Expanding black reparations with human and social capital investments

Historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs) are playing a critical role today in helping America overcome a looming shortage of scientists and engineers who are vital to the nation's future economic growth and competitiveness. Despite meager funding and a lack of public recognition, these educational institutions are producing a large share of the nation's African American graduates in the fields of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM).

Introduction Historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs) were established during the segregation period of U.S. history in response to the demand for education by Blacks who did not have access to White educational institutions. As a group, Blacks share a common historical experience of segregation that was characterized by relatively limited educational resources to meet the demand of the black population for higher education. Currently there are 103 HBCUs (53 private and 50 public institutions), representing approximately 3% of the total U.S. institutions of higher education and about 2% of the total U.S. college enrollment (National Center for Education Statistics, 1996). Collectively, these institutions have also been undergoing, over the past three decades, a declining share of black high graduates' enrollment in higher educational institutions. Despite federal desegregation policies, such a relative decline has not been compensated by a corresponding increase in HBCUs' relative share of the total population of non-Black high school graduates' enrollment in higher education. Although most HBCUs experienced enrollment growth during the periods of educational expansion in the U.S., overall their share of national enrollment has declined because of two factors: the increase in community colleges and the Adams court decisions desegregating higher education in the south (Hauptman & Smith, 1994). Table 1 shows that the total enrollment in HBCUs expanded by about 18.69% from 222,613 students in 1976 to 273,472 in 1998. Despite the modest increase in the number of non-Black students attending HBCUs, the level of diversity in terms of race and ethnicity has remained almost unchanged. Hence, Black students have consistently represented about 81% of the total annual enrollment at HBCUs during that period. Table 2 indicates that the total U.S. enrollment of Blacks 14 to 34 years of age in postsecondary educational institutional institutions increased significantly by 66% from 996,000 in 1980 to 1,640,000 in 1998. Consequently, the total Black enrollment in all colleges and universities rose from 9.78% in 1980 to 12.75% in 1998. However, as a group, HBCUs' relative share of the total Black enrollment in higher educational institutions declined from 18.18% in 1980 to 13.70% in 1998. In contrast, Black students' enrollment in other institutions of higher education, as a percentage of the total Black enrollment in the U.S., rose from 80.82% in 1980 to 86.3% in 1998. While Black students' enrollment in other colleges and universities rose by 76% from 805,011 in 1980 to 1,415,255 students in 1998, the enrollment of non-Black students in HBCUs rose only by 16.82% (from 42,568 to 49,727) during the same period. Several factors may have contributed to the decline of HBCUs' relative share of total Black student enrollment in postsecondary educational institutions, and there is no empirical evidence about their effects in the literature. The survival and growth of many HBCUs depend on their ability to maintain or improve their relative share of Black students, who traditionally represented their major source of enrollment. The purpose of this paper is to provide an empirical analysis of the determinants of Black student enrollment in HBCUs. Such information may be useful for policy decisions. An overview of the factors influencing Black enrollment in higher education and a description of the methodological framework as well as the data used in this study are provided in the next section. Methodology and Data Collection The Determinants of Enrollment Demand The literature provides a large body of information on the various factors that have been influencing the demand for higher education by Black high school graduates in the U. S. Demographic trends affect the demand for higher education as well as the supply of high school graduates who attend the various postsecondary institutions. …

Reviewed by: How Black Colleges Empower Black Students: Lessons for Higher Education Bonita M. Vinson How Black Colleges Empower Black Students: Lessons for Higher Education Frank W. Hale, Jr. (Ed.) Sterling, SC: Stylus, 2006, 288 pages, $24.95 (softcover) Do historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) provide a different experience for Black students? If so, how does the Black student experience at HBCUs differ from the Black student experience at traditionally White institutions (TWIs) and what can be learned? Frank Hale, Jr. utilized the expertise of 25 authors to provide the framework to answer these questions. This collection of thought-provoking essays was written by higher educators—most of whom have lived the HBCU experience as a student and/or administrator or have observed their power from afar. The compilation of writers was an impressive list (mostly PhDs) with an exceptional number of years in higher education, thus experts in their respective disciplines. They bestowed an understanding of the historical impact, function, and contributions of HBCUs to the U.S. The first foreword, written by Karen Holbrook, provided the foundation in support of the need for HBCUs given gross inequities in education historically. Frank Hale, Jr., in his foreword attempted to silence naysayers of the value of the HBCU experience that the chapters to follow would demonstrate how the HBCU experience has and continues to be a source of empowerment for Black students across the U.S. In Hale's "Introduction", he shared his own HBCU experience, provided a brief historical look at how HBCUs began, why Blacks matriculated in those institutions, and whether or not HBCUs should remain a part of American higher education. In chapter 1, Samuel DuBois Cook [End Page 362] cleverly outlined the history of HBCUs' journeys through the transformation of the Old South to the New South. He was quick to highlight the contributions of these institutions to U.S. society through their leaders, but was careful to not leave out important historical facts, people, and events that easily remind readers of the struggles that HBCUs have had to endure. In chapter 2, Frank L. Matthews and B. Denise Hawkins addressed the impact many HBCUs continue to have on the Black community amid mounting fiscal woes, declining enrollments of top students, and weakening leadership. In chapter 3, Lawrence A. Davis, Jr. outlined positive characteristics of the HBCU experience that have contributed to their success as unique institutions. He used the University of Arkansas at Pine Bluff as a model for leadership development, access to quality higher education, the preservation of culture, and other important roles. In chapter 4, Elaine Johnson Copeland's essay supported the notion that HBCUs graduate a disproportionately higher percentage of African American students than other institutions (Jackson, 2001). Copeland praised HBCUs for their success in casting a wide net, cultivating more Black students, contributing to Black students self confidence and competence, and aiding with financial and cultural barriers. In chapter 5, Stanley F. Battle, Pamela G. Arrington, Ron L. Collins, Sr., Marcella A. Copes, and Frances C. Gordon showcased Coppin State University (CSU) as a retention and graduation model that cultivates and grows its students. CSU's comprehensive focus on retention, a campus-wide initiative, involves every employee including the president. The Nursing, McNair, and Honors programs are used as examples of success. Charles V. Willie, in chapter 6, argued for the importance of mentorship programs at HBCUs. He cited his own and others' experiences as mentorees as well as noted successful university-based programs. In chapter 7, Talbert O. Shaw attributes the individual character development of Black graduates for the continued success of HBCUs. Chapter 8, written by Quiester Craig, identified and explained the most influential factors for Black student success in higher education as family, preparation, motivation, mentors, and institutional environment. He posited HBCUs have been leaders in nurturing these components for many years, but also insisted that Black students take ownership in their own destiny. In chapter 9, James G. Wingate examined the influence the HBCU experience had on Black graduates, positing that they display enhanced self-concept which influenced positive behavior, thus making them more successful. For these reasons, he argued, HBCUs will remain a necessity in...

The Black College Mystique, by Charles V. Willie, Richard J. Reddick, and Ronald Brown. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006. 160 pp. Cloth $60.00, ISBN 0-7425-4616-0; Paper $19.95, ISBN 0-7425-4617. The cohort of institutions federally designated as historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) represents a unique collegiate context in the corporate system called American higher education. Institutions founded prior to 1964 for the purpose of providing collegiate education to African Americans, HBCUs have a unique educational history compared to other postsecondary institutions in the United States. There are 103 public, private, four-year, and two-year HBCUs. In addition to those 103 HBCUs, there are approximately 50 predominantly Black institutions--institutions that have greater than 50% Black student enrollment, that were not founded primarily for the education of African American students, and that may or may not have been founded prior to 1964. HBCUs remain an indispensable part of the national higher education landscape. Despite all of the positive evidence relating to their successes and achievements, negative misconceptions and erroneous information continue to affect the image of HBCUs (Brown, Ricard, & Donahoo, 2004). In the introduction to a special issue of The Review of Higher Education focusing on empirical research on HBCUs, Brown and Freeman (2002) issued a clarion call for higher education researchers to document, describe, and detail these unique institutions. They stated, Historically colleges evince objectives, populations, philosophies, and environments which are worthy of scholarly investigation (p. 240). This call resulted in a number of book-length projects on the topic, each referring to Brown and Freeman's introduction: Brown and Freeman (2004), Ashley and Williams (2004), Samuels (2004), and now Willie, Reddick, and Brown (2006). The latter of these is the focus of this review. The Black College Mystique is somewhat authored by the father of Black college research, Charles Willie, and two of his students--Richard J. Reddick and Ronald Brown. Actually, three of the seven chapters are reprinted from seminal articles published by Willie in the 1970s. The volume hews back to many of the classic ideas offered about HBCUs during the last century. However, the book offers few new citations to publications on what we know about HBCUs as a result of the last decade of empirical research by scholars like Walter Allen, M. Christopher Brown, James Earl Davis, Len Foster, Kassie Freeman, Sharon Fries-Britt, Marybeth Gasman, Barbara Johnson, Charles Outcalt, and Albert Samuels. The Black College Mystique does not join the recent cavalcade of scholarship responding to the call to expand the extant research base on HBCUs. In fact, the book never defines the black college mystique, leaving the reader to wonder what it is, how it is relevant, or why the project was given this name. According to the preface, the volume has two overall findings: (1) HBCUs are essential to the national system of higher education, and (2) the mentoring of students by HBCU faculty is significantly greater than in all other institutions. It is extremely difficult to link either of the two findings to the research and/or logic offered in the volume. It is as if the findings were drafted before the volume was ever written. Despite its absence in The Black College Mystique, there is evidence of the essential role that Black colleges play on the postsecondary landscape, albeit not for the reasons Willie, Reddick, and Brown suggest related to racial homogeneity and heterogeneity. Recent literature speaks to the role of HBCUs in providing access and opportunity that could not otherwise be afforded to many African American, low-income, or undereducated students, as well as to other racial minorities (Brown, 1999; Brown & Davis, 2001; Wenglinsky, 1996, 1997). Despite common parlance that HBCUs are culturally more congenial living and learning communities, there is no empirical data on the role of HBCU faculty as superior mentors when controlling for institutional size (Brown, 1998). …

Reviewed by: The Black College Mystique M. Christopher Brown II The Black College Mystique, by Charles V. Willie, Richard J. Reddick, and Ronald Brown. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006. 160 pp. Cloth $60.00, ISBN 0-7425-4616-0; Paper $19.95, ISBN 0-7425-4617. The cohort of institutions federally designated as historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) represents a unique collegiate context in the corporate system called American higher education. Institutions founded prior to 1964 for the purpose of providing collegiate education to African Americans, HBCUs have a unique educational history compared to other postsecondary institutions in the United States. There are 103 public, private, four-year, and two-year [End Page 604] HBCUs. In addition to those 103 HBCUs, there are approximately 50 predominantly Black institutions—institutions that have greater than 50% Black student enrollment, that were not founded primarily for the education of African American students, and that may or may not have been founded prior to 1964. HBCUs remain an indispensable part of the national higher education landscape. Despite all of the positive evidence relating to their successes and achievements, negative misconceptions and erroneous information continue to affect the image of HBCUs (Brown, Ricard, & Donahoo, 2004). In the introduction to a special issue of The Review of Higher Education focusing on empirical research on HBCUs, Brown and Freeman (2002) issued a clarion call for higher education researchers to document, describe, and detail these unique institutions. They stated, "Historically black colleges evince objectives, populations, philosophies, and environments which are worthy of scholarly investigation" (p. 240). This call resulted in a number of book-length projects on the topic, each referring to Brown and Freeman's introduction: Brown and Freeman (2004), Ashley and Williams (2004), Samuels (2004), and now Willie, Reddick, and Brown (2006). The latter of these is the focus of this review. The Black College Mystique is somewhat authored by the father of Black college research, Charles Willie, and two of his students—Richard J. Reddick and Ronald Brown. Actually, three of the seven chapters are reprinted from seminal articles published by Willie in the 1970s. The volume hews back to many of the classic ideas offered about HBCUs during the last century. However, the book offers few new citations to publications on what we know about HBCUs as a result of the last decade of empirical research by scholars like Walter Allen, M. Christopher Brown, James Earl Davis, Len Foster, Kassie Freeman, Sharon Fries-Britt, Marybeth Gasman, Barbara Johnson, Charles Outcalt, and Albert Samuels. The Black College Mystique does not join the recent cavalcade of scholarship responding to the call to expand the extant research base on HBCUs. In fact, the book never defines the "black college mystique," leaving the reader to wonder what it is, how it is relevant, or why the project was given this name. According to the preface, the volume has two overall findings: (1) HBCUs are essential to the national system of higher education, and (2) the mentoring of students by HBCU faculty is significantly greater than in all other institutions. It is extremely difficult to link either of the two findings to the research and/or logic offered in the volume. It is as if the findings were drafted before the volume was ever written. Despite its absence in The Black College Mystique, there is evidence of the essential role that Black colleges play on the postsecondary landscape, albeit not for the reasons Willie, Reddick, and Brown suggest related to racial homogeneity and heterogeneity. Recent literature speaks to the role of HBCUs in providing access and opportunity that could not otherwise be afforded to many African American, low-income, or undereducated students, as well as to other racial minorities (Brown, 1999; Brown & Davis, 2001; Wenglinsky, 1996, 1997). Despite common parlance that HBCUs are culturally more congenial living and learning communities, there is no empirical data on the role of HBCU faculty as superior mentors when controlling for institutional size (Brown, 1998). The issue of the intangible and dynamic cultural context of the Black college has been referenced anecdotally by numerous writers. However, prior to this [End Page 605] "treatise," no effort had been made to name or explain...

Whether it is perceived as a means to obtaining a good job, increasing income, finding one's passion or purpose, or simply the logical next step following high school, going to and completing college can significantly impact the options and lifestyles of many Americans. Although outcomes and opportunities vary as a function of the specific school that a student attends, as well as the major selected, higher education yields a return on time and financial investment for the masses of Americans paralleled by few other experiences. While African Americans have been legally oppressed for the vast majority of their time in the United States, and have had access to formal higher education since the mid-1800s, they have been impacted by several shifts in the postsecondary landscape. The first significant shift for African Americans was the creation of historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs), most of which were created between 1865 and 1910. HBCUs not only provided the vast majority of African Americans with their first opportunity to seek higher education, they also made the opportunity geographically accessible via several postsecondary options in the South, Midwest, and Mid-Atlantic states. Unfortunately, the U.S. allowed a two-tier system of higher education to develop in which predominantly White institutions (PWIs) occupied the top tier as a result of state, federal, and private investment in human and physical resources and HBCUs were placed at the lower tier due to a lack of state and federal support.. Nevertheless, these noble institutions persevered.Another shift in higher education that significantly impacted African Americans was the desegregation of public institutions, which included public colleges and universities in the United States that occurred during the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s. A small number of private colleges occasionally granted degrees to African Americans prior to the Movement, but these numbers significantly increased in the late 1960s and throughout the 1970s. Although desegregation provided increased postsecondary options for African American students, introduced the Black athlete to NCAA Division I sports, prompted affirmative action policies, and may have assisted in reducing White prejudice toward Black people, it also devastated many HBCUs. By the early 1980s the majority of African American college students attended PWIs, which significantly decreased enrollments at HBCUs causing several of them to close their doors and others to struggle financially from then until today.There were several other noteworthy shifts in higher education that were not explicitly based on race, but have disproportionately impacted African Americans (e.g., federal financial aid policies, affirmative action rulings by the courts, and the inconsistency between high school curricula and college requirements). In the modem era, these policies have tended to work to the disadvantage of African American students for college admissions).Currently, higher education seems to be at a crossroads. Significant increases in the cost of attending college over the last twenty years have led many to question whether the degree is worth the money. Student loan debt in the U.S. is approaching the one trillion dollar mark and recently exceeded credit card debt (Brown et al. , 2012).. Student loan default rates are on the rise, state funding of public institutions is declining, and the credit ratings of many institutions have experienced recent downgrades. Furthermore, the postsecondary sector is undergoing a dramatic paradigm shift that parallels the music and publishing industries of a decade ago, catalyzed by similar forces-advances in networking technology, near-ubiquitous availability of online content, and growing consumer demand for direct access to content providers (Aman, 2013). Finally, the separate and combined impact of race, gender, and pre-college preparation on postsecondary performance is complex and continually evolving. …

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine The Chronicle of Higher Education, a leading site for higher education news and politics, and its representation of historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs). Design/methodology/approach Frames are strong discursive tools that can help social actors achieve the following: define and solve problems, shape public opinion, increase the productivity of interpersonal negotiations and “serve as a foundation of public discourse, such as negotiation, on a mass-communication level”. As such, this research is guided by both higher education literature of HBCUs and media framing theories and methods in an attempt to identify potential problems and opportunities for improvement of the presentation of HBCUs nationally in the USA. Findings This study reveals that when the frames are viewed in concert-funding challenges at HBCUs, status differential between predominantly white institutions vs HBCUs, questionable leadership practices at HBCUs and achievement success, what one sees is an unflattering picture depicted in the Chronicle of Higher Education of HBCUs, as second-hand universities that are poorly managed, outdated and are a drain on the economy. Any one of these themes, alone, is not problematic, but when taken as a whole, their entirety represents a troubling picture – one that is inaccurate because HBCUs have and continue to serve an important role in society: educating African Americans. Originality/value This paper concludes with pragmatic implications of the negative findings about HBCUs as well as discusses tactics proponents HBCUs should use to combat the negative depictions.

Today, 103 historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) educate 135,722 male and 238,685 female students across the United States according to the most recent data from the Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (Institute of Education Sciences & National Center for Education Statistics, 2012). Historically, HBCUs have played a vital role in enhancing the provision of educational opportunities for traditionally underrepresented groups. Since the 1830s, they have been instrumental in preparing Black people to make significant contributions to the economic, intellectual, and cultural landscape of the nation. Today, research has demonstrated that HBCUs graduates enjoy greater financial success in their careers (Price, Spriggs, & Swinton, 2011), and U.S. rankings consistently show that HBCUs are among the top producers of students who persist through graduate and professional school (Fletcher, 2013). My own research indicated that HBCUs are clearly superior to predominately White institutions (PWIs) in promoting positive student-faculty relationships and students' sense of belonging among science, technology, engineering, and mathematics majors (Toldson & Esters, 2012). Notwithstanding, many HBCUs have suffered financially due to declining enrollment, the economic recession and other fiscal challenges. Federal investment in HBCUs is critical for them to realize their respective missions, achieve long-term financial stability, and develop programs, policies, and practices that promote recruitment, retention, and graduation among the Black students they so diligently serve.First-Term AccomplishmentsOn February 26, 2010, President Barack Obama signed an executive order to continue the White House Initiative on Historically Black Colleges and Universities (Jawando, 2010). Later that year, in September, President Obama affirmed the role that HBCUs must play to help him to achieve his goal of having the United States lead the world among college graduates by 2020 (Sabochik, 2010). He also reiterated his commitment to HBCUs by announcing his plans to increase spending on HBCUs by $850 million over the next 10 years. William Jawando, of the White House Office of Public Engagement, also noted that President Obama's 2011 budget called for an annual increase in spending on Pell Grants; important because 50 percent of HBCU students qualify for Pell Grants (Jawando, 2010). Other federal level accomplishments which will benefit HBCUs include continuing support for TRIO programs and signing an executive order for the White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for African Americans.Second-Term HopesDuring President Obama's second term, federal action will be necessary for HBCUs to strengthen efforts to recruit, retain, and graduate larger numbers of students. For recruiting, it will be essential for the White House Initiative on HBCUs to work closely with the new White House Initiative on Educational Excellence for African Americans to bolster efforts to prepare the 8,550,344 Black children currently enrolled in kindergarten through 12th grade in the U.S. (Institute of Education Sciences & National Center for Education Statistics, 2012).From a policy standpoint, the federal government needs to address a the fiduciary responsibility of the state to provide public secondary educational options that meet the basic academic requirements of the same state's institutions of higher education, including public HBCUs. Coordinated efforts between the two White House initiatives could also address the growing trend of guidance counselors at predominately Black high schools advising qualified students to community colleges, and neglecting HBCUs.From a funding perspective, money allocated to HBCUs should be tied to deliverables that foster greater college persistence among Black students. Specifically, through budget allocations to the National Science Foundation and the National Institutes of Health, competitive awards should be expanded for HBCU faculty members who actively engage in research with students. …

Reviewed by: Black Men in College: Implications for HBCUs and Beyond ed. by Robert T. Palmer and J. Luke Wood Royel M. Johnson (bio) Robert T. Palmer and J. Luke Wood, eds., Black Men in College: Implications for HBCUs and Beyond. New York, NY: Routledge, 2012. xi + 212 pp. ISBN 9780415893848 paper. Undoubtedly, the current state of education for Black men in the United States is dismal. Unfortunately, this is not a new phenomenon. History provides a salient reminder of society's inability to provide equitable opportunities and resources for the advancement of Black men. The underachievement, lack of inclusion, and backward progression of Black men within American society, particularly in educational settings, is a trend that demands immediate attention. The challenges of reversing these negative circumstances, however, are daunting. It at once requires reconceptualization of the plight of the individual (Black Man), while transforming the broad, yet piercing issues that have impeded them—social, political, economical, psychological, and educational issues that are deep-rooted in the fabric of American culture. Though society champions a rhetoric of concern and a desire to advance the status of all people, including Black men, these very same practices and policies are framed in ideologies of oppression, prejudice, and marginalization. This dilemma has positioned Black males in the lower echelons of society, creating perhaps a lower set of expectations for them across a number of arenas. Accordingly, the longstanding marginalization of Black men has great consequences on their educational attainment. This is most visible in the representation of Black men in college. Much of the failure to enroll, educate, and retain Black men in college can be attributed to the treatment of them as a homogenous group. Over the last 20 years, educational research focusing on the experiences of Black men in college has evolved, acknowledging various subpopulations within the community of Black male collegians. Disaggregating data concerning this population has been particularly important in highlighting the ways in which Black men differ in their perceptions, performance, and interests, thereby dispelling myths of monolithic experiences. Still, there is relatively little empirical research that examines Black [End Page 111] males across multiple institution types. For example, there is a paucity of research on Black male students attending historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs), despite the instrumental role that HBCUs play in producing almost 20% of Black undergraduate degrees, while only making up 3% of the institutions of higher education in this country. Black Men in College: Implications for HBCUs and Beyond, edited by Robert T. Palmer and J. Luke Wood, seeks to fill this gap in the literature, providing important information about how to effectively support and retain Black male undergraduates at HBCUs. Not only does this edited collection shine light on the important role HBCUs play in educating Black male college students, but it also acknowledges the abundant diversity within the Black male population, within these institutions, and the need for further exploration of these areas. In their contribution, the editors of the book provide a comprehensive examination of data regarding Black males attending HBCUs. Using extant literature, they identify the gaps, arguing for more intentional investigations of the within-group differences of Black males at HBCUs. Much of the present research on this population, they argue, "treats this subgroup as monolithic, assuming homogeneity of their experiences, challenges, and supports" (p. 11). Chapters 2 and 3 look at the experiences of two distinct subgroups at HBCUs, high achievers and gay Black men. In chapter 2, Marybeth Gasman and Dorsey Spencer provide insight on the experiences of Black men at HBCUs who have been able to effectively navigate their experiences in college, ultimately achieving high levels of success. They argue that "too often, Black men at HBCUs are seen as underperforming and underprepared for higher education.... However there are many Black men who are eager to pursue all avenues of support in college" (p. 24). They additionally conclude with recommendations for practice and research, urging HBCUs to play a more intentional role in providing spaces for faculty interaction as well as undergraduate research. More specifically, there is a need for a large scale, longitudinal study of Black students at HBCUs and Black men in particular...

Enrollments of non-Black students at historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) have recently increased (Drummond, 2000; T. Scott, 2004) to the point that 11% of all undergraduate students enrolled in HBCUs in 2001 were White (U. S. Department of Education National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2004). HBCUs with the highest White enrollments tend to be public institutions (Brown, 2002), and court cases such as Adams v. Richardson (1972) and United States v. Fordice (1992) have compelled affected HBCUs to diversify their student bodies. Accelerated transdemographic enrollment patterns (Brown) at a number of public HBCUs have resulted as HBCUs grapple with simultaneous pressures to increase student enrollments (including enrollments of non-Black students), strengthen or maintain institutional quality, and clarify the contemporary functions of the HBCU (Hall & Clossen, 2005). At the same time, White males in the U.S. represent the race and gender group that is most privileged economically and socially; yet White males are arguably more disadvantaged with respect to developing as racial and gendered beings due to the socialization, entitlement, and privilege bestowed upon them within society (D. A. Scott & Robinson, 2001). Very little research examines the racial consciousness aspects of identity development of White students attending HBCUs where issues of race, gender, privilege, and power can intersect for students in ways that have not been systematically explored. The purpose of this study was to explore the White racial consciousness (WRC) among full-time, White male undergraduates attending a public, predominantly Black HBCU. Specifically, this study sought to understand how these students, as temporary students (Hall & Clossen, 2005), made meaning of their collegiate experiences in terms of WRC. Related Literature HBCUs were established to provide education for Black students at a time when segregation prevented their enrollment at many colleges and universities (Sissoko & Shiau, 2005). Although the 105 diverse public and private HBCUs enroll 2% of all college and university students in the U.S., they account for 13% of Black postsecondary enrollment (U. S. Department of Education NCES, 2004). In 2000-01, HBCUs conferred 22% of the baccalaureate degrees, 17% of first professional degrees, 11% of master's degrees, and 10% of doctoral degrees earned by Black individuals (National Center for Education Statistics). Allen (as cited in Brown & Davis, 2001) noted common mission-related characteristics of HBCUs including: provision of social, economic, and leadership opportunities for Blacks and the Black community; maintenance of Black historical and cultural traditions; and education of graduates who are uniquely qualified to articulate and interpret issues between minority and majority population groups (Brown & Davis). In recent years, court rulings (including Adams v. Richardson, 1973 and United States v. Fordice, 1992) that have impacted state systems of higher education focused on remedying lingering racial dicrimination and oppression in the forms of segregated enrollments and disparate institutional funding patterns. Adams v. Richardson exempted public HBCUs from Title VI enforcement of racial desegregation because HBCUs were deemed to play a unique and important role in the education of African Americans (Hobson's College View, n.d.), but the more recent United States v. Fordice did not similarly exempt these institutions. As a result, public universities including HBCUs have subsequently undertaken desegregation initiatives aimed at achieving transdemographic goals, or shifts in the racial composition of enrolled students that mark an institution as desegregated (Brown, 2002). Brown discussed relevant implications for HBCUs, noting that transdemography offers HBCUs the opportunity to both enrich the student campus context and encourage intercultural communication within the academic environment. …

Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) have been studied consistently as a single institutional group. However, at least ostensibly, HBCUs are relatively heterogeneous. Consequently, we evaluated the homogeneity of three educational outcomes that have been recognized as potentially distinguishing features of HBCUs (i.e., STEM major, GPA, and degree completion). Hierarchical linear and nonlinear modeling conducted on two large databases suggested greater variability within HBCUs than between HBCUs. This variability tended to be explained by HBCUs’ public versus private status, advanced degrees offerings, and enrollment. We conclude that HBCUs’ institutional characteristics are relevant, but that they may underscore differences within one institutional group.

Decision-making practices at historically Black colleges and universities are the subject of healthy criticism. However, many conclusions are drawn in the absence of research on HBCUs. To better understand and evaluate the appropriateness of decision-making in these institutions, I use case study data to define three key contextual aspects of an HBCU that influence governance: (a) faculty traditions; (b) the paradox of mission; and (c) a racialized climate. Given these findings, I consider alternative theoretical frames to more accurately assess structures and decision-making practices in HBCUs. At a time when affirmative action in higher education is under attack, considering the health of historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) is increasingly important (Brown & Freeman, 2004).Since their inception, these institutions have collectively championed access and opportunity for African Americans (Allen & Jewell, 2002). On a larger scale HBCUs serve an important educational, economic, and social function in America by sustaining a pipeline of educated African Americans (Brown & Davis, 2001). Additionally, African Americans who attend HBCUs demonstrate greater satisfaction with their college experience, academic achievement, and developmental gains when compared to those who attend predominately White institutions (Alien, 1992; Davis, 1991; Fleming, 1984). Although HBCUs represent just 3% of all institutions of higher education, they grant roughly 25% of baccalaureate degrees awarded to African Americans (Nettles & Perna, 1997). Despite the accomplishments of HBCUs they are the subjects of considerable criticism within the higher education community. Presidents of historically Black colleges and universities are often accused of being autocratic and the mission of these institutions is said to compromise academic quality while upholding segregation (Hamilton, 2002). Moreover, financial instability, accreditation challenges, and questionable structures are constant quandaries associated with HBCUs. However, the mission and plight of HBCUs situates them in distinctly different contexts that potentially affect campus decision-making and leadership practices (Drewry & Doermann, 2001). Decision-making contexts can be affected by structural, cultural, or situational distinctions that leaders of these institutions must take into account. If is the structure by which decisions are made determining the direction of a campus, then research on what affects decision making is important. While the distinctiveness of HBCUs is widely recognized, defining what contextual aspects potentially affect decision-making practices has not been a focal point of scholarship. As a way to understand the challenges associated with in HBCUs, this article utilizes a case study to define the decision-making context at one historically Black university. In doing so, those concerned with the status of HBCUs may be able to appraise leadership practices and institutional effectiveness. To begin, I frame the discussion by defining and decision making from the research literature. In the following sections, I outline the case study, define aspects of the decision-making context, and consider the ways is affected. DEFINING GOVERNANCE AND DECISION-MAKING In higher education the phrase governance is often used to suggest collaborative management of an institution (Ramo, 1998). However, the phrase can connote multiple and sometimes conflicting ideas about how a campus should make decisions. In a recent national study, Tierney and Minor (2003) found that campus constituents define shared in three ways: 1. Collaborative-university constituents collectively make decisions about the direction of the campus. 2. Stratified-systems of where certain constituents make decisions according to decision type (e. …

Introduction Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) have long been an intellectual resource for the African American community. HBCUs have provided and continue to provide an educational pathway for many African American students, particularly women who seek advanced degrees. From 2003 through 2007 seven of the top ten colleges that awarded bachelor's degree in the fields of Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) to African Americans were HBCUs (NSF, 2009a). In addition, the top ten baccalaureate institutions of doctoral degree recipients between 2003 to 2007 were all HBCUs (NSF, 2009b). Despite the overwhelmingly positive presence of HBCUs in the African American community, the academic training of students who graduate from HBCUs is often perceived as insufficient by Predominantly White Graduate Institutions (PWIs) and their faculty (Kim & Conrad, 2006). As a result, African American students from HBCUs that move on to attend PWIs for graduate education may not be well integrated into their respective departmental communities and cultures, and may be perceived as less-skilled (Burgess, 1997; Kim & Conrad, 2006). They are also likely to leave graduate programs within the key transition period of the first two years (Herzig, 2004; Tinto, 1993). HBCUs and majority White research institutions are known to exhibit cultural differences (Weidman, Twale, & Stein, 2001). At HBCUs at the undergraduate level, associations and involvement are university-wide (across disciplines and respective academic units), and the culture is perceived to be open and encouraging from the time the students step on to campus (Perna, Lundy-Wagner, Drezner, Gasman, Yoon, Bose & Gary, 2009; St. John, 2000). In contrast, PWIs have been described as places where faculty are indifferent, where little advice is offered, where students are expected to work independently, and where students associate almost exclusively within their respective departments (Morelle, 1996). Thus while HBCUs may provide the support and grounding that engages their students academically and launches their pursuit of higher degrees, they may not prepare them to meet the climate they face upon reaching their graduate programs. To understand the fundamental characteristics of HBCUs and why they differ from PWIs, it is helpful to first consider the six goals that serve as their framework: 1) the maintenance of the Black culture and historical traditions; 2) the creation and retention of Black leadership within the HBCU; 3) the commitment to being an economic unit within the community in which each school respectively stands; 4) the creation of Black role models to interpret the dynamics that impact other Black people outside of the college community; 5) the creation of leaders that are confident and competent in their dealing with of issues that affect all people; and 6) the creation of change agents that can conduct research, training, and disseminate information benefiting everyday lives of all minority communities (Brown & Davis, 2001). Although all HBCUs are not alike, their cultural traditions are such that they all intuitively enforce the belief that the goal of education should be couched in terms of responsibility (Mays, 1942). HBCUs consider themselves social agencies and social equalizers for students of color that have been denied access to higher education and marginalized in society. The purpose of this paper is to present the experiences of African American women who transition from HBCUs to majority institutions in STEM fields and what impact this transition has on their persistence and commitment to their disciplines. Specifically this article is the result of a case study inquiry focused on the experiences of six African-American female students who transition from undergraduate studies at HBCUs to graduate studies (during the first two years) in mathematics and chemistry at PWIs. …

In 2014, four traditionally White institutions (TWIs) received more revenue from grants and contracts than all four-year historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) combined (See Tables 1 and 2). In total, 89 four-year HBCUs collectively received $1.2 billion for grants and contracts from the federal, state and local governments, as well as private foundations. By comparison, John Hopkins University received $1.6 billion alone.On average, each HBCU receives $11 million from the federal government, $1.3 million from state governments, and a little more than $504,000 from local governments and private foundations, for a total average of $12.8 million for grants and contracts annually. The total annual average for all institutions of higher education is $27.7 million. In perspective, the annual revenue total for grants and contracts for the average TWI, would rank in the top-10 among HBCUs.CREATING A CASTE SYSTEM IN HIGHER EDUCATIONGrants and contracts are essential for an institution's long-term viability; reducing tuition dependence and providing important funding for research, services, and programs. Funding disparities create a caste system in higher education, whereby students at better-funded institutions benefit from enhanced facilities, equipment, and opportunities to earn income while studying. While gaps in funding between HBCUs and TWIs can be attributed to differences in institutional capacity, it also stems from selection biases among funding agencies.Morehouse School of Medicine ($85 million) and Meharry Medical College ($79 million) generated more revenue through grants and contracts than any other HBCUs in 2014. However, that year the average revenue generated from grants and contracts among all 47 Carnegieclassified medical colleges in the United States was $165 million.Table 1 lists the top-10 four-year HBCUs for generating revenue through grants and contracts. All institutions listed generated more than $25 million for grants and contracts in 2014. HBCUs vary widely in the amount of funding received, with 16 HBCUs receiving less than $3 million in total revenue from grants and contracts in 2014.WHAT NEEDS TO BE DONEHBCUs that are more successful at competing for grants and contracts typically have more robust offices of grants and sponsored programs, better incentives for faculty and staff who write grant proposals, a clear statement of capability, and campus leaders that actively promote their university's research and programs to potential funders. However, the best efforts of HBCUs are often thwarted by competing TWIs that reinvest millions of dollars in funding into strategies specifically aimed at acquiring additional funding.To become more competitive, HBCUs need to invest in government affairs, research and sponsored programs, and communications. In addition, networking with program officers, joining peer-review panels, and publishing existing research and programs give HBCUs better access to funding opportunities. Technical assistance from external stakeholders, such as The National Association for Equal Opportunity in Higher Education (NAFEO; www. …

Over the last 40 years, numerous studies have been conducted on the impacts of historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) on African American students. An overwhelming majority of these studies attested to the beneficial academic and developmental effects of HBCUs for African American students (Allen, 1992; Astin, Tsui, & Avalos, 1996; Bonous-Hammarth & Boatsman, 1996; Davis, 1991; Fleming, 1984; Harper et al., 2004; Kim & Conrad, 2006; Roebuck & Murty, 1993; Seifert, Drummond, & Pascarella, 2006). Numerous other studies compared aspects of African American undergraduate experiences at HBCUs and predominantly White institutions (PWIs) and concluded that African American students learned better and were more satisfied at HBCUs than at PWIs (Bohr et al., 1995; Cokley, 1999; DeSousa & Kuh, 1996; Flowers & Pascarella, 1999; Kim & Conrad, 2006; Palmer & Gasman, 2008; Watson & Kuh, 1996).Among these studies, many have addressed the topic of student engagement, and some addressed the issue of student satisfaction, but few focused on the relationships between student engagement and student satisfaction (Outcalt & Skewes-Cox, 2002). Researchers have found that positive student satisfaction is connected with higher student persistence, better word-of-mouth reputation of the institution (Schreiner, 2009), more alumni involvement, and increased financial contributions (Gaier, 2005; Miller & Casebeer, 1990; Monks, 2003), all of which are desirable outcomes of higher education. Therefore, the authors wondered if increasing student engagement would lead to higher student satisfaction at HBCUs, which in turn may lead to the above-mentioned desirable outcomes. The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between student engagement and student satisfaction for African Americans who enrolled at HBCUs and PWIs. For the purpose of this study a new method of selecting peer institutions for HBCUs was adapted, which would yield a more comparable group of institutions.LITERATURE REVIEWStudent Engagement and SatisfactionAlexander Astin's (1984, 1985, 1991) theory of student involvement and educational assessment framework-input-environment-outcome (I-E-O) model-provided the foundation and conceptual framework to understand the importance and impact of college student engagement. The last several decades have seen voluminous research in college student development supporting Astin's claim that the time and energy students devote to educationally purposeful activities is one of the best predictors of their learning and personal development in college (Astin, 1993; Carini, Kuh, & Klein, 2006; Kuh et al., 2008; Kuh et al., 2010; Pace, 1980; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991, 2005). Wolf-Wendel and associates (2009) pointed out that the concept of student engagement actually includes two components. The first component of student engagement is what Astin called student involvement, which is the amount of physical and psychological energy students devote to educational experiences. The second component of student engagement involves how many resources and efforts an institution puts into creating and maintaining a nurturing environment that promotes student involvement (Kuh, 2001). The importance of the second component of student engagement is that institutions that more fully engage their students in educational activities can claim to be of higher quality in comparison with similar types of colleges and universities (Kuh, 2004).Certain institutional practices are known to lead to high levels of student engagement. For example, in 1987, Chickering and Gamson published the Seven Principles of Good Practices in Undergraduate Education. These seven principles have been studied extensively and dispensed widely in many aspects of American higher education (Caboni, Mundy, & Duesterhaus, 2002; Chickering & Gamson, 1999; Poulsen, 1991;RoschN Sorcinelli, 1991; Whitt et al. …