EUROPEAN FOUNDATIONS

An initiative aimed at encouraging independent European funding foundations to play a more active part in worldwide health issues was launched last week, spearheaded by the publication of a new...

The activity of banking structures of the national economy is an extremely important sector and an indicator of the dynamics of the development of financial institutions, and in conditions of uncertainty and external threats and risks, it is also a tool for maintaining the stability of the activity of all other branches of the national economy. In the conditions of risks in which the national banks of Ukraine are currently working, overcoming modern challenges and problems of activity, they need scientific research based on the interaction of practical and scientific directions of improvement and implementation of European and world innovative developments. The challenges faced by financial institutions in the conditions of martial law in Ukraine, namely: hacker attacks on banking institutions, securing private information regarding the client base and internal aspects of the banking institution's activities, require, in our opinion, the introduction of a wider spectrum of digitalization of the financial activities of the banking sector of the national economy, and the introduction of modern scientific research tools, which, in our opinion, include the method of cluster analysis of economic entities. In the context of the European integration processes of all branches of the national economy, the integration of the banking sector into the European common space is an extremely urgent task for Ukrainian management and scientists. Since in today's conditions of risks, funding and support for the development of branches of the national economy from European and world foundations is exactly what is supported by Banking sector of the economy, therefore its dynamic development. In the context of the maximization and digitization of all processes, it is an extremely urgent task for specialists in the banking sector and leading Ukrainian scientists. Therefore, the use of modern tools based on economic-mathematical modeling, namely cluster analysis for conducting and identifying the main clusters in the banking sector of the national economy, will allow investors, European foundations that finance various programs. To promote the dynamic development of economic sectors, as well as socioeconomic support of the population of Ukraine. The introduction of new digital technologies into the banking sector of the national economy will help to expand the range of banking and financial services, as well as virtually online access to all banking operations for bank customers, which in turn will strengthen the financial assets of national banks and provide generally dynamic development of this sector of the economy.

In recent years, one of the most interesting and potentially promising developments in European Union (EU) party politics has been the establishment of European political foundations. At the time of writing, no less than 12 European political foundations are active in Brussels and beyond, and the total EU grant available to them for 2012 amounted to almost 12 million euro. However, very little is known as to how exactly these European political foundations perform their tasks. Taking stock of the first five years of their operation, this article analyses European political foundations empirically and comparatively, based on the study of primary resources and a number of semi-structured interviews, alongside existing research. The central questions concern the purposes European political foundations serve and the nature of their relationship with Europarties. From a theoretical perspective, this article addresses the issue of the development of European political foundations within the wider debate on EU party politics, and offers a number of insights regarding the actual and potential role of European political foundations in strengthening Europarties.

Fundraising is an essential part of the political enterprise. In almost all countries, parties and candidates rely on donations in order to collect sufficient resources to finance their political activities. While most of the existing research in the past has focused on the motivation of donors to contribute to parties and candidates, this article starts from the premise that the level of donations can best be explained by an interplay of supply-side factors (donors) and demand-side factors (political actors). This article specifically focuses on the demand-side: which policy and strategies do political actors develop to seek donations from various sources? To this end, explanatory factors on three main dimensions – institutional, inter-party, intra-party – were examined with regards to the fundraising strategies of European political parties and foundations. Based on a combination of a document analysis and semi-structured interviews, the article will show how the regulatory framework, the possibility of a public backlash, party ideology and the general income structure of political parties influence their donation policy.

From the beginning of the creation of the EPP, I was convinced that we also needed European political foundations. With the creation of the EPP in 1976, I drafted the first by-laws for the foundation of the EPP. However, political parties had not yet obtained the financial means to fund these foundations. This process would have to wait almost 30 years. But finally, European political parties were in a position to discuss the establishment of European political foundations.

This article argues that, in the current period of crisis that the European Union is facing, and after the European elections of May 2019, an answer may lie in the strengthening of democratic participation of citizens in the life of the Union, and that European political parties could be one of the key features of this possible solution. Regulation no. 1141/ 2014 establishes several conditions for the registration of a political body as a European political party or a European political foundation, including the respect for the values on which the EU is founded, mentioned in Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU). The same Regulation also introduces an Authority entrusted with the task of ensuring that such conditions are respected. The article examines the powers of the Authority and offers a brief comparison with a similar body established in Italy, the Commission for the guarantee of political parties’ internal rules and for the transparency and control of political parties’ accounts. It also considers several practices adopted under Regulation no. 2004/2003, the former Regulation on European political parties and foundations. The article also focuses on the issue of compliance of European parties with requirements established by national laws. In conclusion, the article holds that the conditions set by Regulation no. 1141/2014 and the establishment of an Authority entrusted with surveillance of compliance with relevant EU law may appear useful in order to strengthen the position of European political parties as a means to increase the participation of European citizens to political life of the Union and as an instrument to defend democracy and constitutionalism in the EU; however the procedures established by the Regulation are too complex and the real power, in case of a suspected breach of fundamental values of the EU, belongs to European institutions, thus the decision is in the final instance a political one. European Political Parties, European Fundamental Values, Democracy, Constitutionalism, Registration of European Political Parties, Authority for European political parties and European political foundations

Building perceptions of trustworthiness that encourage donors to give is critical for nonprofit organizations that depend on charitable giving. Several studies focused on the disclosure of financial and performance information to foster public trust and help donors to make giving decisions. Drawing from stewardship theory, this study explores how additional content dimensions of a more relational nature—including appreciation for the support received and willingness to dialog with donors—might be combined with financial and performance dimensions to design effective online disclosure in the view of nonprofits. By focusing on the viewpoint of European community foundations and using the configurational approach of qualitative comparative analysis, we found that information about fundraising campaigns is deemed must‐have content to discharge online. However, this information alone is not considered to be enough; to retain current donors or attract new ones, it must be combined properly with disclosures demonstrating gratitude to and engagement with donors alongside organizational finances and performance.

This chapter discusses Article 224 TFEU, which was adopted following a 2000 Special Report of the European Court of Auditors. It considers the practice at the time of financing European political groups’ activities from the groups’ budgets as undesirable, since the funds allocated to those groups should not be used to finance any extra-parliamentary activities. It also reviews how Article 224 TFEU forms the basis for Regulation No. 1141/2014, which repealed and replaced Regulation No 2004/2003. The chapter describes a European political party that pursues political objectives and is registered with the Authority for European political parties and foundations. It highlights how the Commission adopted a legislative proposal to amend Regulation 1141/2014, which aims to increase the financial viability of European political parties and foundations.

Double-degree Master's Program in Computational Science: Experiences of ITMO University and University of Amsterdam

Democracy is the only system that guarantees people political and civil rights and the right to participation. No other form of government has proved to be so successful, so humane, and so conducive to development.The international community too has recognized that social, economic, and environmental progress and broad-based growth can only be achieved and secured on a sustainable bases within a democratic political system based on the rule of law.1Europe's democracies have a pioneering record in promoting democracy and human rights outside their borders. Through government developmental agencies such as Britain's Department for International Development, Germany's Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development, the Swedish International Development Agency, and similar organizations, much of Europe has long made development assistance a priority. While the bulk of development assistance addresses concerns such as poverty, hunger, and conflict, many European governments have incorporated democracy and human rights programming into foreign assistance.This more traditional approach to democracy and human rights work as a part of broader development assistance has been accompanied by a strong commitment by European political parties and related institutions to democracy promotion. Beginning as early as the 1920s, European parties embarked on programs to support democratic development through a fairly consistent model. Germany's political party foundations, or Stiftungen, have long played a leading role in supporting foreign political parties with training, seminars, and other activities in developing democracies. Under the German model, foundations are established with links to the major political parties. In some cases, (such as in Great Britain), the parties themselves established international offices as part of the party structure. Funding is provided by the government, typically apportioned based on parties' relative strength in the national parliament (or a combination of national and regional parliamentary representation).Particularly since the fall ofthe Berlin wall in 1989, many new players have followed Germany's lead and begun democracy and human rights work through party foundations. These new European foundations have largely followed the German example of establishing government-funded nongovernmental organizations linked to major political parties. As in Germany, many of these new party foundations combine domestic and international activities. But many ofthe newcomers to democracy promotion in Europe have also borrowed from the American model of establishing an independent (though state-funded) NGO to serve as a mechanism to channel resources to democracy-promotion activities to party foundations while maintaining an arm's-length distance from the government.The European Union has also become a major player in democracy and human rights work, particularly since the expansion of the EU to include former communist nations in central and eastern Europe. As with Spain and Portugal in the 1970s, many ofthe new member states benefited from democracy promotion activities in the 1980s and 1990s. As full-fledged members of the European Union, countries like the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia, and the Baltic republics of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania have brought a renewed emphasis and supported increased funding from the EU for human rights and democracy work.This article will survey the scope of democracy promotion activities in Europe, with an emphasis on two areas in which Europe's approach has been distinct: the party foundation model developed in Germany and used with modifications across the EU, and the unique role of the European Union itself as a transnational source of funding and support.THE AMERICAN EXPERIENCEFormer President George W Bush made democracy promotion a central tenet of American foreign policy. During the Bush years, the US dramatically increased spending for democracy and human rights activities and created a host of new mechanisms to provide resources toward democracy promotion. …

The subject of this analysis is the issue of corporal punishment in Serbian law, starting with Nemanjić Serbia, and up to the 70s of the XIX century, when corporal punishment was deleted from the penal system of Serbia. In Nemanjić Serbia, there were three types of corporal punishment, namely mutilation, branding and beating. For the regulation of these corporal punishments, the writer of Dušan's Code used Byzantine law as a model. Due to the Turkish occupation, the Nemanjić legal system was destroyed. Therefore, a new legal development on the territory of Serbia occurred only at the beginning of the 19th century. On this occasion, the penal system of insurgent Serbia is being built on European foundations. Thus, in terms of corporal punishment, in addition to the former punishment of beating, two of the harshest European penalties are prescribed - the so-called wheel and penalty of whipping. Punishments of the wheel and whip survived on the territory of Serbia until the 1850s, while, due to the severe renunciation of corporal punishment, the punishment of beating lasted until the 70s of the 19th century. Therefore, the paper made a legal-historical review of the development of corporal punishments and the reasons for their abolition.

”Foundations,” private, nonprofit institutions that make grants for public purposes, depend for their existence on the private accumulation of great wealth and on fiscal and moral incentives for its philanthropic use. Several European foundations, including the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, the Volkswagen Foundation, the Krupp Foundation, and the Nuffield Foundation, are now comparable in organization and size to the American leaders. But modern foundations, independently directed and professionally staffed, are principally an invention of twentieth-century industrial society in the United States.1 Of 32 foundations with assets exceeding $100 million, 29 are American.

Capital market players are regularly part of a group of companies. The classification of a company as a subsidiary has significant effects on the subsidiary and the parent company. In the law on transparency of shareholdings and takeover law, membership in such a group of companies is decided based on the concept of subsidiary in Section 35 (1) of the German Securities Trading Act (WpHG) and Section 2 (6) of the German Securities Acquisition and Takeover Act (WpÜG). These definitions are analysed in depth to shed light on capital market group law. The European foundations as well as the purpose of the regulations are particularly examined. Finally, the results found are verified by analyzing GmbH & Co. KG structures.

Research Article| September 01 2001 Arab Democracy: Dismal Prospects Lisa Anderson Lisa Anderson Lisa Anderson is dean of the School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google World Policy Journal (2001) 18 (3): 53–60. https://doi.org/10.1215/07402775-2001-4009 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Twitter Permissions Search Site Citation Lisa Anderson; Arab Democracy: Dismal Prospects. World Policy Journal 1 September 2001; 18 (3): 53–60. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/07402775-2001-4009 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsWorld Policy Journal Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright © 2001 World Policy Institute2001 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

European Foundations