Ethnicity, minority status, and inter-group bias: A systematic meta-analysis on fMRI studies

Background. Identity and contacts are often studied from the perspective of inherent conflict potential for intergroup relations leading to prejudice and exclusion in societies which contain groups with different ethnic status. Nonetheless, there are certain identification and interaction mechanisms that can potentially mitigate or cancel these harmful effects. These comprise inclusive contacts and identities, in particular the positive inclusive identities, which allow to unite the representatives of different groups. It is important to find out what determines these identities and contacts. Schwartz’s theory of individual values has great potential for explaining the personality determinants of identities positivity and the intensity of contacts. Objective. The aim of the study was to examine the role of individual values and status of ethnic group in assessing the positivity of exclusive and inclusive identities, as well as in the intensity of exclusive and inclusive contacts among members of ethnic majority and minority groups. Design. The study was conducted on a sample of an ethnic minority (Russians living in the North Caucasus) and on a sample of an ethnic majority (Russians living in Moscow). The total sample size is = 499 respondents. The individual values were measured using a portrait value questionnaire – PVQ-R (Schwartz et al., 2012); positivity of ethnic identity, positivity of civic identity, positivity of regional identity, intercultural contacts, monocultural contacts were measured using the appropriate methods from the questionnaire of the MIRIPS project (Mutual intercultural relations in plural societies) (Berry, 2017). Results. The study found that (1) the values of Conservation underlie the positivity of exclusive ethnic and inclusive civic identities among members of the ethnic majority, (2) values of Openness to Change underlie exclusive monocultural contacts among ethnic minority and majority members, (3) values of Self-Enhancement underlie inclusive intercultural contacts among members of the ethnic minority. Conclusion. The results of this study revealed the motivational foundations of exclusive monocultural and inclusive intercultural friendship, which were based on the values of personal focus among the Russian ethnic minority and majority members. At the same time, the values of social focus turned out to underlie the positivity of the exclusive ethnic Russian and inclusive civic Russian identity among the ethnic Russian majority members. The research results have a wide potential for further theoretical and practical application in the field of intercultural relations and their harmonization.

The chapter is devoted to studying the role of social disidentification in acculturation preferences of ethnic minority and majority group members. Social disidentification refers to the active rejection and distancing oneself from a particular group. The study involved ethnic Russians living in Kabardino-Balkar Republic (KBR), North Caucasus, Russian Federation (N = 249), and the Kabardians and Balkars, who constitute the ethnic majority of Kabardino-Balkar Republic (N = 285). We measured ethnic, religious, republican, regional (North Caucasian), and national (belonging to Russian Federation) identities in both ethnic majority and minority group members as well as levels of national, regional, and republican disidentification. We used measures of acculturation strategies and expectations from the Mutual Intercultural Relations in Plural Societies project (http://www.victoria.ac.nz/cacr/research/mirips). Data processing was carried out using hierarchical regression analysis. The results showed that not only social identities affect the acculturation preferences but also social disidentification. We found that the republican disidentification of ethnic Russians in KBR was positively related to their separation and marginalization acculturation strategies and negatively related to their integration strategy. The regional disidentification of ethnic Russians in KBR was negatively related to their assimilation strategy and positively related to their marginalization strategy. The national (belonging to Russian Federation) disidentification of ethnic majority group members (Kabardians and Balkars) was positively related to their expectations of the segregation, assimilation, and exclusion of ethnic Russians and negatively related to their integration in the republic. In general, the study shows specific patterns of relationships between different types of social disidentification and acculturation preferences of majority and minority group members.

Ethnic segregation in context: Social discrimination among native Dutch pupils and their ethnic minority classmates

While research has shown a negative relation between neighbourhood disorder and indicators of well-being, this evidence comes predominantly from Western European countries, relies on subjective measures of disorder, and is indifferent to ethnic specificities. In this paper, we examine the relationship between neighbourhood disorder and life satisfaction across neighbourhoods in 12 Central-Eastern European countries. We use an exogenous measure of disorder, and account for the presence of respondents’ own ethnic group in the neighbourhood, as we propose that it may condition the effect of disorder on life satisfaction. Using survey data covering 18,743 residents of 897 local areas across 12 countries, we found that neighbourhood disorder was negatively related to life satisfaction for both ethnic majority and minority respondents, over and above individual and neighbourhood characteristics. This effect was, however, differently moderated by ethnic in-group share in the neighbourhood for ethnic majorities and minorities. Among ethnic majority members, disorder had a negative effect on their life satisfaction only when there were high levels of co-ethnics' presence in the neighbourhood, but not at low levels. By contrast, for minority members, the negative effect of neighbourhood disorder was significant at lower of levels of co-ethnic concentration, but not at its higher levels. These results suggest that whereas for minority groups the presence of co-ethnics buffers the negative effects of the aversive environment on well-being, for ethnic majority members it plays an opposite role. We argue that members of the dominant, majority population find having to attribute disorder to their in-group problematic, which results in lower life satisfaction.

While some research suggests that ethnic and cultural diversity hinders societal cohesion, other studies show that it promotes intergroup contact opportunities, which, if exploited, help to overcome intergroup prejudice. Recently, however, intergroup contact theory has been criticized for neglecting the wider social context as well as for ignoring potential demobilizing contact effects for minority members. Using two cross‐sectional general population surveys (European Social Survey in 22 countries, Swiss MOSAiCH), we address these criticisms by examining whether ethnic majority members' positive contact influences ethnic minority members' support for ingroup rights at the social context level. Applying multilevel path analysis, we show that minority members are more likely to support anti‐discrimination laws and immigrant rights when living in social contexts in which majority members have positive intergroup contact experiences. Theoretical and practical implications of our findings are discussed for understanding how minority groups are affected by the climate of the social context they reside in.

Interethnic relations at work: Examining ethnic minority and majority members’ experiences in The Netherlands

Majority members often react negatively to efforts to stimulate diversity. An important reason for this is that in diverse groups, majority members' own group bond is typically based on perceived prototypicality, which serves to disregard those who are different. In the present research we investigate how majority members' pro-diversity beliefs may be enhanced, by experimentally manipulating how the self is cognitively defined in relation to a diverse group. Specifically, we hypothesize that majority members' focus on the personal self (i.e., self-anchoring) rather than the social self (i.e., self-stereotyping) when creating a group bond may facilitate their pro-diversity beliefs and positive attitudes toward minority members. In two experiments we manipulated self-anchoring and self-stereotyping via mindset priming among ethnic majority members in diverse teams. As expected, results showed that relative to self-stereotyping, majority members' self-anchoring enhanced pro-diversity beliefs and positive attitudes toward minority members.

This paper tests whether social capital can explain differences in labor market success between ethnic majority and minority members. To overcome problems of reverse causality—labor market success is not only the result of social capital, but also leads to better networks—the focus is on adolescents who enter the labor market. Data from the ‘Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Survey’ are used (N = 2574) and matched to register data from Statistics Netherlands. Hypotheses are tested with structural equation models and a longitudinal approach. Two different mechanisms are tested: the capital deficit and the return deficit. Ethnic majority and minority members do not differ in social capital, thus refuting the capital deficit hypothesis. However, for majority members, the upper reachability of their social capital negatively affects chances of unemployment and positively affects chances of having a permanent contract. For minority members, no such effects were observed, indicating that the same level of social capital that benefits majorities, does not benefit minorities. More research into the return deficit minority members face is needed.

Book reviews

Majority members’ endorsement of the acculturation integrationist orientation improves their outgroup attitudes toward ethnic minority members: An electronic-contact experiment

This article adds to the existing research in intergroup contact among ethnic minority members by hypothesizing that national political debate has the capacity to enhance the positive outcomes of cross‐group interaction. Analyses show that the capacity of intergroup contact to reduce prejudice toward majority members is disproportionately stronger among Muslims than among non‐Muslim minority members. Specifically, at the time of data collection, the two categories—Muslims and majority members—were highly salient in the public debate, whereas the non‐Muslim minority member category was not primed as a contrast to the majority culture. The political debate most likely stimulated Muslims to generalize their positive contact experiences to the entire majority group. The analysis contributes to the theoretical refinement of the so‐called categorization model by focusing on politically induced reactions among contacted ethnic minority members toward majority members. The analysis utilizes a tailor‐made national sample (fielded during the Mohammad Cartoon Crisis in 2006) among ethnic minority members in Denmark (N = 3,272).

Two experiments were conducted to examine intergroup discrimination and illusory correlation in majority and minority members and outsiders of a group. In Experiment 1, allegedly based on social attitudes, 64 participants were divided into the three groups, and then completed a point distribution task in a minimal group paradigm. It was found that although both minority and majority members showed ingroup favoritism, outsiders favored neither majority nor minority. In Experiment 2, a continuation of Experiment 1, 45 statements were shown that described majority and minority members in favorable and unfavorable terms. The majority members perceive illusory correlations between the minority group and infrequent, unfavorable characteristics, whereas the minority members did not. The results suggest that for the majority, both distinctiveness-based cognitive bias and ingroup bias had the same effects on perception of illusory correlation, whereas for the minority, the two had opposite effects. The outsiders did not perceive any illusory correlation.

We ask (1) how the position of an ethnic (majority or minority) group in the local ethnic hierarchy affects the amount of recruitment discrimination faced by applicants from that group, and (2) whether gender discrimination is dependent on occupational gender stereotypes in the same way among ethnic majority and minority applicants. We use the situation testing method for the first time in Finland: In an experimental study (Study 1), 103 dentistry students made recruitment decisions based on the CVs of three bogus applicants from different ethnic groups (Finnish, Austrian and Polish) and in a field experiment (Study 2), four test applicants (male and female Finns and Russians) with equivalent CVs applied for 1,258 vacant jobs, addressing gender discrimination in relation to occupational gender stereotypes as well as ethnic discrimination. Together these studies cover both skilled (Study 1) and semi-skilled jobs (Study 2) and applicants from ethnic minority groups originating from within as well as outside the EU. Results show that majority group members are more likely to be hired compared to minority members (both Studies) and that minority members from a higher status group are more likely to be hired than those from a lower status group (Study 1). Results also show that male applicants from the majority group were discriminated compared to women in occupations characterised as feminine, while Russian men faced recruitment discrimination compared to Russian women independently of the job’s gender stereotype (Study 2). Implications of recruitment discrimination based on ethnicity and gender are discussed.

In the present study we investigate the mutability of essentialist ingroup and outgroup attributions in relation to positive and negative ingroup trait priming for ethnic minority and majority members in two countries (Study 1 in Austria: with Austrians and Austrian Turks; Study 2 in Lithuania: with Lithuanians and Lithuanian Poles). Both studies demonstrate that essentialist ingroup-attributions were lower when both minority and majority members were encountering negative (as compared to neutral/positive) ingroup traits. Only minority members raised the level of essentialist ingroup-attributions with positive ingroup trait priming. Additionally, Study 2 compared essentialist attributions in two regions (typical and numerically reversed minority-majority groups). The typical majority Lithuanians and “reversed” Poles attributed a lower level of ingroup-essence than the typical minority Poles and “reversed” Lithuanians. With ingroup trait priming, the “reversed” groups showed the same pattern, changing the levels of self-attributed essence like the ethnic Lithuanians/Poles in typical regions. The results demonstrate the mutable use of group-based essentialist self-attributions as a response to manipulation of positive/negative trait presentation of the ingroup. Consequently, group-essentialization is not a static property of a group but situationally and strategically variable. Exploration of reversed minority-majority situations reveals additional aspects of this variability.

This article investigates European majority members’ perceptions of the prevalence of ethnic discrimination. We use individual-level data from the Eurobarometer ‘Discrimination in the EU’ series, covering 26 European countries and six years (2006, 2008, 2009, 2012, 2015, and 2019), enriched with contextual information on political elite discourses from the Comparative Manifesto Project. We shed light on significant and substantive cross-country and cross-temporal variations in these perceptions. Next, we explore how these variations are related to national political elite discourses by employing multilevel models. By disentangling between and within country variations, we find that particularly changes in political elite discourses within countries over time are associated with variations in majority members’ beliefs about the prevalence of ethnic discrimination in their society. Exclusive discourses, which emphasize nationalistic ideas and demarcate strong boundaries between ethnic groups, are associated with majority members thinking that ethnic discrimination is less widespread in their country. The reverse holds for inclusive discourses: when political elites underline the importance of cultural diversity and multiculturalism, majorities perceive more ethnic discrimination. While these discourses are only related to within country variations, our descriptive and multilevel results show that the national context matters for majorities’ perceptions of the prevalence of ethnic discrimination.