countries into the EAC governance principles and norms. Rwanda and Burundi had a tumultuous history of internal conflicts and instability in the first decades since their independence from Belgium in 1962. The political crisis of the two neighbouring states heightened with the assassination of the first democratically elected President of Burundi Melchior Ndadaye in 1993 leading to vicious cycles of violence and instability, and the genocide in Rwanda in 1994 that resulted into loss of lives of over 800,000 Rwandese citizens. Since early 2000s, Rwanda has experienced relative peace and stability. The country is seen to have made substantive gains in terms of national reconciliation, socio-economic progress, political governance, decentralization of power, anti-corruption efforts and mainstreaming of women in leadership. Though Burundi seemed to have emerged from conflict since the signing of Arusha Peace Accord in 2000, the country continues to show signs of fragility in terms of poor human development indicators, political instability and poor human rights record. The change of the Burundian constitution to enable President Nkurunziza to contest for a third term in the 2015 general elections triggered fresh political and social instability. This chapter will employ a fragility-to-resilience approach and a historical approach to undertake a comparative analysis of governance and political adaptability in Rwanda and Burundi by assessing how constitutional, institutional and administrative reforms, inclusion of cultural and local practices have impacted on governance and minimizing fragility in both countries. The chapter mainly relies on secondary data from published reports and interviews.

INTRODUCTION In spite of the traditional involvement of Venezuelan lawyers in the country's social, political and economic life (Perez-Perdomo 1981, 1990, 2006) and their historic role as nation builders, social entrepreneurs and power brokers (Gomez 2008, 2009), the practice of law in Venezuela was largely traditional until the early 1990s. Venezuelan lawyers generally used their legal expertise, tools and resources without commitments to an ideological or social cause (Sarat and Scheingold 2001), and did not rely on litigation as a form of “moral activism” (Sarat and Scheingold 1998). Cause lawyering emerged during the postdictatorship transition in other Latin American countries (Meili 2001: 307); in Venezuela, cause lawyering began to develop during a period of political and social instability and gained even more salience during a decade of radical change in Venezuela's social, political, and economic institutions. Specific events in Venezuela during the last twenty years define three different stages in the emergence and transformation of cause lawyering and human rights activism and in the growing involvement of lawyers in the country's political debate. Each of these three stages corresponds to important changes in the conception lawyers have about their role. Each stage also corresponds to changes in the image that other actors have about members of the legal profession and their role in society. The first stage took place between 1958 and 1989, and coincided with the strengthening of democratic institutions after a period of military dictatorships and political instability.

Ours has been a century of self-conscious ideologies or ‘isms’. As traditional values have seemingly crumbled, various intellectual edifices, from the tawdry to the imposing, have been erected in their stead. The Thirties saw a general scramble to get one such roof or other over one’s head. Two systems in particular tower above the fray. According to Arena, a Catholic journal of the time (quoted by Richard Johnstone), Marxism and Roman Catholicism were ‘the only two views of life which count in the modern world’. This claim was characteristically portentous. But it was also the plain truth about the educated young. These gentry are Mr Johnstone’s prime concern, above all as revealed in their fiction. His subjects are Evelyn Waugh and Graham Greene (Catholic converts), Edward Upward (Communist), Rex Warner and Christopher Isherwood (fellow travellers, then defectors), and George Orwell (George Orwell). His book is sometimes a little colourless, but no more so than his texts. Nevertheless it stands out from the usual run of academic publications by being clear, informative, sensible, unpretentious, and short.

This work adopted critical phenomenology as its methodology. This allows for the use of both primary and secondary sources of data. While the primary sources are eyewitness accounts, oral interviews, diaries, and archival materials, the secondary sources are written documentaries, books, the internet, newspapers, magazines, and journals. The interdisciplinary appeal of this method makes it a useful method. This paperattempted to answer the broad question – what are the consequences of social, political, and economic inequality and elite greed on Nigerian society? This question is necessary as it helps in understanding the part played by elitism, greed, and inequality in Nigeria's political and social instability. The paper establishesgreed as a political psychology construct, weaponized by the elites for sustaining political relevance and control. The literature further established that elitist greed, capitalism, selfishness, and instability are linked and exacerbate inequality and political instability in West Africa and Nigeria in particular. This work contributes to the growing discussions on the part elite greed plays in fueling political instability with its attendant socio-economic consequences in Nigeria.

This is a lively and compact biography of P. M. S. Blackett, one of the most brilliant and controversial physicists of the twentieth century. Nobel laureate, leader of operational research during the Second World War, scientific advisor to the British government, President of the Royal Society, member of the House of Lords, Blackett was also denounced as a Stalinist apologist for opposing American and British development of atomic weapons, subjected to FBI surveillance, and named as a fellow traveler on George Orwell's infamous list. His service as a British Royal Navy officer in the First World War prepared Blackett to take a scientific advisory role on military matters in the mid-1930s. An international leader in the experimental techniques of the cloud chamber, he was a pioneer in the application of magnetic evidence for the geophysical theory of continental drift. But his strong political stands made him a polarizing influence, and the decisions he made capture the complexity of living a prominent twentieth-century scientific life.

Social and political instability have become common situations in many parts of the world. Exposure to different types of traumatic circumstances may differentially affect psychological status. The aim of this study was to compare the relationship between personal perceptions of control over the events happening in one's life and psychological distress in two groups who experienced physical trauma but differed as to whether the trauma was a result of political upheaval and violence. Views on the extent to which the state was interested in the individual were also assessed. The sample consisted of 120 patients who were injured in the Cairo epicenter and 120 matched controls from the greater Cairo area whose injuries were from other causes. The Brown Locus of Control Scale and the Symptom Checklist-90-Revised (SCL 90-R) were administered approximately three months after the January 2011 start of the demonstrations and subsequent overthrow of the government. The groups did not differ on locus of control. For both groups, externality was associated with greater distress, suggesting a relationship between perceived helplessness in controlling one's life and distress. The Cairo group scored significantly higher than the control group on the SCL 90-R Global Severity Index (GSI) and Positive Symptom Total (PST). Perceptions of state interest in the population were low; overall, 78% viewed the state as having little or no interest in them. Discussion The relationship between exposure intensity and psychological distress is examined. In addition, differences in findings in populations experiencing political chaos compared with other types of disasters are considered. Beliefs regarding personal control over one's life circumstances are more closely associated with psychological distress than the circumstances in which the trauma occurred.

أصبح الاستقرار السياسي في الوقت الحاضر من أهم التطلعات التي تسعى إليها الدول والشعوب لما له من انعکاسات إيجابية على الدولة والمجتمع معا، وعلى کافة المجالات السياسية والاقتصادية والاجتماعية، وهذا الاستقرار لا يتحقق إلا بتکاتف الدولة والمجتمع معا. وترتبط ظاهرة عدم الاستقرار السياسي بظاهرة العنف السياسي، فعندما يحظى النظام السياسي ومؤسساته بالرضا والقبول المجتمعي لإحساسهم بأن النظام يستجيب لمتطلباتهم واحتياجاتهم المشروعة، فهذا يعني غياب العنف وتحقيق الاستقرار السياسي. من هنا جاءت هذه الدراسة لتستعرض أهم الأسباب التي أدت إلى تزايد ظاهرة عدم الاستقرار السياسي في العراق، وما هي التداعيات التي نتجت عن عدم الاستقرار سياسيا ومجتمعيا، ثم بيان أهم المتطلبات الرئيسة التي ستساهم من حدة هذه الظاهرة وصولا لبناء دولة القانون والمؤسسات. Abstract: Political stability has become one of the most important aspirations of countries and peoples because of its positive repercussions on the state and society together, and on all political, economic and social fields, and this stability can only be achieved by the unity of the state and society together. Political instability is linked to the phenomenon of political violence. When the political system and its institutions are satisfied and accepted by society because they feel that the regime is responding to their legitimate needs and needs, this means the absence of violence and political stability. This study presents the main reasons that led to the increasing political instability in Iraq, the repercussions of political and social instability, and the most important main requirements that will contribute to the establishment of a state of law and institutions.

The article examines the collapse of the Khazar Khaganate in the 11th century, analyzes the causes of its decline, internal and external factors that led to the political and cultural crisis, as well as the significance of this process for understanding the dynamics of medieval Eurasia. Methodology: This research is based on the methods of historical analysis and an integrated approach, which includes the study of historical sources, archaeological data, as well as the application of modern theories and concepts in the field of medieval history. Important attention is paid to the interrelation of external economic and internal political factors that influenced the development and decline of the Khazar Khaganate. Scientific novelty: The work is a contribution to the study of the causes of the collapse of the Khazar Khaganate, especially in the context of the interaction of external threats and internal problems such as ethnic and religious differences, political instability and economic crisis. Special attention is paid to the role of the Byzantine Empire, Rus, and nomadic tribes such as the Pechenegs and Cumans in the process of weakening the khaganate. Conclusions: The collapse of the Khazar Khaganate was the result of a combination of various factors: external military threats, including clashes with Russia and Byzantium, as well as internal problems, including ethnic and religious conflicts, which contributed to political and social instability. The weakening of military power, dependence on mercenaries and the deteriorating economic situation further aggravated the situation of the khaganate. The influence of the foreign policy of neighboring states, as well as the religious assimilation of the elite, also played a role in the collapse of the Khazar state. The fall of the khaganate became a vivid example of how external threats and internal contradictions can lead to the rapid decline of even a powerful state that played a key role in the trade and political relations of Medieval Eurasia.

The Relationship between Economic Development and Political Stability: Iraq as a Case Study for the Period 1970-2014

The One Health approach is increasingly recognised as essential for understanding contemporary global health threats. Given the close interconnections among humans, animals, and ecosystems, this perspective facilitates the effective addressing of major challenges such as the climate crisis, emerging infectious diseases, social instability, and environmental degradation. This collection presents studies that demonstrate the breadth and interdisciplinary nature of the One Health approach. Topics include waste management, environmental sustainability, pandemic preparedness, and mental health. Collectively, these studies illuminate the interconnections that influence both human populations and ecosystems and propose strategies to strengthen health systems.Inadequate waste management results in environmental degradation and poses significant public health risks. One study in this collection addresses this concern. Petropoulou (2025) emphasises that improper management of solid and liquid waste adversely affects public health across all communities, not solely the most vulnerable. These impacts arise from the proliferation of pathogens and the increasing prevalence of antimicrobial resistance. Sams-Dodd and Sams-Dodd (2025) argue that antimicrobial resistance is not solely a consequence of climate change. It also disrupts the balance of microbial ecosystems and further exacerbates climate change.Interdisciplinary collaboration within the One Health framework extends beyond immediate public health threats. It encompasses sustainable food systems and circular economy principles. These approaches integrate human, animal, and ecosystem health from a complementary perspective. Katsafadou et al. ( 2025) integrate these dimensions using the olive tree as a focal point. Their study connects cultivation, processing, health benefits, agricultural practices, and by-product management. This approach demonstrates that One Health extends beyond risk mitigation, promoting sustainability and supporting resilient social systems centred on both human and environmental well-being.In addition to interactions with plant ecosystems, contact with animals may also benefit human health. Tang et al. (2026) demonstrate that regular interaction with companion animals positively influences well-being indicators, including sleep quality among older adults. Thus, human well-being can arise from interactions with plants, animals, and the environment, reflecting a core principle of the One Health approach.The vulnerability of specific population groups, particularly children, is emphasised in the article by Masetti et al. (2026). The study investigates how climate change, antimicrobial resistance, and emerging infections disproportionately impact children, a vulnerability linked to physiological immaturity and critical developmental stages. In low-and middle-income countries, safeguarding children's health necessitates multidimensional strategies within the One Health framework. Preparedness for future respiratory pandemics is closely tied to equity in global research capacity. Hossain and Kim (2026) contend that lung organoids serve as essential human-relevant models, facilitating rapid pathogen study and therapeutic evaluation. The authors also underscore disparities in access to these technologies. Enhancing research equity and building capacity before crises is crucial, while fostering trust remains vital for collective resilience and an effective response. Martinez-Hollingworth et al. (2026) examine the human dimension of environmental crises, demonstrating that frontline workers serve as both care providers and individuals directly impacted by disasters. This dual role highlights the necessity for policies that support mental health and professional resilience, as well as the importance of collective well-being during complex emergencies. Two additional studies emphasise the significance of institutional structures and governance networks (Saidouni et al., 2025;Togami et al., 2026). In contexts characterised by social and political instability, intersectoral collaboration enhances preparedness. Cooperation among public health, veterinary, and environmental sectors fosters stability and progress. Trust and transparency between institutions and state actors are critical, underpinning effective preparedness and response, particularly during pandemics. In conclusion, the studies included in this Research Topic illustrate that One Health serves as both a holistic framework and a strategic roadmap. It integrates actions that address complex, interacting determinants of health, aiming to strengthen resilience, build trust, enhance governance, and safeguard the health of future generations.


 In the last decade, poverty and social inequality have become increasingly pressing global challenges, exacerbated by the impact of the global economy, climate change, and the digital revolution. Rising inequality and unequal distribution of wealth not only hinder economic growth but also give rise to social and political instability. The fight against this problem requires a deep understanding of its causal factors and impact on global development. This research aims to analyze the factors that cause poverty and social inequality and their impact on global development, with a focus on solutions to overcome these problems. The research methodology uses a descriptive qualitative approach, with data obtained from relevant literature studies and in-depth analysis of the phenomenon. Data was collected from previous research results and processed through qualitative analysis to build a comprehensive understanding. The research results show that global economic factors, climate change, technology, public policy, and socio-cultural factors are the main causes of poverty and inequality. Its impact on global development includes stunting economic growth, social instability, and reduced access to health and education services. This research also finds that the solution to this problem requires international cooperation, innovative policies from governments, active contributions from the private sector, and the participation of non-governmental organizations. A multidisciplinary and participatory approach, as well as the use of technology and innovation, is needed to create sustainable solutions. Overall, this research provides new insights into strategies for achieving more inclusive and equitable development amidst current global challenges.

I encountered this sign in a wel l -known bookstore while on a business trip earlier this year. It was displayed at roughly eye-level on a small case of books clearly set apart from the moderately extensive collection of books treating of history, current affairs, politics, economics, and related topics. The limited assortment of books in the labelled case dealt with this same general subject matter but from what is currently described as the "conservat ive/neoconservative" perspective. I was hardly dumbfounded by this overt but subtle form of censorship for this is, as I knew, a presently chic and fashionable posture wide ly affected by many involved in the North American book world. Publishers Weekly, for example, is quite unable to deal with a title so oriented without, at least, the de rigueur censorious adjective or adverb, if not a positively condemnatory sentence or two. In much of the library literature the same sanctimonious denigration of views other than the currently fashionable brand of discourse is a matter of routine. I was at the same time reminded of the now virtually unknown Preface for Animal Farm written by George Orwell in 1944 w h e n that MS was, after multiple rejections, finally published.

BBC Radio 4’s Analysis was first broadcast in April 1970 and quickly established itself as the pre-eminent exponent of radio current affairs. This paper considers how Southern Africa was represented, in particular at two stages of the programme’s evolution, in the early 1970s and again a decade after that. Between 1971 and 1973 five programmes on Africa were presented by Ian McIntyre, a central figure in British current affairs broadcasting, who went on to be Controller of both BBC Radio 4 and Radio 3. By 1980 McIntyre had been succeeded as the main presenter of Analysis by another notable figure in British radio journalism and current affairs, Mary Goldring. Like McIntyre, Goldring visited Southern Africa to source her programmes. Both presenters can be criticized for over-attention to the white point of view and attempting the impossible in a ‘parachute’ mission. It could, however, be argued that they both achieved more than the British press and in their different ways clearly signalled the crises facing South Africa and Rhodesia.

Following the political instabilities that have characterised Ghana few years after independence from British colonialists, many were those who thought multiparty democratic governance was the surest way to good governance and sustainable human development. The paper argues that citizens’ uncooperative attitude in governance issues, and leaders’ unpreparedness to be accountable to the citizenry result from lack of democratic acculturation. The way forward to achieving and ensuring good governance and peace in Ghana therefore is an elaborate and sustained democratic education geared toward making democracy a way of life for Ghanaians. The paper is an empirical study founded on current affairs and democratic politics in Ghana. It combines historical and sociological approaches in the interpretation of textual data and empirical observations in the formulation of its reflections. In so doing, it examines what democracy is not, on one hand, and what it is, on the other. Informed-knowledge of these two realities will lead to democratic literacy urgently required for good governance, socio-economic and political development in Ghana. Key words: Democracy, governance, illiteracy, authoritarianism, dictatorship, responsiveness.