Extending the unconditional support in an Iwaniec–Luo–Sarnak family

Through four thematic sections, this article explains why, from its inception in 1981, the Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP) espoused ‘unconditional support’ for ‘Irish freedom’, and why this position changed in the 1990s. Illuminating a particularly functional mode of radical solidarity, it argues that British leftists engaged with the Northern Ireland conflict to articulate their revolutionary praxis. Advocating ‘unconditional support’ enabled the RCP to challenge reformism on the British left and nationalism in the labour movement. As the article’s second section demonstrates, such specific left-wing anti-imperialism irked Provisional republican leaders, who demanded a more substantial, inclusive solidarity movement in Britain. The article’s third section elucidates how the Cold War’s denouement from the late 1980s deepened strategic and ideological differences among radicals. Seeking to replicate peace processes in Israel-Palestine and South Africa, Provisional republicans envisaged a negotiated transfer of power in the ‘new world order’. By contrast, lambasting western intervention in the Gulf and the Balkans, RCP theoreticians lamented the ‘moral rearmament of imperialism’. The nascent republican peace strategy of the 1990s conclusively exposed deep-rooted tensions within the RCP’s peculiar solidarity. For disillusioned cadres who had endorsed republicanism only insofar as it threatened the British state, republicanism’s new constitutionalism represented capitulation.

Confidentiality: To honor or to override?

Fukushima nuclear accident gave an alarm to the security of nuclear plant. From the viewpoints of climate change, energy security and environmental values, this study investigates public attitudes towards nuclear power in China. The key point of this investigation is attitude analysis, which indicates that the attitudes towards nuclear power are complex and uncertain. Introducing “unconditional support” to measure public attitudes towards nuclear power, we found that environmental values and concern about energy security have positive correlations with unconditional support for nuclear power, unlike the negative correlation between concern about climate change and unconditional support for nuclear power. With the concept of “conditional support”, it is significantly higher than unconditional support and concern about climate change turns out to be a positive predictor of conditional support. It suggests that when regarding nuclear power as a response to climate change or energy security, the public will support nuclear power development conditionally.

Special Issue: Selected Papers From the 43rd International Technical Conference on Clean Energy

This article empirically tests how determinants of public support in Poland for the European Union change before and after accession. Despite studies on public attitudes towards EU integration and Euroscepticism that flourished in the run‐up to accession, there is no evidence of how determinants changed over time. This study suggests that in Poland citizens support the EU on the basis of a form of ‘unconditional support’ and general benefits for the country before accession, while personal benefits can become more determinant after accession.

BackgroundEarly Intervention Psychosis Services (EIPS) provide multimodal interventions for young people who are at risk of, or have experienced, a first episode of psychosis. Although recent studies have begun to examine this critical period in a young person’s personal recovery in more depth, little is known about how young people experience EIPS in general, and its influences on their clinical and psychosocial recovery in particular.AimsThis study aimed to explore young people’s experience of EIPS, specifically the factors that have affected their (a) clinical and (b) psychosocial recovery.MethodThis study purposively sampled 27 young people from a range of backgrounds at 6 community-based EIPS in Australia. Audio-recorded, semi-structured interviews were conducted and reflexive thematic analysis was used to analyse this data-set.ResultsFour themes of how EIPS enabled recovery were identified. The first three - a safe space, unconditional support and active involvement – were foundational to a fourth theme of gradual self-management. In earlier-stage self-management, participants relied on practical supports to make connections and find education and employment opportunities. By later-stage self-management, they had developed the tools to do these things for themselves. Participants’ movement between earlier- and later-stage self-management was connected to their overall EIPS engagement and, for some, to their engagement with peer support.ConclusionsProviding a safe space, unconditional support and active involvement for clients and their families created the foundational conditions for improved clinical and psychosocial recovery. Peer support programmes, increasing engagement when situational changes such as employment occur and the provision of culturally sensitive care appeared valuable to this process.

‘The Ellen We Know’

Orthopedic Anesthesiology 2022.

Personal death anxiety is a universal human experience, and many clients seek counseling as they attempt to find meaning of grief experiences due to loss. Counselors are called to provide congruent, empathetic, unbiased, and unconditional support throughout this process, although sparse, research explores how counselor death anxiety may also enter into the therapeutic relationship. Counselors who work with clients presenting with grief and loss needs are vulnerable to imposing personal values or risking potential harm to clients if their own worldview surrounding death remains unexplored and unresolved. Humanistic psychology, terror management, post traumatic growth, and the counselor will to meaning all provide theoretical rationale for the exploration of personal death anxiety. Counselor education programs and professional development opportunities are encouraged to introduce didactic and experiential activities for practitioners to explore new ways of conceptualizing death as it affects clients and understanding death as it relates to personal belief held by each counselor.

SALIENT FEATURES OF THE BOOK Compendium of Medical Diagnostic Technology unfolds a symphony of knowledge and innovation, offering readers a silent yet profound journey through the intricate landscape of diagnostic sciences. This book is distinguished through several key features contributing to its unique character: Comprehensive Coverage: The compendium provides an in-depth exploration of a wide array of diagnostic technologies, spanning from traditional methodologies to the most cutting-edge advancements. Readers will find a comprehensive overview that encompasses imaging techniques, molecular diagnostics, laboratory testing and emerging technologies. Interdisciplinary Insights: Recognizing the interdisciplinary nature of medical diagnostics, the book draws on the expertise of contributors from diverse fields. This ensures a holistic understanding of the subject, connecting the dots between various specialties and fostering a collaborative perspective on diagnostic technology. Practical Applications: Each chapter not only elucidates the theoretical foundations of diagnostic technologies but also delves into their practical applications. Real-world case studies and examples offer readers valuable insights into how these techniques are transforming patient care and shaping the future of medicine. Future Perspectives: A forward-looking approach is woven into the fabric of the compendium, with dedicated sections exploring the future horizons of diagnostic technology. From emerging trends to potential breakthroughs, readers are invited to contemplate the evolving landscape and anticipate the transformative possibilities that lie ahead.

Editorial: Welcome to this the final issue of BJLD for 2019, and this my last editorial which I share with The Journal Project, formed of self-advocates Lucy, Tracy, Sam, Aisha and Colin, alongside Marsh Stitchman from Lewisham Speaking Up, and Annabel Head and Susan Carroll from the South London and Maudsley NHS Foundation Trust, London. As of this issue my tenure as Editor in Chief of BJLD comes to an end, and so I would like to take this opportunity to thank all those who have contributed to the work of the Journal; the authors and reviewers as well as the readership more widely. The last six years have in the main been enjoyable, but they have not been without their challenges. I know I am not alone in that many other Editors face similar challenges in trying to keep Journals, such as BJLD, buoyant, and often with little support-save some dedicated colleagues on the editorial board, and those who offer their unconditional support through peer review of numerous submissions of manuscripts; it is to these people I am indebted to. So for this issue it is our intention to do two things. The first is to explain the back ground, and outcome of an exciting project for BJLD that has been ongoing throughout this year, and that has been concerned with making our author guidelines more accessible. So what has the project concerning accessibility been about? And it is here that I hand over to my colleagues in The Journal Project.

In the 2012 presidential race, the charge of disbelieving in American exceptionalism has become an effective rhetorical weapon wielded by conservatives and GOP candidates in particular. American exceptionalism has been joined to the Judeo-Christian tradition not as a traditional civil religion including Americans of all persuasions but as an exclusivist political religion, of which the Republican Party is the keeper of the flame. Far from embracing the ethos of e pluribus unum, this political religion demands obligatory and unconditional support, and condemns any perceived disrespect.

This article is a commentary on three unpublished letters from the “Valery Larbaud” Multimedia Library of Vichy. The letters, reported here in their entirety, were written to Valery Larbaud by Livia Veneziani, Italo Svevo’s widow. In these letters, Mrs. Veneziani asks the French writer to convince James Joyce to write a preface in English for a new edition of the novel Senilita. At the moment of Svevo’s death, Joyce had promised Livia his unconditional support in promoting her husband’s works; but in time, he seemed to have gone back on his word. Thus, Larbaud remains Livia’s only hope in contacting Joyce. Although the friendship between Svevo and Joyce is widely renowned and many studies frequently focus on how it started and grew, little is known about its evolution. It is a fact that Joyce, above all, was responsible for “discovering Svevo” and was one of his most devoted admirers. However, these letters provide a more complete view of their relationship: they prove the existence of some kind of tension between the two writers.

The study deals with the attitude of Russian liberals of the early 20th century to the Eastern question, which occupied a special place in international politics and whose aggravation became one of the factors leading to the World War I. Various political forces in Russia developed their own variants of its solution, realizing that the fate not only of the country, but of the whole world largely depended on the projects they proposed. The analysis of the liberals’ ambiguous perception of the Russian government’s actions in the Balkans, their attitude to the South Slavs, to the problem of the Black Sea Straits, and to the confrontation between the great powers united in alliances, i.e. all aspects of the Eastern question, will allow us to reconstruct and understand the liberals’ understanding of the connection between foreign policy and Russia’s internal development, national interests, and ideological values. Looking at the views of the liberals of the early 20th century on the Eastern question reveals not only the peculiarities of its perception by the ruling elite and representatives of the legal opposition, but also the roots of the growing alienation of the country’s elite from the people. It was this alienation, which intensified during the war years and manifested itself, among other things, in the different perceptions of the importance of the Eastern question by the authorities, the liberals, and the people, that led to the fall of the first liberal Provisional Government in the spring of 1917. As a result, the people tired of the war and unable to understand the meaning of Russia’s struggle for foreign lands, came to support the Bolsheviks, who exposed the “imperialist plans” of the Provisional Government and advocated peace without annexations and contributions. The paper touches upon the problem of the liberals’ attitude not only to the government’s foreign policy, but also to Russian statehood, the conceptual reasons for their transition from a restrained peace-loving position and the desire to prevent war to its unconditional support. The authors identify the ideological and foreign policy factors that influenced this liberal transit. The main attention is paid to the understanding of representatives of various liberal movements of the Eastern question, which, without exaggeration, took a central place not only in their foreign policy program, but also in the project of internal transformations, which envisaged the creation of Great Russia as a result of its solution. The study identifies and analyzes the innovations introduced by the liberals in the interpretation of the Eastern question under the influence not only of the changing international situation, political and economic modernization of Russia, which was becoming a “Duma monarchy,” but also of the development of the ideology itself; the peculiarities of its perception by representatives of various liberal currents in the country are examined.

The article analyzes the political motives of Ukrainian resistance to Russian invasion and aggression. First of all, it emphasizes the falsification of history by Russian propaganda, its use of history as a political instrument, the destruction of the traumatic memory of the recent imperial past and the glorification of the “glorious centuries-old” imperial history in modern Russia. This determines the difference in the structure of the historical memory of Russians and other former peoples of the empire, and the recent memory of the tragic imperial past is the leading factor in the choice of the Ukrainian and Moldovan peoples for their political destiny. The article also shows that this choice, as well as the desire for truth, freedom and rights, determines these peoples’ slow but sure progress toward democracy. These choices and aspirations are at the same time a determining factor in the ability of the Ukrainian people to resist Russian armed aggression. Instead, the so-called “civilizational” links between the former peoples of the empire, with which Russia tries to justify its aggression, are actually a cover for its desire for political dominance. The article also outlines the importance of Ukrainian resistance for European democracies, calling for their unconditional support. The war in Ukraine is a challenge for them, because no matter what problems democracies around the world are facing today, they will remain actors of their own history only if they provide support to all those who resist the destruction of the minimum of rights and freedoms that define democracy. Using Kant’s work «Perpetual Peace» as an example, the article also shows that the cessation of war for the sake of cessation of war, which is often called for today, will not contribute to the establishment of peace. It will leave grounds for the renewal of war, which the aggressor, if he will not change its political essence, will always be able to use it again.