Experience of Cyberbullying in Social Media among Polish Muslim Women

Attending to Difference in Indigenous People's Experiences of Cyberbullying: Toward a Research Agenda

Introduction HPV vaccination and regular cervical cancer screening are crucial in reducing cervical cancer morbidity and mortality. The Muslim population is a growing and understudied minority group in the US presenting with higher rates of a late-stage cervical cancer diagnosis than non-Muslims. Studies showed specific factors impacting Muslim women's beliefs and practices related to cervical cancer prevention. This study explored multi-contextual factors, including religious, behavioral, and sociocultural elements that may influence Muslim women's decisions regarding cervical cancer prevention in Virginia, USA compared to in Egypt. Methods The project recruited 20 American women (Muslim and non-Muslim) for in-depth interviews. The interviews followed a detailed guideline, asking questions about knowledge, attitude, and behavior related to HPV vaccination and cervical cancer screening. The qualitative data were analyzed using the Strauss and Corbin variation of the Grounded Theory using an iterative coding process to extract concepts and causal relations between them in the interviews. The study was approved by the Institutional Review Boards of Virginia Commonwealth University. Results The Muslim and non-Muslim cohorts showed different results. Most participants (Muslim and non-Muslim) had information about cervical cancer but not prevention methods such as the HPV vaccine. None of the single Muslim women visited a gynecologist due to modesty (Virginity), while all married women had at least one gynecologist visit. Most non-Muslim single cohorts are visiting the Primary Care Physicians regularly but not gynecologists. Female physicians were a preference for all women, the non-Muslim women were more open to male providers if there are no other options. Religious misconceptions about the risk factors of cervical cancers were common in the Muslim women cohort (e.g., cancer is a punishment from God). All participants in both cohorts agreed that vaccination generally was useful and effective, but they did not know about the HPV vaccine. None of the participants (Muslim and non-Muslim) were vaccinated against HPV. A language barrier was observed among Muslim women’s experiences in the US, even though all participants spoke English fluently. Discussion Both populations need education related to HPV prevention even those who graduated from American high school. Muslim women interfacing the health system complexity every day while they are visiting any clinic, thus creating a gap that growing up with the next generations would lead to health disparities. The next steps in this project include the implementation of community-based education programs. Our results also showed that the US healthcare providers have very little cultural competency related to the needs of Muslim women. Citation Format: Asmaa Namoos, Maryam Abdelkarim, NourEldin Abosumak, Dina Ramadan, Rana Ramadan, Venessa B. Sheppard, Tamas Gal. Cervical cancer prevention hesitancy comparison between Muslim and Non-Muslim American women: Qualitative study [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 15th AACR Conference on the Science of Cancer Health Disparities in Racial/Ethnic Minorities and the Medically Underserved; 2022 Sep 16-19; Philadelphia, PA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Epidemiol Biomarkers Prev 2022;31(1 Suppl):Abstract nr B058.

The growing use of the internet, especially in urban centres, has made social media the contemporary discursive battleground for Muslims to dispute their cultural and political subjectivities. Muslim womanhood, particularly, has always been a concept under constant scrutiny. Previously, narratives about the ideal Muslim women were dominated by male preachers in mosques and public seminars. Nonetheless, social media has given Muslim women a platform to express what their cultural identity entails, the problems they experience, and their aspirations. This paper analyses the cyberspace activism strategy used by so-called controversial Muslim women group to express their political subjectivity within the Muslims community. This paper focuses on the Instagram account of Cadar Garis Lucu, a self-proclaimed feminist niqabi (face-veiled) community. Content analysis of Cadar Garis Lucu’s Instagram posts and in-depth interviews with its members revealed their three discursive strategies: emphasising authenticity – that their choice of face veiling is their own choice; appealing to moderate Indonesian Muslims’ interpretations of religion as an expression of love and plurality; and utilising collaborations with other similarly moderate religious social media accounts, to further justify face-veiled as a part of moderate Islam in Indonesia.

Social media and empowerment in hospitality and tourism decision-making: A study among UK Muslim women

Orientalist discourses have largely shaped how Muslim women have come to be represented in western visual media as oppressed, subjugated or foreign. However, with the advent of social media platforms, Muslim women are utilizing social media spaces to rearticulate the controlling images promulgated through orientalist narratives. This article examines the complex relationship visual media shares with Muslim women and demonstrates that the lens of orientalism continues to structure the imaginaries that shape visual representations of Muslim women in art, news and film. This article addresses how visual platforms and social media spaces such as YouTube are being utilized by Muslim women to undertake digital activism that seeks to subvert essentialist narratives. At the centre of this discussion is YouTuber Dina Tokio’s (2017) documentary, titled ‘#YourAverageMuslim’, which tackles western preconceived notions, and instead offers a redefined version of the ‘Muslim woman’ predicated on resisting three narratives: (1) Muslim-Woman-As-Oppressed, (2) Muslim-Woman-As-Subjugated and (3) Muslim-Woman-As-Foreign-Other. This documentary clearly demonstrates how Muslim women are using social media platforms in specific ways to shape the discourses around Muslim women. In doing so they are demonstrating their agentic capabilities, taking control of their representations, and speaking for themselves instead of being spoken for by others.

The rise of pious lifestyle among the middle class in Indonesia has emerged various expressions of pious identity. City areas with modern and dynamic lifestyles are now the contestation for urban identities. Middle class and urban living Muslim in Indonesia are the most active agent of representation in both production and consumption of culture and cultural products, such as fashion, and consequently become the trend setter for national and international Muslim living. By putting the focus on Muslim women in Hijabers Community, one of the most popular Muslim women organization in social media, I discuss the identity negotiation of Muslim women that is shaped and represented in Ria Miranda fashion brand. Ria Miranda, made by one of Hijabers Community founders, has been part of the community since its beginning in 2011. Ethnography study and in-depth interviews with Hijabers Community, Ria Miranda brand, and the consumers were conducted in Hijab Day events created by Hijabers Community from 2016 to 2019. Qualitative data were gathered and analyzed. In the result, I argue that Indonesia middle class urban Muslim women’s identity is continuously in flux and negotiated in between the urban identity of becoming trendy, individualistic, and modern, and the pious Islamic identity of modest, communal accepted, and pious.

Islam, the only world accepted revealed religion in the side of Allah (SWT), deals with the entire gamut of human being, social media inclusive. For the consistency of human culture and society, sharia is not silent on the concept, idea, characteristics, significance etc. of social media and it provides detail principles, directions and guidelines for social media approach among its followers. Several verses in the Qur’an, prophetic traditions as well as juristic verdicts abound to these references. However, despite these divine regulations many Muslim men and women nowadays abuse the use of social media platforms in many ways particularly in the area of pornography; all in the name of sex-education and civilization which is alien to the ideal practices in Islam. This unfortunate development requires urgent attention and right approach from Islamic scholars, the Ulamah, Muslim organizations and groups through women empowerment particularly Muslim women faith-based organizations. Muslim women faith-based organizations is a manifestation of Islamic resurgence in this century. It is formed not only for the purposes of Islamic propagation along, but also to fulfill a vision and serve a mission of reo-orientation, revitalization, rehabilitation and re-instatement of Islamic values and cultures in the mind and attitudes of Muslim women and Muslim society at large. This paper therefore analyzes the concept of social media in Islam, its categories, its significance, position in sharia as well as the challenges it’s posed to the Muslim society. On the other hand, the paper examines women empowerment as panacea to social media challenges through Muslim Women faith based organizations. The method of data collection involves the use of primary and secondary sources data.

Government Surveillance and Counter-Surveillance on Social and Mobile Media: The Case of Iran (2009)

Background: Numerous studies have highlighted the link between excessive social media use and negative mental health outcomes. Purpose: to identify the impact of use of social media among adolescents’ studying in secondary schools of Kathmandu. Methods: Cross sectional study design was used to identify the impact of use of social media among adolescents’ studying in three secondary schools of Kathmandu. Students of aged 13 to 17 studying in class 8, 9 and 10 who consented to participated and available during time of data collection were selected purposively with the sample size of 327. Self-administered questionnaire developed on extensive literature reviewed consisting of socio-demographic information and social media use information in part one, impact of social media usage on mental health outcome in part two and also part three consisted of standard tool of Generalized Anxiety Disorder-7 (GAD-7). Ethical clearance was obtained from Institutional Review Committee (IRC), YHSA (2079-080-281). Frequency, percentage, mean and standard deviation were calculated for descriptive statistics as well as the Chi-square test was used for inferential statistical analysis of data using SPSS version 26.0. Findings: Among 327 respondents participated, more than half were between 13-15 years with almost same percentage of male and female. Participants (43.4%) favour Facebook and 49.5% begin using social media at ages 9-12 years. More than half of the respondents (52.3%) use social media for 1-3 hours, while 34.6% use it for more than 4-6 hours. This study resulted half of the respondents (50.8%) had minimal anxiety, while 30.6% were experiencing mild anxiety. There has a significant relationship between the duration of social media use and sleep alteration, disruption of morning activities, change in behaviour, distraction in work or study, portrayer in certain image and anxiety among secondary level students in Kathmandu at p-value <0.05. Research Limitation/Practical Implication: These findings underscore the urgent need for targeted interventions aimed at mitigating the negative impacts of excessive social media usage on adolescent mental health. Originality/Value: This study explore the association between social media use and its impact in mental health aspects which includes alteration in sleeping patterns, disruption in regular morning activities, distraction in work or study, change in behavior, media portray of image, experience of cyber bullying and anxiety in Nepali secondary level students.

This research investigates how Muslim women perform at Bajawa Cafe, influenced by the construction of Islamic teachings and gender roles. The study aims to illustrate how Muslim women are shaped by societal production and regulation, employing qualitative methods through ethnographic and netnographic approaches. It examines the interplay of Islamic teachings and gender norms to analyze the construction of Muslim women's identities within the context of Bajawa Cafe. Data was collected through observations of Hijabi Muslim women's performances at Bajawa Cafe in Kemang, in-depth interviews, data visualizations, and social media analysis. The findings reveal that these women, through activities such as halal parties, challenge the traditional Islamic teachings and gender expectations imposed on them. Bajawa Cafe serves as a space where they navigate and negotiate these societal constructs. The results suggest that Muslim women at Bajawa Cafe resist the societal and religious constraints shaped by Islamic teachings and gender roles. Their performances reflect an ongoing process of negotiation, demonstrating agency in redefining their identities. In conclusion, Bajawa Cafe has emerged as a significant space for Muslim women to express and reconcile their interpretations of Islamic teachings and gender norms.

Islamophobia reached new heights during the 2016 United States presidential election. We applied the theory of intersectionality to 15 in-depth focus group interviews conducted in gender-separated groups with 61 Muslim participants (41 women, 20 men) in South East Michigan between October 2016 and April 2017 to understand the role of gender in their responses regarding Islamophobia during the 2016 United States presidential election and Trump's first hundred days in office as president. Both, Muslim women and Muslim men, labored to educate others about Islam online, but Muslim women emphasized their efforts to act as exemplars online of what it means to be Muslim in America more frequently and more strongly than men. Muslim women and men often used ignoring and contextualization as coping mechanisms as the number of Islamophobic messages online was perceived as overwhelming. The high amount and ubiquity of Islamophobic messages online has lead to a sense of futility and high levels of stress among young Muslims in South East Michigan, particularly for Muslim women.

Background Social media are frequently used by consumers and healthcare professionals. However, it is not clear how pharmacists use social media as part of their daily professional practice. Objective This study investigated the role social media play in pharmacy practice, particularly in patient care and how pharmacists interact online with patients and laypeople. Setting Face-to-face, telephone, or Skype interviews with practising pharmacists (n=31) from nine countries. Method In-depth semi-structured interviews; audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim, and thematically analysed. Main outcome measure Two themes related to the use of social media for patient care: social media and pharmacy practice, and pharmacists' online interactions with customers and the public. Results Most participants were community pharmacists. They did not provide individualized services to consumers via social media, despite most of them working in a pharmacy with a Facebook page. No participant "friended" consumers on Facebook as it was perceived to blur the boundary between professional and personal relationships. However, they occasionally provided advice and general health information on social media to friends and followers, and more commonly corrected misleading health information spread on Facebook. Short YouTube videos were used to support patient counselling in community pharmacy. Conclusions Participants recognized the potential social media has for health. However, its use to support patient care and deliver pharmacy services was very incipient. Pharmacists as medicine experts are well equipped to contribute to improvements in social media medicines-related information, learn from consumers' online activities, and design new ways of delivering care to communities and individuals.

This research aims to uncover the meaning of modern Muslimah identity, which is constructed by micro-celebrities through their accounts on social media such as Instagram. In addition, it also explores the motives that underlie a person to become a celebrity on Instagram. Using a phenomenological approach, data was collected through in-depth interviews with five informants, in addition to literature review and observation. The results revealed that the meaning of Muslimah identity is constructed by Instagram celebrities in three categories, namely: (1) The assertion of the definition of Muslimah is a Muslim woman who follows Islamic law, uses clothing as a cover for the aurat in accordance with Islamic law, the uploaded content displays positive content and does not expose the aurat, and in terms of endorsement, selecting the products received so as not to deviate from Islamic teachings becomes a necessity. (2) The motives of Muslimah celebgrams are divided into two, namely the motive of using Muslimah symbols and the motive of becoming a Muslimah celebgram on Instagram. In using Muslim symbols in the form of hijab, the motive is divided into two, namely the motive of cause and the motive of purpose. (3) Cause motives consists of fulfilling obligations as a Muslimah, encouragement from the family, and encouragement from the environment. The purpose motive consists of fulfilling religious obligations, protecting oneself, breaking the bad stigma against Muslim women, inspiring others, and improving oneself.

I have maintained a coherent journal of my daily thoughts ever since I was eleven. Before that, there was the notorious that was never as much a secret as it was a source of entertainment for my elders. The diary dealt with what Anais Nin called the present. It involved gathering my immediate thoughts about lived experiences, which revealed the power of reaction that remained in a little girl's sensibilities instead of verbose critical perception. Writing had not been a conversation until I began blogging. There was little to no concern for visibility until, in my late teens, I used social media. After that, writing became hypervisible and often took the form of a clash of opinions between me and my readers. Depending on the context of the posts, it was a curse or a blessing, but more than that, it was a constant dialogue.By the time I was in my late teens and had moved to the bustling heart of Lahore from a rather small city, I began blogging with no specific purpose in my mind; for me, it was simply to store my thoughts. After several posts, I gained popularity among the Pakistani blogging world for a post that humorously described the sociocultural meanings behind the certain ways Pakistani women don the dupatta. Several journalists found it hilarious and my blog was listed as one of the top blogs in Guernica magazine's A Year in Digital Discoveries in 2010 (Khan 2010), in which the categories were gender, Asia, and Islam.My history of slowly amassing thousands of readers and followers on social media is imperative for me to mention so that the chronology of my political blogging and the change of tone in my online presence becomes evident. After I established my voice as a Pakistani blogger, a political real- ity surfaced and became uncomfortably obvious: nonwhite voices, particularly Muslim and female, were treated and received as anthropological projects but rarely as sources of personal musings, in comparison to the kind of treatment white female bloggers received. There was always, and sadly perhaps always will be, a certain kind of Orientalist fascination that brown Muslim bloggers invoked in their global audiences. There was no escaping it.In addition to the veils-and-harems image seeming to be evoked every single time a Muslim woman, such as myself, blogged, the deep hostility that many Western neoconservatives and even liberals held for Muslim women and their online presence was a source of constant harassment and undeserved animosity. Added to that bitter concoction was the presence of sexist bloggers-the majority of whom are male-who used all sorts of narratives to shut Muslim women bloggers down. In several unfortunate cases of harassment, Muslim women chose to give up their social media presence; but the support they received from their readers showed that they had garnered a network of solidarity and unity-regardless of the profiles of their readers.For marginalized voices in social media spaces, solidarity becomes essential. With the increasingly dense and confusing landscape of communication spreading throughout the world, various political-activist groups are attempting to gain more access to information as well as more opportunities to engage in public speech. The power of social media, in this context, lies primarily in its support for civil society and social justice. It is through the tools of social media that a group of bloggers, including myself, coordinated our political voices and demands. The diversity of our network was undeniable and politically significant; Arab, South Asian, and African American bloggers and others coordinated their voices and highlighted political and social issues before their own audiences. Regardless of the outcome (or lack of it), these networks still exist and continue to raise voices for each other on a plethora of issues. One can describe this as transnational solidarity in online spaces.Before further elaborating on the necessity of the counternarratives generated by solidarity in social media, I would like share the work our group of bloggers and activists rendered online on several issues. …

A quick Google search for the keywords Muslim women travel will lead to myriad travel stories online. Undoubtedly, an increasing number of Muslim women are travelling beyond borders, breaking bigotry and gender bias. In light of the dynamic changes in the travel landscape, this study seeks to unveil the voices of Asian Muslim women. It offers an alternative viewpoint as most available discourses propose interpretations of Muslim women by focusing on travel experiences of the Arab Muslim woman. Based on in-depth interviews with 10 Asian Muslim women travellers aged between 22 and 37 years old from four different countries (Bangladesh, Indonesia, Philippines and Malaysia), the findings were explored and explained from three dimensions of empowerment proposed by Kabeer namely resources, agency and achievements. Research findings show that Muslim women in Asia are travelling without abandoning their cultural or religious beliefs. The proliferation of Muslim women travellers contests the view that gendered interpretations of religious texts promote patriarchal orientation in Muslim community that suppresses women leisure. In a way, this paper challenges the continuous misconceptions about Islam and travel among Muslim women. These women learn to unlearn patriarchy by seeking answers in the right places while they learn more about their self, religion and the world.