Abstract
* after the independence declaration, there was (at least on the surface) a decline in the intensity of ethnic tensions; many public signs of ethnic conflict were displayed less vividly in 1991-93 than in 1988-91; * there was an asymmetry of post-imperial changes in different social sub-systems from an ethnic point of view: the official political elite and state apparatus were visibly Estonianised, and migration trends changed rapidly; while education, mass media, economic activity, etc. witnessed only modest adjustments in that period; * the Russian movement in Estonia grappled with a serious adaptation crisis in 1991-93; * Estonia's citizenship policy followed a quite strict restorationist strategy until the September 1992 elections, after which a trend toward liberalisation occurred; * there were two main directions of international pressures in regard to Estonia's citizenship and minorities policy in 1991-93: the governments of the Western countries and the main interstate organisation were mostly friendly, while Russia was sharply critical. The Western media and human rights organisations also often expressed disapproval of Estonia's policies; * compared with many other post-communist states (Moldova, former Yugoslavia, the Transcaucasian states, even former Czecho-Slovakia) the minorities and citizenship policy in Estonia in 1991-93 appeared to be quite successful: the visible signs of ethnic tensions diminished; violence or active separatism on ethnic grounds was avoided; Estonia's integration into European and other international organisations was generally successful.
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