Europe as Consumer of Exotic Biodiversity: Greek and Roman times

Exotic species often cause severe alterations in native communities due to their ability to rapidly and efficiently utilize a broad spectrum of resources. In flower–visitor interactions, the breadth of resource use by native and exotic animals as well as the partitioning of resources among them is often estimated based on the number of (shared) plant species used as resources. However, whether a flower visitor is able to exploit plant resources has been shown to be delimited by functional floral traits such as morphological barriers or attractive or repellent chemical cues. Each of the ecologically relevant traits can be viewed as a dimension of a Hutchinsonian n‐dimensional hypervolume, which characterizes the range of phenotypes exploitable by a species. In this study, we quantified the sizes and overlaps of n‐dimensional hypervolumes defined by floral traits that are exploited by native and exotic flower visitors (afterwards referred to as exploited space, ES). In the heavily invaded Hawaii Volcanoes National Park, USA, we phenotyped 40 native and exotic plant species and recorded flower–visitor interactions. To quantify the size and overlap of ES, we applied dynamic range boxes. On average, exotic flower visitors were more generalized in resource use (larger ES) than natives ones, which is additionally indicated by the absence of native flower visitors on exotic flowering plant species. In particular, ES based on floral scent emission was larger for exotic flower visitors compared to native ones. The unevenly expanded ES of native and exotic animals led to an asymmetric overlap of floral ES where exotic flower visitors shared only a small proportion of their ES with natives but occupied a large proportion of the ES of natives. The asymmetry in resource use of native and exotic flower visitors suggests a potential advantage in resource exploitation of the latter, potentially explaining their success in Hawaiian ecosystems. Predicted range expansion of exotic plant and animal species may further increase the competition for and reduce the availability of resources for native animals. This may lead to further declines of native species and increasing threats for Hawaiian ecosystems. A plain language summary is available for this article.

The aim of the research: to identify changes in the nature of relationship between mythological, religious and social aspects in the sphere of agonistics in Ancient Greece in the Roman Era. Methods and research: Analysis of literature and written sources on the history of ancient agonistics. The result of the study is the determination of the specific traits of agonal traditions of Ancient Greece and Ancient Rome. The article explores the sacral and secular aspects of the traditions and rules of antique agon. The Author shows a change in their ratio in Ancient Greece in the Roman Era. The paper focuses on the process of transformation of the sacral and secular content of agonistics and a variety of agon in Ancient Greece in the Roman Era, which is characterized by the clash of Hellenic and Roman agonal traditions. One of the most significant phenomena in the ideological life of that period was the cult of the Emperor, which was the official political religion of the Roman Empire. The Emperor’s cult with agon as one of the rituals became widespread in the western and eastern provinces including Greece. Greece had the status of "Achaea Roman Province" at that time. The Author describes the events that took place in Olympia and other religious centers of Ancient Greece at that time. Conclusion: Agonist features of the period were determined by changing the ratio of religious and social components of agonistics and transforming agony as a religious ritual into a spectacle that was widely used for political purposes.

Coupling together “technology” and “religion” might, to the modern mind, sound rather antithetical. The former, as we know it, is based in scientific knowledge and produces tangible results; the latter is phenomenological and spiritual. Yet this does not do justice to the full character of ancient science, or of ancient religion. Technologies in Greco-Roman antiquity could, and did, help create and sustain a sense of the divine, whether this was in the context of sanctuary space, or as part of religious occasions or rituals, for example. The kinds of evidence available to unearth the realities of the relation between technology and religion in ancient Greece and Rome span literature, material culture, and, importantly, ancient technical manuals. This final genre tends not to be as familiar to students of the Greco-Roman world in general and especially to students of ancient religion. Yet by combining these dry, and at times abstruse, texts with anecdotal evidence, technical realities and issues of viewership which surround the use of technology in ancient religious contexts can be better understood. One of the more familiar instances of religious technologies from ancient Greece is that of the theatrical crane (mēchanē). There, epiphanies of gods were fabricated using a conspicuous mechanical construction which speaks to the fundamentally mediated nature of ancient epiphany. The sense of sacred presence within ancient temples in the Greco-Roman world was enhanced using various technical methods including catoptrics—the science of reflection. Religious processions in antiquity involved parading a vast array of objects through the cityscape and technologies of automation began, in the Hellenistic period onward, to feature as part of this conspicuous display of the marvelous. Various other rituals which formed the very basis of Greek religious life, such as divination and dedication, relied on technical, including mechanical, expertise to create, enhance, or authenticate connection with the divine. Traces of the intersection between religion and technology in Greco-Roman antiquity can be found not only from the Classical institution of the theater but even earlier, including in the Homeric epics. Yet the formalization of the discipline of mechanics in the Hellenistic period gave new shape and vigor to the relation between religion and technology. Subsequently, the Roman period saw increased meta-discourse on the phenomenon, especially thanks to the culturally vibrant “Second Sophistic,” as well as the rise of Christianity, where the word (logos) of god was privileged above anything material.

The article analyzes the leisure of antiquity in the light of entertainment culture Naumachia based on ancient literary reflection, through the prism of the work of historians, philosophers, poets, writers of ancient Greece and Rome Gaius Suetonius Tranquillo, Tacitus, Plutarch, Lucius Annaeus Seneca, Ovid, Martial. Leisure antiquity as separate forms is the subject of numerous scientific and popular science literature. The authors of some of these philosophical, historical, literary, educational, cultural study researches, themselves have become classics and well respected in this area: A. Genkina [1], V. Dmitrenko [2], O. Klyusko [3], F. Kouel [4], E. Nykytyuk [7], A. Obertynska [8], I.Petrova [11], H. Hefling [18], B. Chumachenko [19], etc. However, focusing on ancient leisure as primarily free time, quantity and quality of which indicates the extent of social wealth of Greek, Roman transformational changes in leisure culture, determining the ancient entertainment as σχολία (scholium), intelligent and entertaining otium, often not paying attention at the time that the performances of athletes, as well as poets and actors rhapsodies, Gladiatores, were public, so constituted an element of contemporary spectacle – prototypes of modern culture and leisure, and recently – thanks to television – and entertainment shows. Based on the study, the authors identified the transformation of leisure as a social and humanitarian experience of ancient society, established the nature and content Naumachia (dramatization of sea battles) like mass forms of leisure antiquity. In his spare antiquity there are two types of recreational activity: 1) the types and forms of leisure associated with a religious cult, including mythology, traditional rites and rituals, mass action, where, according to the classification of the ancient values of leisure, the leading advocate religious cult values and ahonalnist; 2) the types and forms of leisure associated with everyday life, everyday occupations, individual characteristics of participants in recreational activities of antiquity, where there are primary value orientation and communication and compensation [1]. Types, kinds and forms of involuntary leisure, are differentiated on the basis of specific of religious sacral actions of antiquity on: a) kind of holidays, ascending to calendar-mythological cycles (agriculture, viticulture etc, where a leading value is a cult); b) kind of holidays-celebrations in honour, predefined sacrificial competition actions; c) kind of religiously political holidays which combine in itself a cult and competition. First class is based on myths which explain the natural phenomenon, to him belong in Greece – Linea, Anfesteriyi, Small and Large Dionysia, Panafiney, in Rome – Vinaliyi, Floraliyi, Meditrialiyi. It should be noted that this group acts leisure is most common in ancient Greece, as opposed to Rome, there was created the only mythological system that it evolve based on her cult ceremonies [1]. Strengthening the state supreme power causes the appearance of triumphs and religious and political events (first, holy emperors – the phenomenon of the Roman Empire). Often these games are due the state, which significantly distinguishes them from circuses sacred meaning, or arranged on subsidies officials who dream of relevant government office [12]. However, in the social life of leisure is the hallmark and the main form of life only born free man (in ancient Greece) or social security layer (in ancient Rome). Elements spectacular ancient culture are many and varied: sports, theater and choirs (about what life had meaning ancient Greeks and competition policies choirs shows the existence of such obligations as horehiya relying on the most wealthy citizens, because the cost of equipment and their training choirs for performances were comparable with conscription of equipment ships – Trier. Everhesiya – Charity – was associated with voluntary services rich fellow citizens care about the common good, the welfare of native policy), religious holidays – passing donators, games in honor of the gods; competition of poets, speeches rhapsodies, circus and actors. This is also related performances and speakers: the National Assembly of Athens, the Roman Forum, performances in the National Assembly, the Areopagus, the Senate. The spectacular nature of ancient, especially Roman culture was so pronounced that the games, for example, later became an important part of domestic policy. Historian T. Mommzen wrote that the games from the state treasury was determined once and for all a sum of 200 thousand aces (14 500 thalers) which was increased to Punic wars; disposed of the money aedile, which had to cover out of pocket every possible accidental overruns [6, p. 365]. Thus, the newly elected Roman aedile were required, along with other urban management issues, solve problems of Activities urban population. How to write ancient historians, the first Naumachia – Reconstruction of marine battles in artificial reservoirs – was held Roman emperors Guy Yulyus Caesar, Octavian Augustus, Claudius and others. In their historical works presented detailed descriptions, statistics of mass spectacles Naumachies, the number of members-gladiators and costs. The author of article described the moral aspects of Naumachia in the light of entertainment culture of antiquity.

Previous articleNext article FreeA Bronze Hellenistic Dwarf in the Metropolitan MuseumLillian Bartlett StonerLillian Bartlett StonerThe Institute of Fine Arts, New York University Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditEmailQR Code SectionsMoreRepresentations of dwarfs in the Hellenistic world include a blending of realistic and imagined elements, and they are a fascinating subcategory of the "Hellenistic grotesque," representations of the ill, destitute, or handicapped. Small-scale bronze statuettes of dwarfs, of which one in The Metropolitan Museum of Art is an important example (figs. 1a–c), were frequently displayed in Roman domestic settings and seem to have been particularly popular during the Late Republican and Early Imperial periods (ca. 100 b.c.–a.d. 100). In this context, images of dwarfs were emblematic of the mania for all things "Egyptian" that reached a fever pitch in the decades leading up to and following the Battle of Actium in 31 b.c. This article explores the various associations that dwarfs came to embody through a long and complex process of appropriation (Egyptian to Greek to Roman), in an attempt to elucidate how the Metropolitan Museum's statuette was displayed and what it might have meant to the Roman viewer.figs. 1a–c. Statuette of a Dwarf. Late Hellenistic or Early Imperial, ca. 100 b.c.–a.d. 100. Bronze, with silver in the eyes, H. 3⅛ in. (7.9 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of Henry G. Marquand, 1897 (97.22.9)The small bronze dwarf is displayed in the Museum's Hellenistic gallery, in a case populated by other genre statuettes. Henry Gurdon Marquand, a discerning collector and well-known patron of the arts, gave the statuette to the Museum in 1897, the same year he became its second president. The donation of his fine collection of Roman bronzes, as well as a wealth of European paintings, transformed the Museum's collection before the turn of the century.1The statuette, measuring 3⅛ inches in height, is solid cast in bronze and, despite surface damage and aggressive cleaning, is in remarkably good condition.2 The green patina has been worn off in places, leaving blotches of a more golden color. The left side has sustained the most damage: the outer arm, hand, and shin are badly abraded. The face has also suffered, with a break at the left nostril and wear on the chin making those features appear respectively rather hooked and sharp. Areas of pitting are visible on the forehead, right knee and ankle, and the bottom of the tray. Two fingers are missing on the right hand. A shallow hole at the top of the head retains traces of lead solder, encircled by a worn, raised molding—this feature gives the most valuable clues to the statuette's ancient display context.The dwarf stands on his left foot and steps forward in a toddling, bowlegged stride. The legs are chubby, with bulky, softly modeled calf and thigh muscles. The buttocks are prominent and boxy in shape, and the phallus is completely exposed and abnormally large, reaching to the soles of the feet. The feet themselves seem unlikely to have ever supported the figure, as they are somewhat curved. The protruding stomach and broad breast are covered by an apron of thick material, tied at the nape of the neck. A small, square pouch hangs from the belt on the left side, and the left wrist is encircled by what appears to be a blockish bracelet. He holds a large, deep dish laden with small, round edibles—perhaps fruits or cakes—and is sampling one with his right hand. Despite its small size, the statuette is full of a cheeky malevolence; the mouth is open to receive the treat he has pilfered, revealing both upper and lower rows of teeth. The brow is prominent and furrowed with dramatic, stylized eyebrows conveying a sinister effect. The eyes are inlaid in silver with deeply incised pupils, once likely filled with gemstones or glass-paste, now missing.3 The use of a precious metal is a deliberate choice intended to draw focus to the eyes and additionally served to increase the expense and prestige of the statuette. The bald head is encircled by a crude wreath consisting of stylized leaves and clusters of grapes or berries.In terms of physiognomy, it is clear that the artist was portraying disproportionate dwarfism (achondroplasia), the result of a genetic mutation that is characterized by short stature, stunted arms and legs, and "normal" sized trunk and head.4 However, the oversize phallus and exaggerated facial features are figments of artistic imagination that impart the effect of caricature. Although more than two hundred bronze dwarf statuettes of this approximate scale have survived from antiquity,5 the silver eyes and impish animation of the Metropolitan's example make it especially compelling and deserving of a closer look.Dwarfism was an acknowledged reality in ancient Mediterranean societies, and images of dwarfs were often depicted in the arts of New Kingdom Egypt and Classical Greece.6 The different responses that the condition generated in these periods found partial reconciliation in Hellenistic and eventually Roman culture. Dwarfs featured prominently in Egyptian art and mythology, particularly in relation to scarab beetles and the dwarfish gods Ptah and Bes, their images circulating widely around the ancient Mediterranean, notably as symbols of apotropaic power.7 These associations evidently influenced the treatment of dwarfs positively: they were frequently included in the retinue of elite households as special servants and enjoyed important roles in the religious sphere as ritual dancers and guards of temple precincts.8In Archaic and Classical Greece dwarfs did not enjoy an elevated status such as they had in Egypt. Several popular Greek myths feature dwarfs; the most famous is the Battle of Pygmies versus Cranes, a tale from the Iliad in which a migrating flock of cranes wages war on a tribe of pygmies residing near the source of the Nile.9 In general, no clear distinction between pygmies and dwarfs was made in Greek literature and art, an ambiguity that persisted through the Roman period. The words pygmaios and nanos (and their Latinized equivalents) were used interchangeably to describe both African pygmies10 (in modern terms, a dark-skinned, sub-Saharan ethnic group characterized by their small size) and indigenous dwarfs, whose physical disproportion was caused by genetic mutation.11 In one of the earliest artistic depictions of the Pygmies versus Cranes episode, on the foot of the François Krater (ca. 570–560 b.c.), the pygmies (both cavalrymen and infantry) are small, proportionate humans.12 In a later representation from ca. 480–470 b.c., now in the State Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg, and in the majority of cases, they are shown as disproportionate dwarfs, suggesting that dwarfs in the local population were used as visual inspiration.13Another myth involving abnormally small characters is set during the life of Herakles. In this story the Kerkopes, diminutive, mischievous twin brigands, are caught red-handed while trying to steal from the hero.14 Once they are hog-tied and slung over Herakles' shoulder, they earn their freedom by amusing him with their coarse jokes.15 This myth can be read as an early precursor to the comedic, foulmouthed dwarfs described in Roman literature.In Greek representations unrelated to these specific myths, dwarfs are nearly always shown balding or bearded, perhaps in an effort to distinguish them from children.16 A charming red-figure skyphos in Paris shows a male dwarf gamboling on each side and displaying all of the iconographic conventions typical of the period: mostly bald, bearded, with prominent forehead and snub nose (figs. 2a, b). These stylized facial features and those of satyrs are markedly similar, and perhaps because of this contrived resemblance, dwarfs began to be associated with Dionysos—a tendency that intensified through the Roman period.17figs. 2a,b. Gamboling Dwarf on a Red-figure Skyphos. Attributed to the Manner of the Sotades Painter. Greek, from Capua, ca. 460 b.c. H. 3 in. (7.7 cm). Musée du Louvre, Paris (G 617)The burgeoning popularity of dwarfs in the art and literature of the Hellenistic period builds upon their earlier roles in dynastic Egypt and Classical Greece. While older associations (as servants, attendants of Dionysos, and mischievous foreigners) remain, for the first time dwarfs become the subject of heavy-handed humor: their smallness, combined with surprising and distinctly adult characteristics, is the butt of the joke.Dwarfs are often referred to in literature as entertainers and servants in elite households. Athenaeus writes of Ptolemy IV processing publicly in Alexandria, followed by a retinue of dancing dwarfs in an enactment of a Dionysiac procession.18 In this case, the practice of keeping dwarfs for amusement is a continuation of the much older Pharaonic tradition, but with a distinctly Greek twist. In such a grandiose display, Ptolemy IV presented himself as the new Dionysos, and the cavorting dwarfs filled in as real-life satyrs. Dwarfs were assimilated into Ptolemaic court ideology of luxury and hedonistic excess, which in Roman times was recalled (sometimes with admiration) as an example of excessive moral decadence. Not only did dwarfs preserve their function as novelty servants, but their humorous size and cultivated exoticism were transformed into symbols of godlike luxury. They were soon viewed this way throughout the Roman world.In the Roman period, dwarfs were strongly associated with Egyptian culture, more so than they had been in Classical Greece. Special interest in Egypt developed in the second century b.c., as Rome became a major international force and found itself increasingly in contact (and at odds) with the powerful Hellenistic kingdoms of the East. Egyptian cults became fashionable in Rome, and interior spaces were decorated with Egyptian ethnological scenes, one of the most famous and earliest examples coming from Palestrina.19 As Rome confronted Egypt's captivating history, images of dwarfs entered Roman culture as part of the newly adopted "Egyptianizing" repertoire.Mark Antony is the first notable Roman known to have adopted the tradition of keeping dwarfs in his home.20 Given Antony's reported enjoyment of luxuries typically associated with the decadent "East," his ownership of dwarfs likely deliberately echoed the Ptolemaic practice.21 Retaining dwarfs quickly became popular, even in the highest levels of Roman society, as a status symbol. Augustus's renegade daughter, Julia, kept two, although Suetonius writes of the emperor's personal dislike of the fashion.22 The fact that Mark Antony and Julia were characterized as owning dwarfs is highly significant, given how well known they were in literature as intemperate consumers of wine, sex, and other excesses associated in the Roman mind with the "East." Dwarfs had come to represent the extravagances of Hellenistic despots that the most conservative fringe of Roman society—with the emperor Augustus at its forefront—disdained as utterly un-Roman. His endorsement of traditional Roman mores could not stop the spread of a culture of "Eastern" luxury, and the popularity of dwarf-attendants in Rome persisted.Roman authors refer to dwarfs as entertainers, performing in public and private spheres. Statius describes with admiration a display of pugilist dwarfs in the Roman arena: "They give wounds fighting hand to hand and threaten each other with death—what fists!"23 Their aggressive demeanor and unexpected power are emphasized as a counterpoint to their smallness, eliciting amusement and amazement in a cosmopolitan audience constantly seeking novel forms of diversion. Other descriptions indicate that dwarfs reenacted the Battle of Pygmies versus Cranes, in an appealing mix of drama, comedy, and brute violence.24 An even more outlandish combination, in the Colosseum during Saturnalia, featured dwarf gladiators fighting against armed, full-size women, perhaps impersonating Amazons.25 The uncertain outcome of this bizarre match must have increased the highly valued suspense factor.26Many representations of fighting dwarfs in bronze survive, including a particularly fine boxer now in Boston (fig. 3).27 The figure's compact, muscular body is poised for action as he grasps the ancient equivalent of brass knuckles in his fists—reminiscent of the class of fighter that so impressed Statius. Dwarfs are also shown wearing gladiatorial costume, as in a British Museum figure equipped with a crested helmet cuirass and small circular shield (fig. 4). Presumably the spectacle here was intended to be more comic than menacing.fig. 3. Dwarf Boxer. Greek, 150 b.c.–a.d. 10. Bronze, 4⅜ in. (11.1 cm). Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (RES.08.32k)fig. 4. Dwarf Gladiator. Bronze, 2⅜ in. (6 cm). British Museum, London (1922,0712.4)Ancient authors also write of dwarf entertainers in the private sphere. Propertius tells of a dwarf dancing in flickering lamplight to the accompaniment of a flute, and characterizes the troupe as specializing in "Egyptian-style" entertainment.28 Lucian describes a dinner-party guest who is the target of a rude-mouthed dwarf belonging to the host family, referring to the dwarf as a "tiny Alexandrian man." In another passage, a dwarf recites salacious verses in an Egyptian accent to the delight of his audience.29 Whether or not these dwarfs were Egyptian by birth or ethnicity, it seems clear that their distinct modes of entertainment—dancing and rehearsing ribald poems—linked them in the Roman mind with Alexandria by the first century b.c.30A large corpus of dancing dwarf statuettes provides clues of what these performances might have looked like. Dancers, alone or in troupes, specialized in performance genres and employed an assortment of costumes and musical instruments. The famous late second-century b.c. dancing dwarfs from the Mahdia shipwreck, clearly a pair, twirl around and play castanets (figs. 5, 6).31 The female figure caricatures the veiled dancer type, which had strong associations with Alexandria.32 The so-called Baker Dancer33 is a particularly beautiful example in the Metropolitan Museum, and the parallels between the two figures in their whirling motion and costume are apparent.fig. 5. Dancing Female Dwarf. Late 2nd century b.c. Bronze, 12⅜ in. (31.5 cm). From the Mahdia shipwreck, ca. 80s b.c. The National Bardo Museum, Tunis (F213)fig. 6. Dancing Male Dwarf. Late 2nd century b.c. Bronze, 12⅝ in. (32 cm). From the Mahdia shipwreck, ca. 80s b.c. The National Bardo Museum, Tunis (F215)The bronze dwarf in the Museum belongs to a smaller category of surviving dwarf figures that neither fight nor dance, and it should be considered one of the finest existing representations of dwarfs as household attendants. His Dionysian wreath locates him in a symposium or festival context, and the heavily laden tray suggests that he is serving refreshments at such an event. The closest parallel, and perhaps the only other dwarf of this type, is a statuette now in Florence with a similar costume and disposition (fig. 7).34 Instead of a tray, he clutches a wickerwork basket of fruits or breads and appears to be singing or calling out. Both works may be interpreted as servants misbehaving to the delight of both host and guests, of the sort described by Suetonius, Propertius, and Lucian.fig. 7. Dwarf Carrying a Basket. 1st century b.c.–1st century a.d. Bronze, 3¼ in. (8.2 cm). Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Florence (2300)The conspicuously large phallus of the Museum's figure, and so many other surviving dwarf statuettes from the Roman period, can be interpreted in a number of ways. In Greco-Roman art, the male body was frequently represented nude, and across a variety of media, the genitalia of beautiful youths and mature warriors alike were typically rather small. Because of this association, modestly sized penises have regularly been considered a hallmark of the ideal male form.35 In contrast, the grotesquely large phallus was reserved for unheroic characters, including comic actors (who wore large strap-ons) and the congenitally misshapen bodies that so captured the artistic imagination in the Hellenistic period.36 In these contexts, the preposterously outsized phallus was likely used to reinforce an already unattractive aspect, while at the same time providing a humorous gloss. Ancient religion provides another index for understanding the phallus, which is sometimes interpreted as a symbol to repel the evil eye in the Roman period.37 The phallus reinforces readings of dwarf statuettes as ugly, humorous, and even apotropaic, but also provides a visual manifestation of the paradox between small stature and loud voice, prodigious strength, or sharp wit that is underscored in ancient descriptions.Neither the provenance nor original display context of the Museum's dwarf statuette is known, but works with secure provenance provide clues as to how it might have been used in antiquity. Bronze dwarfs of similar size and craftsmanship were found by the dozens in ruined houses of Herculaneum, Pompeii, and the surrounding areas.38 Because the socioeconomic situation of these households is now fairly well understood, it seems reasonable to suggest that objects of this type were used to adorn the homes of prosperous, middle-class owners.39 They were displayed as decorative objects, independently, in groups, or incorporated in furniture and utensils. Six bronze dwarfs cunningly shaped as oil lamps have been recovered from Herculaneum and Pompeii, the phalluses serving as from which the and (fig. in the of a Dwarf. 1st century a.d. From Bronze, in. cm). Museo Archeologico feature on the head of the Museum's statuette may indicate that it was part of type of or Because the feet are to the that the figure on its it seems that it was by of a to the The bronze boxer from Boston has of a at the top of the given its lower it most likely supported a or other Not all examples were a female dwarf from the Mahdia has a on its and the (fig. intended for were often with small that have in the or at the of a Female Dwarf with Late 2nd century b.c. Bronze, in. cm). From the Mahdia shipwreck, ca. 80s b.c. The National Bardo Museum, Tunis many associations in the ancient They were or or valued as servants or but always into the by way of myth and Hellenistic representations of dwarfs into the category but it by older associations as attendants of and by Ptolemaic luxury and In the of a the Museum's dwarf have served as a charming as a household might itself with dwarf entertainers, so might a middle-class Roman his with statuettes of the displayed in a the statuette into the perhaps an guest a closer the the figure as a misbehaving might of or he be caught off and enjoy the and surprising The statuette the as its might have in a of this article was at the on the of Art by the and the Institute of Fine of New York University and at the Bronze in and H. for their of the of Greek and Roman Art and of the for at the Metropolitan Museum to the dwarf statuette and their of the Museo Archeologico in Florence was and condition were by is on and the of This is to be the case for another small bronze with silver eyes and deeply incised at the Metropolitan Museum an of a nearly and of surviving bronze dwarf statuettes it not include The of is the most for the Egyptian and Classical Greek and on the of dwarfs in the Classical period, and Iliad the of as the known world the of myth were and became associated with and the modern of may have them as or the Greek that of pygmies may have to for the of short in Greek this the of descriptions of ethnic characteristics, such as color. Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Florence The State Hermitage Museum, Saint The surviving of the myth of and the twin is by century and was of a a of the and iconographic as well as its in the The between and dwarfs to their size and persisted in both and that are dwarfs are often shown with and for a to the at the in In representations of the a the were by the between these of and and also Suetonius, Augustus Augustus presented himself as a Roman in to Antony (who had been by the luxury and of the is another way to his dislike of the practice of keeping dwarfs in the for this and Propertius, and of the "Hellenistic as a type, and for for These are known from many the bronze oil shown in is with small from which small were examples for and Museo Archeologico Museo Archeologico Nazionale, in in 2nd 3 in and Dwarf in in in Ancient The and the at the of the New University in African in and Greek, and Roman in the Museum of Fine Arts, Museum of Fine in in Egypt and Classical and in in of in Dwarfs in Ancient Egypt and Greece. in in in Greek University in and Pygmies in the Roman Classical in in in the of Dwarfs in Hellenistic and Roman in in in Alexandria in in The and of in and in the Archaic Greek The of and New University in in the of Art in and the of in G. The of Early of Egyptian in in G. and of Dwarfs in In into Egypt in the Roman of the of of by and G. in In by in and the of in Greek, and Roman New in H. on Greek of in Art, and the in Ancient Greece. University in Bronze from of in and The of The Metropolitan Museum of New Henry in Previous articleNext article by Metropolitan Museum by the Metropolitan Museum of Art by The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New no articles this

Invasive exotic plant species are often expected to benefit exclusively from legacy effects of their litter inputs on soil processes and nutrient availability. However, there are relatively few experimental tests determining how litter of exotic plants affects their own growth conditions compared to congeneric native plant species. Here, we test how the legacy of litter from three exotic plant species affects their own performance in comparison to their congeneric natives that co-occur in the invaded habitat. We also analyzed litter effects on soil processes. In all three comparisons, soil with litter from exotic plant species had the highest respiration rates. In two out of the three exotic-native species comparisons, soil with litter from exotic plant species had higher inorganic nitrogen concentrations than their native congener, which was likely due to higher initial litter quality of the exotics. When litter from an exotic plant species had a positive effect on itself, it also had a positive effect on its native congener. We conclude that exotic plant species develop a legacy effect in soil from the invaded range through their litter inputs. This litter legacy effect results in altered soil processes that can promote both the exotic plant species and their native congener.

Invasive exotic plant species often have fewer natural enemies and suffer less damage from herbivores in their new range than genetically or functionally related species that are native to that area. Although we might expect that having fewer enemies would promote the invasiveness of the introduced exotic plant species due to reduced enemy exposure, few studies have actually analyzed the ecological consequences of this situation in the field. Here, we examined how exposure to aboveground herbivores influences shifts in dominance among exotic and phylogenetically related native plant species in a riparian ecosystem during early establishment of invaded communities. We planted ten plant communities each consisting of three individuals of each of six exotic plant species as well as six phylogenetically related natives. Exotic plant species were selected based on a rapid recent increase in regional abundance, the presence of a congeneric native species, and their co-occurrence in the riparian ecosystem. All plant communities were covered by tents with insect mesh. Five tents were open on the leeward side to allow herbivory. The other five tents were completely closed in order to exclude insects and vertebrates. Herbivory reduced aboveground biomass by half and influenced which of the plant species dominated the establishing communities. Exposure to herbivory did not reduce the total biomass of natives more than that of exotics, so aboveground herbivory did not selectively enhance exotics during this early stage of plant community development. Effects of herbivores on plant biomass depended on plant species or genus but not on plant status (i.e., exotic vs native). Thus, aboveground herbivory did not promote the dominance of exotic plant species during early establishment of the phylogenetically balanced plant communities.Electronic supplementary materialThe online version of this article (doi:10.1007/s00442-015-3472-6) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

ABSTRACTUrban systems, particularly botanical gardens, often comprise a lot of exotic plant species that can integrate into local plant‐pollinator networks, influencing their temporal structural dynamics. However, revealing how plant‐pollinator interactions are continuously reshaped and how the roles of native plant and exotic plant species within networks alter over time remains a significant challenge. Here, we reconstructed monthly plant‐pollinator interaction networks for 12 months within an urban botanical garden. We focused on the monthly variations in the structure of pollination networks and the roles of native and exotic plant species. The results showed that the dynamics of plant‐pollinator interactions are characterized by significant changes in network structure and species alternations, which have substantial impacts on community processes. Each month, the plant‐pollinator network can be divided into several modules of closely interacting plants and pollinators, and these modules form complex fission‐fusion dynamics across the year. Monthly dynamic changes in plant‐pollinator network structure led to alternations of plant species occupying core positions within the networks. The core plant species in the pollination networks alternated between native and exotic species across the 12 months, suggesting that plant species can be core species independently of their origin in urban plant‐pollinator networks. Therefore, the roles of native and exotic plant species in plant‐pollinator networks can only be fully detected and understood from the perspective of time‐scale dynamics. These results suggest that information on the dynamic changes in plant‐pollinator network structure is critical for understanding the temporally varying role of core species in urban ecosystems.

Both exotic and native plant species rely on insect pollinators for reproductive success, and yet few studies have evaluated whether and how exotic plant species receive services from native pollinators for successful reproduction in their introduced range. Plant species are expected to successfully reproduce in their exotic range if they have low reliance on animal pollinators or if they successfully integrate themselves into resident plant-pollinator networks. Here, we quantify the breeding system, network integration, and pollen limitation for ten focal exotic plant species in North America. Most exotic plant species relied on animal pollinators for reproduction, and these species varied in their network integration. However, plant reproduction was limited by pollen receipt for only one plant species. Our results demonstrate that even poorly integrated exotic plant species can still have high pollination service and high reproductive success. The comprehensive framework considered here provides a method to consider the contribution of plant breeding systems and the pollinator community to pollen limitation, and can be applied to future studies to provide a more synthetic understanding of the factors that determine reproductive success of exotic plant species.

A Revolutionary Narrative of European History: Bonneville's <i>History of Modern Europe</i> (1789–1792)

In close connection with Melanesian and, later, European settlement in New Caledonia, exotic species of plants and animals were initially voluntarily introduced to fulfil practical and economic purposes. In the last decades however, the introduction of alien species has primarily been driven by leisure activities and hobbies. Eighty-three per cent of all vertebrates introduced since 1950, in particular since 1970, have been brought in to satisfy the demand for hunting, angling, and the aquarium and cage bird trade. Such voluntary introductions were inevitably accompanied by numerous accidental ones. There are about 800 exotic species of flowering plants, at least 400 invertebrates and 36 vertebrates now established in the wild in New Caledonia. In combination with fire and clearing, vast areas of native vegetation, in particular of sclerophyll forest, have been replaced by secondary savanna and scrubland dominated by a few dozen invasive species of plants and animals. As increasing extents of «natural » habitats are being transformed through this process, an effective control of introductions should be established and enforced. Indeed current legislation totally lacks ecological considerations. Extinction or endangerment of several endemic species can be traced to the presence of introduced mammals, and the authors highlight several cases of introductions which have led to such depletion of native New Caledonian biodiversity. Restoration of selected areas through eradication of exotic pests will probably be essential for the in situ conservation of the unique biodiversity of New Caledonia.

Biomass and dry matter production in 12- to 14-year-old planted forests (including three exotic and three indigenous species) and secondary forest, and the biomass of grasslands were studied in Sakaerat to quantify the capability of plantations to rehabilitate degraded tropical lands. The reforestation of Imperata cylindrica grasslands enhanced the aboveground biomass growth by 5 to 37 times 12 years after planting. Exotic species, especially two Acacia species, accumulated greater biomass in their aboveground and belowground parts than did indigenous species and secondary vegetation at a similar age, and reached or surpassed the biomass in secondary or natural forests within the same area. Indigenous species also accumulated biomass at rates higher than those of secondary vegetation. Aboveground net primary production (ANPP) was greater in plantations of exotic species than in plantations of indigenous species, which had ANPP similar to those in secondary forest. The high ANPP in plantations of exotic species, including one Acacia and Eucalyptus plantation, was associated with higher annual leaf production and shorter leaf lifetime, combined with a small leaf biomass. The rate at which photosynthates were allocated to biomass was similar for plantations of exotic and indigenous species, but was lower in secondary forest than in plantations. The results showed the superiority of artificial plantations over natural regeneration for the rapid restoration of grassland in Sakaerat.

Museum Concept from Past to Present and Importance of Museums as Centers of Art Education

The article deals with the historical stages of the creation, development, and formation of a human rights institute. The ideological and theoretical heritage of Ancient Greece and Rome, which is the basis for the study of ideas about justice, social equality, and human freedom, is analyzed based on the analysis of the fundamental ideas of the most famous thinkers of antiquity. It was the philosophers of antiquity who initiated the concept of "natural law", which was formed over the centuries by the desire of man to understand the world, determine his place in society and politics. From the time of antiquity, the concept of human rights gradually began to emerge; Subsequently, the concept of equality, freedom of person, person, and citizen were formed. Ancient philosophers came up with the idea of law in general and the idea of human rights under the requirements of their time and conditions of social development. Over time, the ancient perception of social equality, justice, dignity, independence, and freedom of man became the starting point and benchmark of European political culture. The early period of the development of political and legal doctrines in ancient Greece is associated with the time of the formation of ancient Greek statehood. It was at this time that an attempt was made to give rationalist ideas about ethical and legal order in human affairs and relations instead of mythological ones. It should be noted that ancient Greek views on human rights were formed in mythological ideas about the origin of policies and divine justice. That is why rights come from the divine order of justice, which became the basis for the category equality. Only what corresponded to the concept of equality (within the concept of justice) was understood as right. In ancient Greek politics, customs and mono-norms gradually transformed towards protecting the dignity of citizens. The polite democracy gave impetus to the emergence of freedom, which promoted the emergence of equal political rights among the citizens of this policy. In the Greek city-state, the law first emerged as a specific phenomenon, and the life of the policy began to be compulsory for everyone. Subsequently, the Pythagoreans (VI –V centuries BC) formulated an important role in shaping the idea of legal equality and justice, using numerical proportions, that is, the ratio of certain parameters. The provision that "fair is to pay another equal" essentially introduces the coupon principle. Subsequently, this reflected Solon (7th-6th centuries BC) in his reforms. It eliminated debt slavery and, as a result of the compromise between nobility and demos, introduced a moderate censorship democracy in Athens. All citizens of the policy should equally be protected by the law and obey its mandatory rules (1). Recognized the law as a requirement of legal equality of free citizens of the policy, slaves did not apply the legal rules. Equality was considered in two respects: equality in law and equality before the law. Developed by Roman lawyers provisions in which a person acts as a subject of law, determine the legal status of a person, establish the freedom and formal equality of people under natural law, define Roman citizenship as a special legal status of a person, the distribution of the right to private and public, etc. contributed to the awareness of legal the importance of human rights in the context of the systematic doctrine of the legal nature of the relationship between the individual and the state. Roman law, extending to a state which it regarded as the object of its study along with positive law, ensured a legal relationship between the state and the individual, which was crucial for the development of the institution of the protection of individual rights in the world at that time (14, p. 119). In relation to individuals, the state was not above the rule of law, but directly its component part, which has all the basic properties of a law. The basis of a just and legal relationship between the individual and the state recognized the law, not the state. The individual and the state must be law-abiding subjects of legal relations, that is, act according to the rules of law. Conclusion. To sum up, we can point out that the first theoretical developments and statutory provisions of the law go back to ancient times. The thinkers of Ancient Greece and Rome initiated the basic concepts of justice, equality, autonomy. It was then that ideas about political rights, lawmaking, democracy, and the personal responsibility of citizens were formed. However, freedom was not universal, it did not belong to slaves, and they were not the subjects of relations in the policy. The population of the policies was divided into different social and ethnic groups and accordingly had different legal status. Such inequality was the norm, so the priority was given to a policy or state that was enshrined in legislation. However, in Ancient Greece, there were also certain individual rights of citizens such as the right to speak; private property rights; the right to participate in government; the right to hold office; to participate in national meetings; the right to participate in the administration of justice; the right to appeal against illegal acts, etc. In Ancient Rome, this list was supplemented by the right to bargain, freedom of movement, the right of the people's tribune to veto, the ban on torture, the adversarial process of the lawsuit, etc. Keywords: Antiquity period, city-policies, human rights, legal equality, society, justice.

The article notes that the sources of legitimacy were different in ancient and medieval times than today. It is emphasized that the concept of legitimacy in China emerged from a complex interplay of philosophical ideas, cultural beliefs, and historical precedents. The Mandate of Heaven, Confucianism, and legalism each provided different sources through which rulers sought to legitimize their authority. In ancient Greece, the concept of legitimacy arose from a combination of civic participation, philosophical thoughts, mythological narratives, and the pursuit of virtue. In ancient India, however, the concept of legitimacy was deeply rooted in the rich tapestry of spiritual, social and philosophical ideals. Dharma served as a spiritual compass that guided rulers to maintain cosmic order and ethical principles. The article also notes that the sources of legitimacy in ancient Rome were multifaceted, based on a combination of mythology, legal foundations, religious symbolism, and the ability to ensure stability and prosperity. In medieval Europe, the concept of legitimacy was shaped by the complex dynamics of feudal relations, religious beliefs, and evolving political structures. In medieval Islam, the concept of legitimacy was deeply rooted in the caliphate, the implementation of the Sharia and the pledge of allegiance. The interaction of political and religious factors determined the sources of legitimacy, emphasizing the importance of rulers to rule according to Islamic principles. The scientific result of the article, the novelty and importance of the work is that it shows how the concept of legitimacy changes over time and space and the impact of these changes on the management structure of societies. The author emphasizes that the sources of legitimacy in ancient and medieval times, unlike in the modern era, originated more from religious, philosophical and cultural contexts. The novelty of the work is the comparative presentation of specific models of legitimacy in ancient China, Greece, India and Rome, as well as in medieval Europe and the Islamic world. The main hypothesis is that the sources of legitimacy were formed according to the social, economic and ideological realities of the time and had a direct impact on the management mechanisms. The importance of the work is that it provides an opportunity to better understand the dynamics of legitimacy in the modern era and build effective governance structures by learning from its historical models. This approach creates a new perspective for both philosophical and political-legal studies.