Exploring Online Masculinity in the Indian Meme Culture: A Case of Video Doge Memes

Considering Meme-Based Non-Fungible Tokens’ Racial Implications

Feminist groups have contended that women are portrayed more often as the butt of humor on prime‐time television than are men, citing this as an example of sex discrimination. The present study was conducted to investigate the accuracy of this charge. Other aims of the study were to assess the frequency of sexual and hostile humor on television and to determine whether the Family Viewing Hour contains less hostile and sexual humorous content than other times. To fulfill these goals coders recorded and classified humorous incidents sampled from the prime‐time (8–11 p.m.) viewing hours on the three major commercial networks in October, 1977. The results indicated that in absolute terms males were more often the object of humorous disparagement than were females. However, males appeared more frequently in principal roles on television and thus were more available as targets of disparagement. When the frequency with which males and females appear was taken into account, males disparaged females significantly ...

For the majority of women, university represents a time of hopefulness and opportunities such that gendered incidences questioning their academic merit poses a serious setback. Sexist humor is one such incident which communicates a message that females are irrelevant and insignificant. This article discusses the nature and perceptions of sexist humor on University campuses. The views on how students on campus perceive sexist humor are crucial for understanding students’ response and offer a clear understanding of what justifies and normalizes sexist humor. The paper analyzes how the use of language can be connected to sexism and violence. Using a mixed methodology for data collection at Great Zimbabwe University, the paper attempts to link language, sexual violence, misogyny, and sexism as well as chronicle the overall pattern of exclusion and marginalization of women in higher education settings. The findings of the paper present evidence that the institutional and intellectual cultures of educational institutions are permeated with sexual and gender dynamics that have become embedded and naturalized in popular thought. Normalization of verbal harassment contributes to muting victimized women, thus perpetuating a culture in which violence against women becomes part of the social milieu. Thus, this study concludes that while one may consider higher education institutions in Africa as safer spaces for women, these are highly contested terrains as misogyny through sexist humor, among other hindrances, has created an obstacle for women’s equal participation in higher education.

Depression memes are a widespread phenomenon across all social media platforms. To get your hit of depression memes, you can go to any number of pages on Facebook, the subreddit “2me4meirl”, where the posts that are “too real” for more mainstream subreddits go, but nevertheless counting over one million subscribers or, on Instagram, and find innumerable accounts dedicated to “sad memes”, many with tens to hundreds of thousands of followers. In a recent study, depression memes were found to be responsible for 35 per cent of the content researchers analysed in the “#depressed” hashtag on Instagram (McCosker and Gerrard). As a subculture, it is one that has truly embraced the polyvocality of memes, allowing many voices to speak at once through their lack of fixed meaning (Milner). In depression memes, polyvocality allows the user to identify with any number of anxieties affectively represented by the memes without being authentically tied to them, under the guise of irony. Therefore, depression memes find themselves being used in a myriad of ways that do not refer to a stable structure of meaning. This allows me to problematise their roles as both masks and intimate texts within an ironic meme culture.Drawing on traditional readings of irony such as Wayne C. Booth but also contemporary approaches to authenticity, mask cultures and meme culture (de Zeeuw; Tuters), this article situates depression memes specifically within neoliberal regimes of feeling, manifested both in online practices of authenticity and the subject of value (Skeggs and Yuill) and in discourses of resilience and accountability surrounding mental health (Fullagar et al.; James; McCosker). It argues that an internet depression culture based on the principles of dissimulation serves both the purpose of protection from recuperation by dominant narratives but paradoxically creates an ambiguity that generates that risk. In this way, I speak to current anxieties surrounding memes, including ambiguity, irony, and identity formation.Internet Depression Culture Intrinsic to their nature as memes, depression memes can be found in a variety of spaces, formats and platforms. The ones below (Figure 1) circulate on mainstream social media platforms like Facebook and Instagram through accounts dedicated to “sadposting” or the sharing of mental illness memes. They refer to overwhelming feelings of anxiety, a lack of will to live and a desire to recover. In their recent study on hashtagging depression on Instagram, McCosker and Gerrard found memes to be responsible for a wide range of content in the “depressed” hashtag on the platform. They argue that the use of the hashtag “depressed” is primarily as a “memetic device, often with a sense of irreverence, subversiveness and pathos, but in an effort to use the connective power of the popular tag to gain attention and Likes” (McCosker & Gerrard 9). Intimacy and memes as identity performance are therefore intimately intertwined, espousing the memetic logic that there is “safety in relatability” (Ask and Abidin 844), which is dependent on “connecting to common anxieties in a pleasurable, noncompromising way” (Kanai 228).Figure 1. Depression Memes. Sources, from left to right. Top row: <https://www.instagram.com/p/Bl5p88Tg8Cw/>; <https://www.facebook.com/mentallythrillmemes/>; <https://twitter.com/animatedtext>. Bottom row: <https://lovenotlogic.tumblr.com/post/168640369069>; <https://disasterlesbian.com/post/158174792381>; <https://www.facebook.com/mentallythrillmemes>.Indeed, meme culture depends both on the notion that certain forms of content can be relied on to “gain attention and likes” and increase a user’s social capital, but can also be interpreted as intimate and private forms of expression. The popularity of depression memes is a testament to this principle, but at the heart of this culture is a usage of irony that remains ambiguous and undefined. Whether these texts can be found to reflect genuine feelings of relatability is complex, but ultimately irrelevant. As Burton remarks on the culture of Kek, “sociologically speaking”, the sharing of these memes still constitutes a cultural engagement. Therefore, what I refer to as internet depression culture must be understood not as an attitude of self-presentation, but an inter-affective network that relies on precarious and overwhelmingly ironic objects whose authenticities as intimate texts are dependent on volatile and unstable structures of meaning.Wayne C. Booth’s A Rhetoric of Irony tells us that for an expression to be understood as ironic, their meaning needs to be reconstructed by the reader and intended by the author. The reader must therefore draw from the cultural and historical context of the expression to reconstruct covert meaning that the author intended. The inferential process draws from the context of the expression to give meaning to irony. Online, the cultural context in which depression memes have risen to popularity is precisely that which gives them their reason for being. To understand this, we need to realise that, for the last decade, the symptoms that depression memes cultivate have been lying dormant under the tyranny of happiness era of social media (Freitas). I tie this notion to the doctrine of authenticity behind the identity imperative of social media platforms like Facebook (Van Dijck), and contrast it to the forms of subjectivisation anonymous or pseudonym-based cultures on platforms like 4chan embody. Within this dialectic, memes have arisen as the logic of the Internet, and irony as their social contract (Tuters; Burton). New forms of sociality that manifest within this culture are necessarily ambiguous and risk-filled ones, and need to be explored.From the Happiness Effect to a New Sensibility In The Happiness Effect, Donna Freitas investigated social media usage in young adults by surveying over 800 college students about the relationship between social media and their emotional well-being. Her results allowed her to coin the term “happiness effect”, when: “young people feel so pressured to post happy things on social media”. She writes: “most of what everyone sees on social media from their peers are happy things; as a result, they often feel inferior because they aren’t actually happy all of the time” (14). Feelings of inadequacy result when users interpret what other users post to be authentically felt, despite themselves feeling “pressured” to post a certain type of content, one they do not resonate with but fabricate for the purpose of posting. Indeed, the authenticity imperative behind identity-based social media is what defines our relationship to it.Identity-based platforms like Facebook rely on allowing the user to create an identity on their site, but demand from users that the platform be used for “‘expressing who they are’, implying that users do not “perform” their identity on Facebook; they are the selves they portray on Facebook” (Kant 34). As always, this must be situated within the commercial logic behind the seemingly “free” and “public” service the platform offers. Multiplicity and having “multiple identities” (van Dijck) does not cooperate with Facebook’s platform logic because it does not produce valuable legible data which conforms to “normative, regulatory and commercially viable frameworks” (Kant 35). As Skeggs and Yuill note, the contemporary neo-liberal imperative to perform and authorize one’s value in public is more likely to produce a curated persona rather than the “authentic” self demanded by Facebook (380). The happiness effect manifests this. Despite not being legitimate, an identity must be curated to fit in with the other performed personas on the platforms, which are taken as authentic.To many, the irony that makes depression memes such as those in Figure 1 work is in their subversion of the happiness effect and the authenticity imperative. The meaning to be reconstructed in a depression meme consists in peeling back the layer that demands from us to act as the best, happiest, version of ourselves online. Simply put, it unmasks the actual authentic self behind the curated one. Therefore, the self made visible by partaking, sharing or liking depression memes is not necessarily the best one, but, fundamentally, it is a more authentic one. Indeed, it seemed that, in the early phase of its life, users were enamoured with depression memes because it released them from the burden of identity management. What emerged in this phase of the depression memes movement was the perception of a new sensibility based on a more authentic intimacy than had ever been associated with memes. Press coverage of the topic continued to celebrate the emancipatory potential of depression memes, citing the movement as reflective of a new, more sentimental public made possible by the internet (Roffman).As has been argued before by McCosker, the forms of digital intimacy that render personalised distress visible are ones entrenched in visibility and authenticity, pillars of the face culture of Facebook. Comments on memes or reviews of depression meme pages continuously cited relatability and visibility as their reason for identification with the page. Users felt that these memes allowed them to be seen online, with their mental illness, and feel intimately connected to other viewers; “it feels good to know that other people go through the same thing as me” (Figure 2). Though it is a form of public performance, the intimacy generated here feels inherently private because it relies on unravelling certain structures of meaning. This is a skill that, users imply, can only be attained by having experienced the feelings evoked in the depression memes. In these comments, intimacy is a form of identity performance, and a discourse of accountability underpins one of authenticity. Irony, though present, is quickly reconstructed and explained away into more stable structures of

'I prayed you might not be a woman' ( LJ , p. 73) 'You can't drag in a woman' ( M , p. 109) What is the status and relevance of the word 'woman' in Forster's writing? The first quotation above is spoken by a man to the woman he disastrously marries in a novel that takes its title from Shelley's epithet for marriage but which is dedicated to brotherhood. The second is spoken, ironically enough, by a man opting for marriage and forsaking (platonic) love between men, to a sexually braver man, in a novel that openly explores homosexual relationships in a regime of compulsory heterosexuality. Is the word 'woman' functioning differently in each case? This chapter considers Forster's representations of women and, more broadly, the changing understanding of what such representation might involve. Most of Forster's novels and many of his short stories include strongly realised women protagonists or characters. George Watson finds Margaret Schlegel, for example, 'the most fully realised Englishwoman in the fiction of her century', while Rose Macaulay finds all Forster's women characters, old and young, 'alive with [. . .] imaginative actuality', and there is a rich and continuing seam of criticism exploring Forster's typology of women. Moreover, 'Forster and Women' may in some ways appear a limited if not obsolete topic, suggesting (1970s) vintage feminist criticism and ignoring its unspoken (and, for many, the now more relevant) topic of 'Forster and Men'. But the sense of obsolescence may not be due merely (and somewhat crudely) to the acknowledgement of biographical information concerning Forster's homosexuality.

Previous research has shown that exposure to sexist (vs. non-sexist) humor results in more tolerance of sexist discrimination (Ford & Fergusson, 2004). In the current research, three studies investigated the effects of exposure to sexist humor on men’s rape proclivity. In Study 1, male students were exposed to either sexist or non-sexist jokes. Males exposed to sexist jokes reported higher levels of rape proclivity in comparison to males exposed to non-sexist jokes. Study 2 was an online study in which we replicated Study 1, but also measured male participants’ levels of hostile and benevolent sexism. Study 3 was a replication of Study 2, in which we controlled for the sexual content of the jokes. Overall, the results of Study 2 and Study 3 indicated that men who scored high (vs. low) on hostile sexism reported higher levels of rape proclivity after exposure to sexist versus non-sexist jokes. No such effects were obtained for benevolent sexism.

The study of digital humour and meme culture as a complex phenomenon, given the growing consumption and popularity of memes, especially among digital technology speakers, coupled with the scarcity of scholarly attention and research on this topic in Iran, has become increasingly relevant. This article focuses on the complex interplay between memes, culture and technology. By analysing the integral role of humour in Iranian digital culture, the study aims to explore the nature and functions of Iranian meme culture. The analysis shows that Iranian digital humour and meme culture function as a platform for equal opportunities to laugh, challenge established cultural norms and question prevailing ideologies. The research methodology is based on the reproduction of gender conventions and power hierarchies in Iran through internet memes. The methods applied are: content analysis, distributive and comparative. The study also builds on Bakhtin's concept of "chronotope" in multimodal analysis of memes common among Iranian immigrants. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that it makes a valuable contribution to the field of journalism and media studies, highlighting the importance of understanding the role of humour and memes in shaping public perception and navigating complex ideological landscapes, as well as the ways in which memes can be used to disrupt or alter these dynamics. The results of the analysis of Iranian digital humour and memes show that meme culture functions as a means to combat inequalities in power and status. In addition, the study demonstrated the Iranian population's reinterpretation of the immigrant experience, thereby reaffirming and refining their hybrid identity as transnational Iranians. This process unfolds through the recreation of different spatio-temporal configurations within the meme.

As a major branch of network buzzwords, "meme culture" refers to the cultural phenomenon that the majority of netizen groups in the network field repeatedly quote and use events that are commonly agreed upon and have a certain special meaning, so as to achieve the expected funny effect and cause certain social resonance. In the era of media convergence, the endless emergence of network buzzwords and "meme culture" social phenomenon is overwhelming, these secondary language expression has gradually integrated into the three-dimensional real life, the language and writing expression ability of modern people is being reshaped, so these network meme culture has become the cultural sign of the times. Therefore, this paper tries to analyze the rise and development of network terrier culture under the context of media integration, as well as the reasons for the emergence of the social phenomenon of network meme culture, its social impacts and social mentality, etc. The aim is to help people better deal with this linguistic phenomenon in their lives, to treat it rationally and to guide it with goodwill, to realize the benign development of network meme culture, and to put forward effective suggestions in line with the requirements of the development of the times.

Previous empirical investigations have shown that an individuals approach to sexual activity and fantasy is related to the level of sexual desire. The appreciation of humor with sexual or aggressive content can be influenced by a state of sexual or aggression arousal which can then be influenced by enjoying those forms of humor. This study examined the effects of presenting humor with either sexual, aggressive or neutral content to angered and non-angered males (N=180) and females (N=180) who were differentiated for their level of sexual desire. High sexual desire subjects showed greatest enjoyment of sexual humor, but males showed the highest levels of appreciating aggressive humor. The high sexual desire subjects were able to diminish their anger through appreciation of either sexual or aggressive humor content.

Famous on the Internet: The Spectrum of Internet Memes and the Legal Challenge of Evolving Methods of Communication

The objective of this research is to examine the objectification of women in the sexist humor prevalent in Ludruk, a traditional art performance. The illusion of femininity is constructed through male performer’s use of women’s clothing, make-up, dancing movements, and vocal expressions that imitate those of a woman. The female image, as attached to the male body, becomes a tool for objectifying women through humor. This study employs a critical ethnographic approach, using data collected from observations, interviews, and the analysis of artifacts. The research findings indicate that the marginalization of female actors provides male actors greater freedom to create sexist humor. The imitation of women by male performers disguises the objectification of the female body, as the audience perceives it as targeting male bodies rather than women themselves. Sexist humor is normalized and preserved through this cultural product, with both performers and audiences often unaware of their role in perpetuating the objectification of women. The presence of male performers portraying women character is analyzed through the lens of the male gaze and audience gaze.

For cultural expression, identity preservation, and the generational transfer of age-old knowledge, indigenous storytelling is an essential means in India. The representation of women in Indian Indigenous stories is a profound and intricate subject that delves into the interplay of culture, identity, and history. Through oral traditions, myths, folktales, and contemporary narratives, these stories provide invaluable insights into the roles, perceptions, and experiences of women across diverse Indigenous communities in India. This exploration highlights not only the resilience and strength of women but also challenges dominant narratives shaped by colonial and patriarchal influences. This study also examines mythology and oral tradition that are integral to Indian culture, shaping its values, social structures, and historical consciousness. Indigenous storytelling reflects the roles and status of women, portraying them as goddesses, warriors, nurturers, and rebels. This paper explores the representation of women in Indian folklore, analysing their significance, spiritual authority, and societal implications, with a focus on figures like Draupadi, Sita, Mangal Chandi, and Hinglaj. It also examines how reinterpretation of these narratives impacts contemporary gender perspectives. The representation of women in Indian Indigenous stories is a testament to the resilience, strength, and complexity of Indigenous cultures. These narratives, rich in myth and memory, celebrate the diverse roles of women, challenge patriarchal and colonial stereotypes, and preserve vital cultural knowledge. As Indigenous communities continue to confront modern challenges, the stories of women play a crucial role in shaping identities and fostering a sense of belonging. By amplifying these voices and recognizing their significance, we contribute to a deeper understanding of the past, present, and future of Indigenous peoples in India. In essence, Indian Indigenous stories are more than mere tales; they are living embodiments of culture, identity, and resistance that resonate across generations, serving as powerful reminders of the integral role women play in the tapestry of life and society.

The media landscape in urban India has changed so rapidly in the past 10 years that it is not easy to consider the ways in which these changes interact with people's lives and beliefs. Apocalyptic pronouncements about the ways in which MTV‐style television, films and the Internet are destroying ‘genuine’ Indian culture by promoting western sexual values abound in journalistic and political circles. But what are the realities of young people's encounters with media in a thriving Indian metropolis? How do they make sense of all the vastly different images of sexuality embodied in community/religious edicts and modern media? And how are their interpretations of all these supposed ‘messages’ played out in their everyday lives? Emerging from a three‐year study of youth audiences of Hindi films in London and Bombay, this article explores the ways in which young people's sexual attitudes, values and behaviours are inflected by encounters with films, television and the Internet. By focusing on understandings of sex and love within the context of statements about community norms, sex education and personal sexual practices, this article also engages with ideas and myths about representations of women that have dominated recent debates on sex, censorship and the media in India.

Many researchers in the fields of law, sociology and psychology have already identified how sexist humor is connected with improper sexist behavior, leading to tolerance towards sexual misconduct and the exclusion of (mostly) women from the working community, among other results. However, scholars have yet to address the problematic nature of non-sexist sexual humor, which could potentially constitute sexual harassment. This paper seeks to address this gap in the scholarship by creating a distinction between two forms of humor-based sexual harassment. The first and the more familiar type is sexual harassment using sexist humor. The second type, which has been unaddressed to date, is sexual harassment using non-sexist sexual humor. Using a pragmatic-linguistic analysis of sexual humorous expressions, this paper argues that in some cases the use of even non-sexist sexual humor could be considered an inappropriate sexual advance, or a form of quid pro quo sexual harassment in the work place.

Elizabeth Bowen's novels are not often seen as ‘modernist'; however, like other novelists of the thirties, her work in this period can be seen as both heavily influenced by, and also reacting against, modernist writing, particularly in her case that of Virginia Woolf. The article focusses on To the North and The Death of the Heart, and discusses ways in which these novels use modernist and realist modes, sometimes in opposition, in order to represent the problematic nature of reality and the self for their women characters. It traces links between these novels’ representations of women, the dissatisfaction of modernist writers with the realist tradition, and the ambivalent attitude to modernism felt by many 1930s’ writers. It argues that Elizabeth Bowen's novels of the 1930s are engaged in a critique of both realist and modernist modes, and of the gendered assumptions of each tradition.