Fact-checking Practices during Political Turmoil in Peru

Return of the Repressed?"Haunted Castles" in Seventeenth-Century Munster Andrew Tierney (bio) The ragged silhouette of the haunted castle has formed the iconic backdrop to the Gothic novel for well over two centuries and retains an enduring presence within the horror genre to the present day. 1 The literature propagating this imagery during the eighteenth century has its roots in the religious and political turmoil that established the Protestant ascendancy. Horace Walpole's Castle of Otranto, perhaps the first recognizable Gothic novel, imagines an archaic and superstitious Catholic world—one that Protestantism had supposedly rejected. Its themes of violence, usurpation, and repression resonate with the religious conflict and mass dispossessions of seventeenth-century Ireland in particular, and its dramatic castle setting was inspirational to later novelists dealing directly with Irish history. 2 For this reason Ireland has been seen as uniquely attuned to the Gothic, with its volatile history feeding the insecurities of the ruling class and [End Page 7] prompting complex literary excursions into the past. 3 Theorists have argued that a perpetual fear of Catholic retribution permeates the Anglo-Irish novel, and recently Jarlath Killeen has posited The Irish Rebellion (1646) by Sir John Temple as the foundational text in the formation of the Protestant literary tradition in Ireland. 4 Despite these claims, little attention has been given to accounts of "haunted castles" in the period preceding the eighteenth century, narratives of which can be found in pamphlets, letters, and memoirs. This article examines three separate accounts of hauntings in Irish castles during the mid-seventeenth century and proposes that they present meaningful precursors to the political and religious discourse found in the literary gothic a century later. In broad terms the aesthetic origins of the haunted castle can be traced to the seventeenth century when castles were being decommissioned as military tools. As these structures became increasingly unfashionable in domestic style, Renaissance advocates of classicism quickly labeled them with the denigratory term "Gothick." The various religious wars of the century—their last military engagements—finally consigned castles to ruination across Ireland; they joined the monasteries in providing the theme of memento mori for poets, painters, and novelists of the following century. Dark and emotive associations between the old religion and the old architecture came to underpin the revival of the "Castle Style" in both Britain and Ireland in the eighteenth century. 5 The exuberant architectural fantasies of revivalist pioneers such as Walpole and, later, William Beckford fetishized Catholicism as part of an aesthetic ensemble of horror; what emerged was a distinctly Protestant gaze upon the vestiges of an older religion. Amid the political and religious turmoil of early seventeenth-century Ireland, castles remained powerful symbols of long-established lineages and bastions of Catholic power. But explicit expressions of religious affiliation became increasingly internalized in the years of [End Page 8] Protestant supremacy following the "Flight of the Earls" in 1607; only discreet resistance to new Protestant power could be expressed, such as the carved Counter-Reformation motifs that appear in the Munster territories of the dispossessed Catholic Earls of Desmond. 6 Most notable during the mid-seventeenth century was the use of the Jesus monogram "I. H. S." associated with the Jesuits, leaders of the Counter-Reformation. 7 Expanding on the work of James Delle, Colm Donnelly has discussed the surviving example at Gortnatubbrid, Co. Limerick, in the context of the aftermath of the Desmond plantation. 8 That motif also appears at Ronayn's Court, Co. Cork, in 1624, a building commissioned by Morris Ronayn and his wife Margaret Gould, 9 and in the same year—outside Munster—at the castle of Teig Ó Daly at Killimor, Co. Galway. In the latter example the monogram accompanies various symbols of the passion of Christ, making visual the core Catholic belief in redemption through sacrifice and penance. Since no full survey of these inscriptions has been carried out, it is as yet difficult to determine how widespread they may have been. Donnelly, however, has pointed to parallels in the northeast of Scotland, where similar inscriptions occur during the same period in the context of new building by Catholic families. 10 Such covert religious iconography hints at the quiet spiritual...

In 1816, Against A foreboding climatic background, Mary Shelley wrote Frankenstein. She might well have begun: “It was a dark and stormy decade …” During the previous year, much of the world had been shrouded by the great ashen veil cast across the skies by the massive Tambora volcanic eruption in April 1815. Europe’s 1815– 1816 was a cold, gloomy, and tumultuous time. Crops failed and tem­peratures fell. Bonaparte was consigned to the rocky island of St. Helena, Beethoven entered his more radical and introspective late period, and minor autocratic monarchies around the continent came under increasing political siege as democratic impulses stirred. This chapter examines some of the shorter- term climate shifts and extreme weather events that have occurred over the last two centuries. The disrupted weather following the Tambora eruption, for example, shows how small changes in temperature and rainfall can have major consequences, including failed harvests and epidemic outbreaks. In mid- nineteenth- century Ireland, the failure of the potato crop in wet and relatively warm conditions contributed to food insecurity that devastated the local population. Unusual weather extremes in late- nineteenth- century China, including a period of cooling, facilitated the Third Pandemic of bubonic plague, which spread rapidly through populations already under stress due to harvest failures, conflict, and political turmoil. Such events may intensify in the coming decades as the Earth’s average temperature rises and climatic cycles are disrupted and become more variable. Additionally, the consequences for human population health are amplified by social and political mismanagement and turmoil. We can expect climate change to act as a “force multiplier,” exacerbating many of the world’s health problems. From the mid- nineteenth century, the northern hemisphere’s Little Ice Age receded as solar activity regained its twelfth- century peak level. The depths of the cold had been reached around 1700 C.E., and the cool­ing influence of the Siberian High was now receding. The almost year- round ice and snow in northern Europe during those super- chilled earlier times were long gone, and the snowbound, though increasingly grimy, White Christmases of early- 1800s Dickensian London were waning.

Turkey has taken comprehensive steps towards Africa. In addition to embassies and official civil institutions, many young Africans from various countries on the continent are pursuing undergraduate and graduate education in Turkey, either through scholarships or their own means. These students who complete their education are identified as “cultural ambassadors” in Turkey's foreign policy and emerge as significant elements in Turkey's relations with African countries. Despite the positive relations Turkey has established with African countries in its foreign policy, economic and political turmoil in its domestic policy has had adverse effects on African students studying in different cities in Turkey. Particularly, occasional instances of xenophobia in Turkey are also felt among African students. This situation poses a risk of rapidly losing the gains achieved over many years in relations with African countries. This study examines the impact of anti-immigrant in Turkey on African students studying in the country. Specifically, the reactions of African students studying in Turkey to anti-immigrant in the country, especially through their social media accounts, have been investigated. The study reveals that when the political and economic turmoil in Turkey turns into anti-immigrant, it leads to the emergence of negative views among African students against Turkey, jeopardizing Turkey's Africa policy.

Recent Turkish political cinema features films that are designed and interpreted as national allegories. Born from a climate of economic and political turmoil, these films symbolize a dark, hopeless national experience. Burning Days (2022) and Black Night (2023) converge to exhibit symptoms of Turkey’s ongoing political and economic turmoil, reflecting Jameson’s description of third-world intellectuals’ hopelessness. This article examines two recurring metaphors – the posse and the sinkhole – to explore their allegorical significance in capturing national anxieties. I argue that filmmakers Alper and Alper, while rooted in century-old literary traditions, tropes, and an understanding of power politics, cannot escape these influences. Emerging from a period of crisis, their films introduce a novel crisis aesthetics marked by a defeatist tone. While sharing parallels with earlier Turkish political cinema, their unique response to Turkey’s recent context establishes a new aesthetic paradigm in contemporary Turkish cinema.

Arboreal Politics in the <i>Knight's Tale</i>

PurposeThis study aims to investigate the effect of political turmoil on the firm financial performance, particularly in presence of politically affiliated board of directors.Design/methodology/approachThe study applied panel regression analyses on a data set of Pakistan’s listed companies ranged over 14 years, spanning from 2007 to 2021. Political turmoil was first gauged through three determinants, i.e. political protest, government election and constitutional reform, and thereafter, economic uncertainty index was used as a proxy for political turmoil. For the purpose of political connection, the study used political affiliation of the board of directors.FindingsThe study finds that political turmoil has deleterious effect on the return on assets and Tobin’s Q. The study further unveils that politically affiliated firms are relatively insulated from the volatility posed by the political uncertainty and exhibit significantly better financial outcomes.Practical implicationsFindings of the study suggest that appropriate composition of the board is imperative in offsetting the risk posed by the political turmoil. Hence, the results are useful for investors, policymakers and regulators to ensure financial soundness of firms in the wake of political turmoil.Originality/valueTo the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first study that investigates the moderating impact of political connection on the performance of companies in presence of political turmoil.

For many researchers, conducting fieldwork can often form a significant component of data collection. With a rich history across many disciplines, fieldwork has received significant reflexive examination, notably around when it is conducted in dangerous areas or used for researching high‐risk situations. Less attended to, however, are the equally disruptive but less dangerous situations that researchers can face, such as conducting fieldwork during political turmoil. The aim of this paper is to explore the impact of political turmoil on fieldwork, and reflectively examine both the consequences of this and possible ways of mitigation. Through examining fieldwork notes and journals, the findings identified that despite political turmoil's significant disruption on processes of data collection, the researcher utilised notions of flexible positionalities and developed adaptive methodologies to circumvent these challenges. The paper provides new insights for managing the impact of disruption on fieldwork from political turmoil and encourages the continuation of publications focusing on reflective fieldwork accounts.

This chapter investigates the effects of Thailand’s political turmoil and the Chinese Spring Festival on the dynamic dependence between the Chinese outbound tourism demand for Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand (SMT) using the bivariate and multivariate dynamic copula-based ARMAX-APARCH model with skewed Student’s t-distribution and normal inverse Gaussian marginals. We selected political events and the Chinese Spring Festival as the forcing variables to explain the time-varying dependences, and also proposed a dynamic multivariate Gaussian copula to capture the dependence between the Chinese outbound tourism demand for Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand. The main empirical results show that Thailand’s political turmoil and the Chinese Spring Festival, respectively, have negative and positive effects on Chinese tourist arrivals to SMT. Also, there does exist a high degree of persistence pertaining to the dependence structure among SMT. In addition, both the lagged one period of Thailand’s political turmoil and the Chinese Spring Festival are found to have a positive influence on time-varying dependences. Lastly, we found that substitute effects exist between Thailand and Malaysia, while complementary effects prevail between Thailand and Singapore, and Singapore and Malaysia. The findings of this study have important implications for destination managers and travel agents as they help them to understand the impact of political events and holidays on China outbound tourism demand and provide them with a complementary academic approach on evaluating the role of dependencies in the international tourism demand model.

This paper examines empirically how political turmoil in a developing country undergoing extensive reforms affects the behaviour of the foreign exchange market. We develop a simple time-series model and apply it to the Polish foreign exchange market in order to test the following hypotheses: the first hypothesis is that the conditional variance of the Polish currency (zloty) is time-varying and the second hypothesis is that political turmoil has an adverse impact on the exchange market volatility by affecting directly the conditional variance of the zloty. Weekly data from the Polish free foreign exchange market support the two hypotheses. The results of this paper may represent valuable information for other reforming countries as well as researchers studying the financial price formation in a developing country experiencing extensive reforms.

Objective: Thailand was plagued with serious political turmoil for many years. We would like to know whether this turmoil has had an impact on our chronic pain patients in terms of intensity of pain, stress and anxiety, as well as daily living and sleep.Material and Methods: Patients with at least 3 months of pain prior to 31 October 2013 (the date that the demonstrations started) were enrolled in this study. The data were collected from the patients who attended our pain clinic from December 2014 to May 2015. The patients were asked to complete a questionnaire on their severity of pain, stress and anxiety for the 3 different stages: prior to the demonstrations (period 1), during the demonstrations (period 2) and under military dictatorship or after the demonstrations (period 3).Results: There were 120 patients, 49 males (40.8%) and 71 females (59.2%). The mean age was 56.3±15.8 years old (range 18-88). The majority were Buddhist (108 patients, 90.0%) while 11 patients (9.2%) were Muslim and 1 patient (0.8%) was Christian. The mean duration of pain prior to the beginning of the demonstrations was 62.8 months (range 3-324 months). Regarding the pain score, the mean maximum pain score was significantly different between periods 1 (8), 2 (7.7) and 3 (6.8) (p-value&lt;0.001). Regarding the anxiety score, the mean maximum anxiety score was significantly different between periods 1 (3.8), 2 (4.8) and 3 (2.9) (p-value=0.03). Regarding the stress score, the mean maximum stress score was significantly different between periods 1 (3.8), 2 (4.4) and 3 (2.8) (p-value=0.02). Using multiple logistic regression analysis, no factors (gender, age, religious, duration of pain and levels of anxiety and stress) were found to have contributed to the reduction of pain intensity.Conclusion: The demonstrations during the political turmoil did not increase the severity of pain but led to higher levels of stress and anxiety. On the other hand, under the military dictatorship, lower pain scores as well as stress and anxiety levels in chronic pain patients attending our pain clinic have been found.

Since the Libyan Revolution in 2011, the country's nursing workforce has been struggling. Libyan nursing schools have focused on rebuilding the country's supply of nurses after many emigrated. Wanting to infuse the workforce with more baccalaureate-prepared nurses, Libyan nursing faculty invited nursing and public health representatives from a US-based academic medical institution and a non-governmental medical organization to collaborate with local stakeholders in a country-wide assessment. The purpose of this article is to outline the national programs' strengths and weaknesses and make recommendations for developing a strategy to elevate nursing education to meet international standards. This can serve as a launching point to strengthen Libya's health services provision capacity, particularly during this time of transition when opportunities may become available to move in new directions. The approach and findings may have wider application to other countries who are similarly experiencing civil and political turmoil.

The aim of the paper is to analyze the constitutional crisis, which occurred in Poland at the end of 2015, shortly after the parliamentary election. Our research is focused on showing the low transparency of the Polish government during this political turmoil. We argue that there are many indirect connections and feedbacks between the main political actors which have an effect in the non-transparent structure of a government, which changes during political turmoil and more stable period of time. In this context the network analysis was used as a main research method to emphasize some of the personal connections between the main politicians.

Using detailed panel data from the Pale of Settlement area between 1800 and 1927, we document that anti-Jewish pogroms—mob violence against the Jewish minority—broke out when economic shocks coincided with political turmoil. When this happened, pogroms primarily occurred in places where Jews dominated middleman occupations, i.e., moneylending and grain trading. This evidence is inconsistent with the scapegoating hypothesis, according to which Jews were blamed for all misfortunes of the majority. Instead, the evidence is consistent with the politico-economic mechanism, in which Jewish middlemen served as providers of insurance against economic shocks to peasants and urban grain buyers in a relationship based on repeated interactions. When economic shocks occurred in times of political stability, rolling over or forgiving debts was an equilibrium outcome because both sides valued their future relationship. In contrast, during political turmoil, debtors could not commit to paying in the future, and consequently, moneylenders and grain traders had to demand immediate (re)payment. This led to ethnic violence, in which the break in the relationship between the majority and Jewish middlemen was the igniting factor.

The political turmoil in Tunisia at the end of 2010 opened the door to the democratization of Arab countries. This event, widely known as The Arab Spring, presented a dream for the Arab community to live a better life under a democratic system. However, after a decade of progress, only Tunisia has succeeded in consolidating its democracy among the Arab countries that have been affected by the political turmoil. This paper tries to read the success factors for Tunisia in consolidating its democracy by using the theory of democracy from Robert Dahl, Jack Snyder, and Georg Sorensen. This study concludes that democracy in Tunisia is already included in the category of matured democracy according to Snyder's theory or has entered the category in which a democratic culture has begun to develop (Sorensen) and fulfills the elements of a democratic state according to Dahl. This success is inseparable from internal and external factors. The internal factor is the foundation of a civil society built before The Arab Spring and the openness of viewpoints of political actors after the political upheaval. Meanwhile, the external factor is the absence of America as the dominant actor in Tunisia because Tunisia is considered a ferry country. Tunisia also proves that Islam and democracy can go hand in hand, and this is a refutation of the pessimistic views of the scholars on Islam and democracy that can go hand in hand.

Erratum to “Unreported fishing, hungry people and political turmoil: The recipe for a food security crisis in Madagascar” [Mar. Policy 36 (1) (2012) 218–225