Everyday leadership.

Because online circumstances allows communication remotely and out of synchronization, along with a better communication capacity, online referral reward programs in social networks may have different characteristics compared with traditional referral reward programs. This paper studied the effects of reward allocation, tie strength and brand relationships on receivers’ responses in referral reward programs and confirmed the mediating effects of social cost. It investigates the impact of online referral reward programs on receivers’ responses from the perspectives of social norms and market norms. We identify the moderating conditions that are expected to affect when and how a reward leads the receiver to infer social norms, thereby increasing the referral’s effectiveness. In study 1, because receivers with different tie may have relationships based on market norms or social norms (Wentzel et al. in J Serv Res 17(2):119–133, 2014), we examine the effect of tie strength and reward allocation on receivers’ responses in online referral reward programs. Furthermore, we extended the analysis of study 1 in two ways through the introduction of brand relationships and reward characteristics. In study 2, we introduced brand relationships to analyze the effect of tie strength and reward allocation on receivers’ responses. In study 3, we studied the effects of reward type and tie strength on receivers’ responses in online referral reward programs. To capture the underlying process, we also examined the participants’ perceptions of social cost in three studies. Finally, we conclude by discussing the theoretical and managerial implications of the findings. People with strong ties tended to accept a referral more often than those with weak ties, because people with strong ties gave their friends’ benefits more consideration. However, in strong brand relationships, receivers with strong ties in No Reward conditions tend to respond to referrals more than those with strong ties in the Reward Recommender conditions, because rewarding recommenders makes social norms transfer into market norms. This paper extended the theory on effect of reward on receivers’ responses in online referral reward programs and further verified that social cost was a key element of psychological mechanism that caused reward to strengthen receivers’ responses under market norms or social norms. This paper researched how social norms and market norms affected consumers’ behaviors differently, which helped company design online referral reward programs. This paper researched the relationships between market norms and social norms on receivers’ responses in online social network.

Referral reward program(RRP) is becoming a powerful weapon of acquiring new customers and retaining old customers. However, the lack of research on RRP, especially with respect to the influences of RRP on consumer referral behavior, is contrary to the practices. Building upon work from marketing, psychology of motivation, psychology of emotion, and behavioral economics, a influencing mechanism model of RRP on referral behavior from the perspective of conflicts between social norm and market norm is presented. The study will be organized as follows. First, the effects of incentive schemes and social norm on the consumers' referral motivations will be explored. Second, the mediating role of emotion between the congruence of motivations and referral behavior will be investigated. Third, the moderating effects of causality orientation, self-awareness, and cultural values on the above relationships will be clarified. Following this line of reasoning, findings from these studies will provide important theoretical and practical implications.

Behavior is ubiquitous, and behavior intelligence and insight play an important role in data understanding and business problem-solving. Behavior Informatics [1,2] emerges as an important tool for discovering behavior intelligence and behavior insight. As a computational concept, behavior captures the aspects of the demographics of behavioral subjects and objects; social relationships or norms governing the interactions between behaviors of an individual or a group; behavior sequences or networks and their dynamics; and the impact or effect generated by the behaviors undertaken by subjects on objects. Accordingly, a behavior model [2] captures the subject and the object of a behavior or behavior sequence, the activities conducted by its subject on objects, and the relationships between activities; behavior subject, object, activities and relationships are characterized by their respective attributes. As a result, a behavior is represented as a behavior attributes-based vector; and a subject's behaviors at a time period form a vector-based sequence, namely, represented as a behavior attribute vector-based matrix [3]. With such behavior modeling and from the informatics perspective, behavior informatics takes a top-down approach to systematically and deeply represent, model, reason about, and aggregate behaviors [4]; and a bottom-up approach to analyze and learn behavior occurrences, non-occurrences, dynamics, impact, and utility [2]. Accordingly, for a real-life problem, first, its data is converted to behavioral data according to the above behavior model, characterized by the relevant activities that form behavior sequences, and the properties of subjects, objects, activities, and relationships. Second, analytical tasks, such as behavior pattern analysis, abnormal behavior detection, coupled analysis of group behaviors, modeling of behavior impact and utility, discovery of high impact and high utility behaviors, analysis of non-occurring behaviors, and analysis of behavior evolution and dynamics, can be undertaken on such behavioral data. In this way, complex behaviors are quantifiable, computable [5], and manageable. This talk introduces some of real-life applications of behavior informatics in core business, capital markets and government services. It involves complex individual and group behaviors in relevant business, the interactions between clients and service providers, and relevant behavior sequences and attributes. The examples demonstrate the personalized and early prediction, the prevention and intervention of abnormal behaviors, and the active and tailored management of suspicious clients. Examples include the detection of pool manipulation through analyzing coupled sequences [3] of trading behaviors from multiple associated accounts in stock markets, the intervention of high-impact [6] behaviors in social security for preventing overpayments, the quantification and identification of high-utility [7] behaviors, the identification of and tailored intervention on self-finalizing versus non-self-finalizing taxpaying behaviors [8,9], and even the impact of non-occurring behaviors [10] in debt recovery and prevention. The real-life case studies show the value and potential of behavior informatics for handling complex and challenging risk management, fraud and non-compliance, and for active and tailored client management in business problems. The examples are associated with highly significant economic benefits and social impact as a result of applying the resultant behavior insight and behavior intelligence.

The Neural Circuitry of a Broken Promise

Issue/Problem Obesity has grown into a global epidemic and represents a major challenge for public health, with rates of related comorbidities, healthcare, and societal costs continuing to rise. Current approaches to obesity prevention and management have had limited success, highlighting the need for new innovative strategies. Description The narrative surrounding obesity often assumes that a lack of individual's knowledge and willpower is at the root of the problem. However, behavioural insights suggest that the problem is more complex and that people's behaviour is often irrational and influenced by many factors, such as environment, habits, emotions, or social norms. These insights can be used to design interventions that nudge people towards healthier behaviours. Results Behavioural interventions have been shown to be effective in promoting healthier behaviours and reducing obesity rates in various settings. For example, digital weight loss programmes that incorporated behavioural strategies, such as goal-setting and self-monitoring, or GPS and physical activity trackers and video or exer-games can be used with success as vehicles for delivering such behavioural-informed interventions. Also, nudge interventions that include subtle changes either in our environment or in incentive-provision have proven to be effective. Lessons The use of behavioural insights in obesity prevention and management has the potential to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of public health policies. However, to ensure the success of these interventions, policymakers need to consider the context and target population, as well as the ethical implications of nudging people towards certain behaviours. More research is also needed to determine the long-term effects and cost-effectiveness of these interventions. Overall, incorporating behavioural insights into public health policy can lead to more effective and sustainable solutions to the obesity epidemic.

Organizations are under constant pressure from changing institutions (such as laws, public opinion, or societal norms) to react and perform in certain ways. However, these external institutional demands can sometimes run contrary to the organization’s declared value system. Between 1949 and 2016, successive changes in Germany’s social sector transformed the institutional external environment for German welfare associations, calling into question the legitimacy of their dominance in civil society in general and especially in the context of welfare provision. This comparative case study traces the development of the respective value systems of two of the main German welfare associations during that period. The two cases – Deutscher Caritas-verband (Caritas) and Deutscher Paritatischer Wohlfahrtsverband Gesamtverband (the Paritatischer) – were selected for their contrasting value systems within the spectrum of German welfare associations. For the purposes of this study, value systems are understood as consistent imprinted perceptual frameworks that normatively shape and influence behavior, and external institutional demands are defined as implicit or explicit requests made from outside an organization towards the organizations by integrated systems of formal and informal rules and patterns, which structure social interactions and constitute the social environment an organization operates in. The analysis explores how such seemingly persistent value systems change over time, and how the demands made by external institutions increase or diminish explicit reference to that value system. Drawing on the membership magazines and newspapers (or “corpus”) of the two selected associations, the analysis indicates that the value system of Catholicism initially shielded Caritas from external institutional demands until the observed level of Catholic and religious language diminished and the organization became more ex-posed to episodic change within the sector. In contrast, pluralism enabled the Paritatischer to engage more readily with the four episodes of self-help, German reunification, privatization, and social innovation, from the beginning of the study period. In tracing how the two associations engaged with these episodes, the findings con-firm that the language associated with an organization’s imprinted value system changes over time. Here, two distinct types of imprinted value system – resisting and diaphanous – respectively shielded or enabled engagement with external institutional demands, and a framework is proposed to model the consequences of these differences.

IntroductionVaccine uptake is influenced by a variety of factors. Behavioral Insights (BI) can be used to address vaccine hesitancy to understand the factors that influence the decision to take or refuse a vaccine.MethodologyThis two-part study consisted of a survey designed to identify the influence of various drivers of people’s COVID-19 vaccination status and their intention to take the vaccine in Ghana, as well as an experiment to test which of several behaviorally informed message frames had the greatest effect on vaccine acceptance. Data was collected from a total of 1494 participants; 1089 respondents (73%) reported already being vaccinated and 405 respondents (27%) reported not being vaccinated yet. The mobile phone-based surveys were conducted between December 2021 and January 2022 using Random Digit Dialing (RDD) to recruit study participants. Data analysis included regression models, relative weights analyses, and ANOVAs.ResultsThe findings indicated that vaccine uptake in Ghana is influenced more by social factors (what others think) than by practical factors such as ease of vaccination. Respondents’ perceptions of their family’s and religious leaders’ attitudes towards the vaccine were among the most influential drivers. Unexpectedly, healthcare providers’ positive attitudes about the COVID-19 vaccine had a significant negative relationship with respondents’ vaccination behavior. Vaccine intention was positively predicted by risk perception, ease of vaccination, and the degree to which respondents considered the vaccine effective. Perceptions of religious leaders’ attitudes also significantly and positively predicted respondents’ intention to get vaccinated. Although perceptions of religious leaders’ views about the vaccine are an important driver of vaccine acceptance, results asking respondents to rank-order who influences them suggest that people may not be consciously aware—or do not want to admit—the degree to which they are affected by what religious leaders think. Message frames that included fear, altruism, social norms were all followed by positive responses toward the vaccine, as were messages with three distinct messengers: Ghana Health Services, a doctor, and religious leaders.ConclusionsWhat drives COVID-19 vaccine intentions does not necessarily drive behaviors. The results of this study can be used to develop appropriate COVID-19 vaccine uptake strategies targeting the most important drivers of COVID-19 vaccine acceptance, using effective message frames.

Vaccine uptake is influenced by a variety of factors. Behavioral Insights (BI) can be used to address vaccine hesitancy to understand the factors that influence the decision to take or refuse a vaccine. This two-part study consisted of a survey designed to identify the influence of various drivers of people's COVID-19 vaccination status and their intention to take the vaccine in Ghana, as well as an experiment to test which of several behaviorally informed message frames had the greatest effect on vaccine acceptance. Data was collected from a total of 1494 participants; 1089 respondents (73%) reported already being vaccinated and 405 respondents (27%) reported not being vaccinated yet. The mobile phone-based surveys were conducted between December 2021 and January 2022 using Random Digit Dialing (RDD) to recruit study participants. Data analysis included regression models, relative weights analyses, and ANOVAs. The findings indicated that vaccine uptake in Ghana is influenced more by social factors (what others think) than by practical factors such as ease of vaccination. Respondents' perceptions of their family's and religious leaders' attitudes towards the vaccine were among the most influential drivers. Unexpectedly, healthcare providers' positive attitudes about the COVID-19 vaccine had a significant negative relationship with respondents' vaccination behavior. Vaccine intention was positively predicted by risk perception, ease of vaccination, and the degree to which respondents considered the vaccine effective. Perceptions of religious leaders' attitudes also significantly and positively predicted respondents' intention to get vaccinated. Although perceptions of religious leaders' views about the vaccine are an important driver of vaccine acceptance, results asking respondents to rank-order who influences them suggest that people may not be consciously aware-or do not want to admit-the degree to which they are affected by what religious leaders think. Message frames that included fear, altruism, social norms were all followed by positive responses toward the vaccine, as were messages with three distinct messengers: Ghana Health Services, a doctor, and religious leaders. What drives COVID-19 vaccine intentions does not necessarily drive behaviors. The results of this study can be used to develop appropriate COVID-19 vaccine uptake strategies targeting the most important drivers of COVID-19 vaccine acceptance, using effective message frames.

In recent years, public agencies have frequently deployed behavioural insights to generate benefits for society, through encouraging citizens to comply with official requests, and more generally encouraging them to cooperate with public agencies to help deliver outcomes of collective benefit. In parallel, there has been a large increase in the amount and quality of the research evidence available on behavioural public policy. This review takes two contrasting areas where behavioural insights have been used: tax collection where government policy is compulsory (i.e. requiring compliance), and energy use where social objectives are non-compulsory, and achieved more by persuasion and encouragement. Processes of modifying and changing behaviour require different approaches whether the change is deemed necessary by the state or not. In taxes, the sole use of enforcement is rarely efficacious, whereas increasing the uncertainty of follow-up and audit increases compliance. Offering discounts for energy bills appears to be an effective method for achieving cooperation. However, the use of social norms and increased information and professional advice is effective for both compulsory and non-compulsory areas of compliance and cooperation. This has important implications for policymakers, who may be seeking effective methods of encouraging behaviour change. While there are differences in approaches for compulsory and non-compulsory areas of policy, there may be areas that move from non-statutory to statutory in the future. In this case, the development of desired social norms appears to be the most effective method of ensuring overall compliance.

Since the concept of “nudge” was introduced in 2008 by Thaler and Sunstein, proposing that small interventions based on changesin choice architectures can alter people’s behavior and make it easier for them to achieve their desired goals, the application in public policy ofbehavioral economics has gained significant attention. This has led to the emergence of different types of policies based on behavioral insights,which have been used in a variety of areas, including health or finance, with the goal of promoting well-being and addressing social and economicissues. After providing a basic theoretical background as a frame of reference to understand gender violence, this study explores the use of tools from the field of behavioral economics as it is applied in public policy. Regulatory (paternalistic) and non-regulatory (libertarian) interventions based on behavioral insights will be considered: nudges, boosts, shoves, budges, or sludge audits, are examined as potential interventions to use in matters related to this type of violence. After evaluating these behavioral policy instruments and their potential effectiveness, the limitations ofthe behavioral perspective are recognized, and the need for a multifaceted approach to combating gender violence is acknowledged. The article concludes by arguing that public policies addressing gender violence should not only utilize behavioral tools but should also incorporate strategies related to education, legislation, and social norms.

Alcohol-related social norms are internalized beliefs regarding the extension and approval of alcohol consumption by social reference groups. Prevention programs based on social norms and behavioral insights are empirical evidence-based approaches that challenge cognitive biases and promote healthy choices by providing actual information of targeted behaviors. These programs, to our knowledge, have not been applied to reduce alcohol use in Latin-America. Objectives: This study examined the effectiveness of a school-based social norms intervention to reduce alcohol use behaviors in high-school adolescents from Cordoba city (Argentina). Ninety-two students (Mean age = 14.18±0.82 years) participated. A 2 (type of school administration: public, private) x 2 (treatment: experimental, control) factorial design was employed. Data collections provided information on actual alcohol consumption, perceived alcohol consumption of classmates and discrepancies (i.e., biases) between both measures. Results: A brief feedback session, which was complemented with the placement of posters inside the classroom, reduced the prevalence and frequency of several alcohol drinking behaviors. These effects were more noticeable in the public than in the private schools. Conclusions: This is, to our knowledge, the first report of a program that applied a social norms strategy to reduce alcohol consumption in high schoolers from South America.

The text looks into the conditions justifying the use of a social norm as the basis for establishing a legally binding rule. It starts with the definition of some key-terms (nudges, behavioural insights, social norms) before describing initiatives led by the UK Nudge Unit and other behaviourally-informed policies, such as default options, used in a legal context. This helps to highlight the type of problems related to the incorporation of social norms in legal norms, especially the importance of deviance to the social norm. Jeremy Bentham’s and Michel Foucault’s writings can be used to solve the problems raised. A framework can be devised to explain when a social norm can legitimately be incorporated in a legal norm. Indeed, beyond statistical evidence which identifies recurring patterns of behaviour, only a meta-norm can justify the choice of a legal norm. It is the efficacy of the norm which appears as a legitimising factor as it allows the promotion either of the productive forces in society (according to Foucault) or of utilitarian principles (according to Bentham). However, it seems that this meta-norm can be legitimately imposed only if it emanates from a strict deliberative discipline and is publicised. The article thus concludes that deliberation and publicity are the two means allowing to check that the legal norm complies with the meta-norm, thus legitimising the use of a social norm as a legally binding rule.

The practice of early girl-child marriage continues to be widely prevalent in many parts of the world. The prevalence of the practice in different parts of the world has been attributed to a number of underpinning drivers which could be categorized as cultural, social, economic and even political. As a cultural phenomenon, early girl-child marriage is often driven by cultural belief systems, cultural norms and values systems, culture-specific socio-cultural perceptions and cultural practices native to indigenous cultures in patriarchy. This study was carried out among the rural communities of the Moghamo tribe of North West Cameroon. The aim of the study was to investigate the psychosocial and educational consequences of the practice of early girl-child marriage among the rural communities of the Moghamo tribe. The study employed a qualitative design and Key Informant Interviews and Focused Group Discussions were adopted as methods of data collection. Findings showed that early girl-child marriage practices in rural Moghamo communities are deeply entrenched in cultural belief systems, norms and values, social perceptions and cultural practices of the Moghamo people. The study found that the practice results in negative consequences to the health of the girl-child such as difficult child birth, stress, depression, trauma, physical depreciation due to hard labour, and maternal and child mortality. The study also found that the practice resulted in high rates of school drop-out, inequalities in schooling and education between boys and girls, low rates of literacy among girls in early marriages and an obstruction in the educational aspirations of the girl-child. From a socio-economic perspective, findings showed that girls in early marriages in rural Moghamo villages were more likely to suffer from low self-esteem, low social status, wife battery, husband domination, complete financial and material dependence on husband, poverty and hardship, and lack of opportunities for personal development. The study recommends that the practice be conceptualized as a crisis and that programs designed to address the rate of prevalence and bring about full decline should be sensitive to cultural specificities in driving factors across practicing indigenous cultural communities and such programs should be able to engage the stakeholders in the prevalence of the practice with the hope of transforming them from agents of its prevalence to making them agents of change. Article visualizations:

"Social control" is one of thę most fundamental concepts in sociology. Nevertheless, the meaning of that term has changed, parallel with the development of sociology as an academic discipline. Originally, the idea of social control was the focal idea in studies of the organization and growth of industrial societies, and formed the basis of investigations of the various elements constituting law and order. Nowadays, the dominant trend is to narrow the meaning of the term „social control" to defining the process of conformism to the rules of society. It is this second meaning that is used in criminology today. There is a basic difference betwęen the theory of social control and other criminological theories. This difference consists in the fact that this theory, unlike other ones, tries to explain why people do not break the law, why they behave according to the rules of society, why they fall in with the group - in other words, why they are conformist in their attitude towards the rules and norms, as well as to the values generally accepted by society. The other theories try to find out what makes people go against the social norm. The basic principle of the theory of social control is the recognition that human beings must learn social behaviour through a process of socialisation. The aim of socialisation is to lead people to absorb the norms and values held in esteem by a given society. The process whereby the individual absorbs social norms and values depends mainly on the character of his links with the primary social groups, on the cohesion of the system of social norms, and on how far conformily with those norms will offer him the advantages he looks for. A survey of the criminological literature dealing with the question of the effect of social control on deviant behaviour reveals that several theoretical approaches exist, each of them emphasizing different elements of such control. These elements are: the social bonds, the system of norms and yalues and the course and results of socialisation. These three theoretical approaches are not mutually exclusive. They are undoubtedly complementary. We can distinguish three theoretical approaches to social control: a) the socialisation approach, b) the sociar bond approach, and c) the normative system approach. In the first of these approaches, attempts are made above all to explain how socialisation takes place, and what results it leads to. The chief representatives of this approach may be said to be W. Reckless, I. Nye, and A. Reiss. Recklessr is the author of the containment theory, in which he distinguishes the following elements of social control: We have outer containment when external pressure is exerted on the individualn by the group, or by society, in order to bring about behaviour approved by the group. This kind of pressure is exerted through training the individual to carry out socially approved roles, through his affiliation to tradition and the community in which he lives, and through direct control. We have inner containment when, through socialisation, the individual develops self-control, that is, what we sometimes call his conscience. Five elements developed in the course of socialisation go to make up inner containment: a favorable self-concept, goal orientation, a realistic,aspiration level, adequate frustration tolerance, and commitment to socially accepted norms and values. These two mechanisms - outer containment and inner containment - function either together or soparately. In some cases they reinforce each other, while in other cases they are complementary. On the whole, inner containment regulates behaviour based on a person's internal pressures whereas outer containment is used when factors in the environment favour criminal behaviour. But there are also frequent situations where, when inner containment fails, behaviour is modified by exteinal controlling factors; and conversely, it sometimes happens that in situations where control by the social group or social institutions is ineffective, self-control is the regulating mechanism. Nye is of the opinion that the role of social control in society is that it strengthens our motivation towards conformist behaviour. It is a factor that increases our conformism, whereas lack of it encourages anti-social behaviour. Nye sees four types of social control: Internal control occurs when, in the course of socialisation the individual Internalises the norms and values generally accepted in the given society, so that they become components of this conscience. Indirect control is based on the emotional links between the child and his parents which cause the child to absorb the rules of behaviour passed on by the parents in the course of socialisation. Direct control is exerted by the social institutions and primary groups; punishments are threatened in the case of nonconformist behaviour. Then we have legitimate need satisfaction, where society guarantees that the emotional needs of the individual will be met if he conforms, but threatens that these needs will not be satisfied if he does not conform. In his well-known paper on the connection between the breakdown of social control and the occurrence of criminal behaviour, A. Reiss3 declares that criminaIity may be defined as behaviour that is the consequence of the failure of personal control and social control, as regards the regulation of human behaviour in keeping with the social norms. According to Reiss, criminal behaviour occurs firstly, when there is a relative lack of internalised norms and rules that would keep behaviour conformist; secondly, when a control mechanism that previously functioned properly breaks down; and thirdly, when the group to which the individual belongs is such that the social principles for inculcating conformist behaviour are on the whole lacking, ( or when there is a split between these social principles). Criminality may be regarded as a function of the relationship between personal control and social control. The second approach to the theory of social control lays emphasis on the social bond. Hirschi is the chief exponent of this approach, according to which the bonds (taken in the wide sense) between the individual and other people are the fundamental instrument of social control. According to Hirschi, the social bond consists of four main elements: 1) personal, emotional links (attachment), 2) a rational commitment to conformist behaviour, along with expectations as to punishment and reward (commitment); 3) a degree of involvement which would leave no room for deviant behaviour (involvement), and 4) beliefs. In the case of personal attachment, the behaviour of the individual will depend on how sensitive he is to the opinions of others, on how far he reckons with their views. The people who matter here are the members of the primary groups to which the given individual belongs, the people whose opinion he respects, the people who will expext him to conform to the norms which they themselves recognize. According to Hirschi, the groups with whom bonds are all important are: the parents, the school, and the peer group. Commitment means that the person absorbs the life style of his environment. A strong commitment to conformist behaviour, with the aim of achieving the kind of goals ranked high by the given culture, means that the person may lose a great deal if he acts contrary to the norms accepted by that culture. At the same time, conformism guarantees as it were that the person's aspirations will be achieved. Strong involvement in conformist behaviour results in the fact that the person spends so much time and energy in keeping to the generally accepted model of behaviour that even "physically" he cannot behave otherwise (e.g. for lack of time). Beliefs affect the acceptance or otherwise of the norms adhered to in a given society. Difference of behaviour between individuals may be due to difference in the degree to which the norms laid down by the law are accepted. By and large Hirschi believes that all four types of social bond act together. Yet he also accepts that the diverse elements separately may each have an independent effect on the person's behaviour. Schrag is one of those who adopt the normative and system approach to the question of the functioning of social control. He examines the functioning of the social control system on two planes; 1) culturally approved ends- culturally approved means, and 2) behaviour expected in a given society (prescriptions) – actual behaviour (performance). The cultural goals (prescribed ends) are values such as: freedom, justice, equality, happiness, security, Means that are approved by society (prescribed means) are such norms as: the law, beliefs, legal codes, regulations, agreements. Goals which may actually be achieved (performed ends) are goals such as influence, social status, prestige, education, reputation, money. The means actually used to attain these goals (performed means) are practices such as. customs, traditions, conventions of behaviour, innovations in existing customs. A social system works well when all its constituent elements work well together. In such circumstances there are no disruptions in the functioning of social control. But if the various elements of the system clash, social control ceases to function efficiently, that is, it ceases to regulate human behaviour effectively. There is always a danger that the connections between the various elements of the system will become looser. This danger may take at least six forms: the accepted norms may not be able to protect the group values; goals may be beyond the reach of practical action; ways of behaving may be at odds with the sopially accepted norms; goals may be in conflict with the generally accepted values; there may also be a contradiction between values and practices, and between goals and norms. If the system is to work well, it is essential that there should be no basis divergence between formal (= legal) norms, and informal (= moral) norms. If the legal norms are rejected by the group because they do not fit in with the group's values, social control will not work. According to Schrag, the causes of crime should be sought not so much in the individual as in the social system and the way it functions. To sum up, one may present the sociological theory of social control as follows. It asks what makes people ready to subscribe to the norms and values accepted in a given society. Three basic types of answer may be given to this question. Answers of the first type stress the course and the effectiveness of socialisation processes. Answers of the second type emphasize the role of social bonds in the shaping of conformist behaviour. Answers of the third type draw attention to the importance of cohesion in the system of norms and values in a given society. On the whole, socialisation is a process that takes place within the primary groups. Its aim is to make the individual adopt society's norms and values. The optimum situation is where these norms become internalised, that is, they become an integral part of the person's internal mental and moral structure. If this happens, we can say that inner control governs behaviour - that is, the person’s own conscience keeps him from behaviour that does not fit the generally accepted patterns. This goal can be achieved when there are strong bonds of affection between an individual and his parents, and also when the individual finds emotional support in other primary groups. The role of the primary groups is not only to provide good personal models to imitate, or to help the inaividual to adopt the generally accepted norms, but also to exercise direct control over tbe individual' behaviour by inducing him to conform. If the individual is to absorb a sociaily approved system of norms and values, that system should be a well integrated one, the rules should be clearly stated, and behaviour at odds with the approved norm should encounter expected social sanctions. Social control is most effective when three basic factors play a role: when socialisation follows its undisturbed course, when the individual finds support in the group and the group is able to control the behaviour of the individual, and thirdly when the system of social norms and values is cohesive and clear. In times of social unrest, when bonds are weaker, and the individual does not know what to expect from society, social control will be unable to exert effective control over the individual’s behaviour.

In the context of rapidly evolving information technology, the widespread penetration of the internet has given rise to a new generation known as the "Net Generation." The behavioral patterns and psychological characteristics of this generation distinctly reflect the transformation of contemporary social lifestyles. Drawing upon existing literature and research data, this paper provides an in-depth analysis of the behavioral and psychological traits of the "Net Generation," highlighting their uniqueness in areas such as information acquisition, social interaction, and value systems. Furthermore, it thoroughly explores the challenges and opportunities these characteristics present to the field of Chinese language and cultural education, aiming to offer valuable insights for educators and policymakers. This paper aims to provide theoretical foundations and practical guidance for cultivating versatile talents equipped with new-era internet cultural literacy and cross-cultural communication abilities, as well as for promoting reform and innovation in Chinese language and cultural education.