Examining time to arrest for hate crime perpetrators: data from the New York City hate crimes repository

Predictors of confidence and trust in government and institutions during the COVID-19 response in Australia

The apparent substantial increase in hate crime during the 1980s has led to two responses; legislation to expand the scope of the law and severity of punishment for such offenses, and police-initiated efforts to focus attention on and more fully investigate such crimes. This paper explores the characteristics of hate crimes in two jurisdictions, New York City and Baltimore County, Maryland, and the responses of the police. Data come from case records of the universe of hate crimes and from a sample of comparison crimes matched on the basis of criminal offense, date, and precinct. In New York City, bias crimes are investigated by a specialized detective unit and are far more likely than comparison crimes to result in the arrest of one or more perpetrators. In Baltimore County, patrol officers conduct follow-up investigations of bias crimes and emphasize victim support as an extension of the police department's community-oriented policing policy. Bias crimes in both jurisdictions differ from similar offense...

Hate crime research has increased, but there are very few studies examining hate crime offenders. It is, therefore, difficult to determine to what extent those who perpetrate this offence might be different from those who have not committed hate crime. This study is the first to provide an account of the demographics and criminal histories of those serving time in prison for committing a hate crime. It is based on a large complete population of offenders in the UK. Hate crime offenders released from prison were found to have prolific criminal careers, having committed a wide range and large number of different types of offences. When compared with those who committed a general (non-hate) violent offence, violent hate crime offenders were significantly older and were considerably more prolific in their previous offending. Violent hate crime appeared quantitatively, as opposed to qualitatively, different from violent non-hate crime, but this was less clearly true when those who had committed public order hate crime were compared with other public order offenders. Interventions to reduce the later offending of violent hate crime offenders should be based on the effective interventions that exist for violent offenders, but should take into account knowledge about the surprisingly prolific criminal careers of hate crime offenders.

Hate crime inflicts a variety of harms on victims, communities, as well as society at large. Scholars have long sought to understand the motivations and conditions behind hate crime offending. Green and his colleagues conducted the classic neighborhood studies examining the conditions that foster hate crime. Using data on hate crime in New York City from 1995 to 2010 from the New York Police Department’s Hate Crimes Task Force, the current study replicates and extends Green and colleagues’ neighborhood studies, investigating whether their findings hold true over an extended period of time in New York City as the city underwent major demographic changes. Using a group conflict framework, the current study extends prior work testing hypotheses derived from defended neighborhoods, social disorganization, and strain theories to explain ethnoracial hate crime.

Hate crime is any offense in which some aspect of the victim's identity – their race, religion, sexual orientation, disability, or transgender identity – plays a role in their victimization. There are different categories of offense, ranging from a hate incident, which may include verbal abuse, threats of violence, bullying, and intimidation all the way through to a hate crime, which could include actual assault, criminal damage, hate mail, and even murder. This range of offenses is covered already under existing laws in the United States and the United Kingdom; however, if an incident is regarded as a hate crime, then an enhanced penalty can be applied to the police charge, which involves a more severe sentence if found guilty. Hate crime is regarded as a symbolic crime in that it is viewed as not only perpetrated against the individual victim but also as an act which intimidates and subjugates members of the wider community. This entry examines the key debates and issues relating to hate crime legislation.

Public trust in institutions in Iceland plunged after the country’s banking sector collapsed. The political system wobbled under outrage and anger when the general public took to the streets. The Parliamentary Special Investigation Commission conducted a ground-breaking crisis-induced investigation, delivering a report that was a milestone in Iceland’s history of politics and public administration. Yet, despite this endeavour and the fact that subsequent investigations have disclosed ample information intended to restore trust in institutions, public trust remains unsteady. This chapter addresses the following questions: How has public trust in institutions progressed after the crash? Why is it taking so long for trust to return? In Chapter 3 in this volume, we examine data on public trust in Icelandic institutions from Gallup surveys over the 15 years from 2002 to 2017 in order to identify and explain patterns of trust in the aftermath of the crisis. Our interpretation of theory in this chapter suggests that elements of mistrust inherent in the principal–agent approach to accountability in public administration, implemented in previous New Public Management reforms, undermined the creation of a climate of trust necessary to ensure effective accountability mechanisms. We argue that in the absence of a climate of trust, accountability mechanisms of culpability that conflict with mechanisms of answerability, combined with a succession of post-crisis scandals, mainly explain the slow return of the public’s trust.

Trust is considered instrumental for economic growth, successful operation of public institutions and social cohesion. We explore how public trust in Icelandic institutions has developed during the recent tumultous financial times, including the failure of the Icelandic banking sector. Using data from Gallup-Iceland’s annual survey of individuals’ trust in institutions, we show that trust in general, and particularly towards political and financial institutions, evaporates following the crisis year of 2008. Although trust varies significantly among different demographic groups, the trend shows how the road to recovering trust in Icelandic institutions post-crisis has proven to be challenging and drawn-out. Apart from law-enforcement agencies, which were relatively unscathed by the financial calamities, no institution has managed to escape the drop in trust, nor have they re-established the pre-crisis level of trust in the minds of the public nearly a decade after the crisis. A notable personal post-crisis exception is the recently elected President of Iceland who has managed to improve trust in his office by the highest margin of all 15 public offices and institutions examined.

BackgroundAnti-Asian hate crimes escalated during the COVID-19 pandemic; however, limited research has explored the association between social media sentiment and hate crimes toward Asian communities.ObjectiveThis study aims to investigate the relationship between Twitter (rebranded as X) sentiment data and the occurrence of anti-Asian hate crimes in New York City from 2019 to 2022, a period encompassing both before and during COVID-19 pandemic conditions.MethodsWe used a hate crime dataset from the New York City Police Department. This dataset included detailed information on the occurrence of anti-Asian hate crimes at the police precinct level from 2019 to 2022. We used Twitter’s application programming interface for Academic Research to collect a random 1% sample of publicly available Twitter data in New York State, including New York City, that included 1 or more of the selected Asian-related keywords and applied support vector machine to classify sentiment. We measured sentiment toward the Asian community using the rates of negative and positive sentiment expressed in tweets at the monthly level (N=48). We used negative binomial models to explore the associations between sentiment levels and the number of anti-Asian hate crimes in the same month. We further adjusted our models for confounders such as the unemployment rate and the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic. As sensitivity analyses, we used distributed lag models to capture 1- to 2-month lag times.ResultsA point increase of 1% in negative sentiment rate toward the Asian community in the same month was associated with a 24% increase (incidence rate ratio [IRR] 1.24; 95% CI 1.07-1.44; P=.005) in the number of anti-Asian hate crimes. The association was slightly attenuated after adjusting for unemployment and COVID-19 emergence (ie, after March 2020; P=.008). The positive sentiment toward Asian tweets with a 0-month lag was associated with a 12% decrease (IRR 0.88; 95% CI 0.79-0.97; P=.002) in expected anti-Asian hate crimes in the same month, but the relationship was no longer significant after adjusting for the unemployment rate and the emergence of COVID-19 pandemic (P=.11).ConclusionsA higher negative sentiment level was associated with more hate crimes specifically targeting the Asian community in the same month. The findings highlight the importance of monitoring public sentiment to predict and potentially mitigate hate crimes against Asian individuals.

This study presents a scoping review of the academic literature on hate crimes in Europe over the past decade. From an initial pool of 2536 studies, 76 met the inclusion criteria and were analyzed in depth. The review identifies consistent empirical findings on how broader structural and contextual dynamics – such as terrorist attacks, the refugee crisis, and the COVID-19 pandemic – have contributed to increases in hate crimes across European societies. It also confirms widespread agreement on the consequences of hate crimes, including psychological harm, social isolation, and diminished trust in institutions. These findings highlight the need for psychosocial support, more accessible reporting mechanisms, and inclusive victim support services. However, the review also reveals critical gaps in the literature. First, research remains heavily focused on ethnicity- and religion-based hate crimes, often neglecting other affected groups such as LGBT individuals and people with disabilities. An intersectional perspective is needed to capture the full scope of hate crime victimization. Second, the scarcity of cross-national and longitudinal studies limits comparability and generalizability across European contexts. Addressing these challenges requires more inclusive research designs, improved data collection systems, and stronger coordination and knowledge exchange at the European level

This chapter presents hate crime patterns and trends using data from the UCR Hate Crimes Statistics Program and the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS). Comparisons are made between these two data collection systems, noting where the NCVS and UCR agree and differ in findings regarding the occurrence of hate crime. We observe overall and recent trends from the UCR data for all hate crime, and for hate crimes separated into bias motivation categories, bias types, and offense types. Using data from the NCVS, we show patterns among hate crime victims and offenders. We exhibit how the strengths of each of these data collection systems can be utilized to better understand the nature and scope of hate crime in the United States.

Objectives. The study of crime directed at gay and lesbian targets is hampered by two measurement problems: Police agencies provide unreliable data on hate crime, and tract‐level census data contain no direct information about gay or lesbian population density. This article attempts to gauge two quantities that cannot be measured directly or unambiguously: the size of the gay and lesbian populations and the number of hate crimes directed at gay and lesbian targets. Methods. Population data for New York City were gathered from market research lists and from a special tabulation of the 1990 Census. Hate crime data were obtained from the Anti‐Violence Project and the New York Police Department. Confirmatory factor analysis was used to assess the reliability of each measure and the correlation between latent population density and hate crime. Results. Each of these measures offers a reliable means by which to assess cross‐sectional differences in the population density and victimization of gay men. Census and police data prove to be inferior indicators of lesbian population density and antilesbian hate crime. For both men and women, population density is strongly correlated with the incidence of hate crime. Conclusions. Despite the fact that advocacy groups record many more antigay incidents than do the police, both sources of data are in agreement about where hate crimes occur. The strong correlation between population density and hate crime against gay men implies that Census data could be used to forecast the occurrence of hate crime in areas where no police records exist.

This paper challenges the assumption that because lesbians report fewer hate crimes, they experience few hate crimes compared to gay men. Through content analysis of congressional hearings and personal accounts, five themes emerged that will help practitioners and researchers understand how lesbians' experiences of hate crimes differ from gay men's experiences. These themes are (1) lesbian visibility: identification of victims; (2) creating an atmosphere for hate crimes; (3) places and types of hate crimes: private spaces; (4) response to perpetrators of hate crimes; and (5) police and other professionals' response to victims of hate crimes.

Recent years have seen increased attention to the problem of hate crime, including such crime motivated by anti-gay bias. Although there is a growing body of research regarding the context of hate crime offending, there is a relative dearth of work investigating the community-level context of anti-gay hate crime. The current study investigates the community-level determinants of anti-gay hate crime in New York City from 2006 to 2010, using data obtained from the New York Police Department (NYPD)'s Hate Crimes Task Force (HCTF), one of the nation's leading hate crime police units. Using a framework drawing on group conflict and criminological theories, the current study examines anti-gay hate crime as an outcome of gay visibility, social disorganization, and economic strain. It is hypothesized that greater gay visibility, as well as social disorganization and poor and worsening economic conditions over time will be associated with increases in anti-gay hate crime. Results show that gay demographics, measured by static visibility and increasing gay populations over time, are shown to consistently predict higher levels of anti-gay hate crime. Adding to the generally mixed findings on the role of economic conditions in explaining hate crime, this study also finds that anti-gay hate crime occurs in more disadvantaged communities and communities marked by poorer economic conditions. The findings show anti-gay hate crime to be an outcome of gay visibility, disadvantage, and poor economic conditions, indicating that anti-gay crime may be an angry response to the strains present in the community. The study concludes with a discussion of the findings and implications for policy makers and practitioners.

Value similarity – the extent to which people think institutions managing risks hold different or similar values to themselves, affects trust in those institutions and as such, plays a critical role in the public acceptability of energy projects and policies. Yet, we do not know what constitutes value similarity. How do people judge the level of similarity between their own values and the values of an institution? What role do different values play in theses judgments? And to what extent can these perceived similarities actually increase trust in institutions? To explore this, we decomposed the construct of value similarity into one's personal values and the perceived values of an institution, and explored if their congruence led to higher ratings of perceived value similarity and trust in institutions. We studied these relationships for three institutions playing important roles in the energy sector in the Netherlands, in current and future energy systems. Overall, response surface analyses (RSA) showed that people see their own values and the values of an institution as more similar and trust the institution more when they both endorse biospheric values more strongly. Further, perceived value similarity and trust in institutions are higher when people perceive institutions to have stronger biospheric values than themselves and when they expect institutions to be less egoistic than themselves. We discuss these findings reflecting on what they suggest regarding the role of shared values in increasing trust in relevant institutions and acceptability of energy risks.

Mental health care among marginalized populations in the United States