Ethnic Tensions and Political Stratification in Uganda

The aim of this paper is to describe the primary changes and development that outlined the history of Colonial Punjab and to narrate grassroots and provincial perspectives on the changes. I examine with a blend of grassroots and provincial perspectives by contextualizing actual historical events in Colonial Punjab. On the basis of major trends in the existing literate, a variety of view on the impact of the British rule will be surveyed. To seek for a clearer insight on the effect and influence of British colonial rule on the Punjab, I have divided them into four themes. Inceptively, political control and socio-economic transformation will be addressed with investigating relevant literatures. Main arguments here will be which policy of British rule led social and economic changes in Colonial Punjab, how it transformed the society, and what elements were involved in putting it into practice in such an effective way. Subsequently, the British rule in aspects from military recruitment in Colonial Punjab will be focused on. Central questions will be what patterns of collaboration were implemented and how the British rule influenced recruitment process in Colonial Punjab, and what were the causes and key drivers that brought them into play possible. In the last place, communalism will be surveyed briefly showing the historical origin of communalism within the Punjab and the impact on societies extracted from some case studies. In every discussion about each theme, as suggested above, Provincial and grassroots perspectives will be drawn.

This multivolume encyclopedia surveys America's long and troubled history of political violence from the colonial era to the present, with a particular emphasis on factors driving political violence and intimidation in the United States in the 21st century. Americans like to think of their nation as one grounded in high-minded democratic ideals and peaceful transitions of power. In reality, though, American politics has been heavily laced with expressions of violence and intimidation since the nation's very inception, which saw a campaign of violent rebellion against British rule. Since then, America has endured the deaths of four presidents from assassination; a four-year civil war; racist attacks on civil rights activists and ordinary citizens; deadly clashes between protesting citizens and law enforcement; sustained campaigns of violence against marginalized populations seeking greater political or economic equality; politically motivated mass shootings; and, on January 6, 2021, the shocking spectacle of a politically motivated mob attack on the U.S. Capitol. How and why did these events transpire? What were the root causes? What factors are driving political violence and intimidation in America today? And are there changes that we could make to our country's political discourse that would reduce such outbreaks of bloodshed? This authoritative multivolume encyclopedia provides answers to all these questions and more.

This multivolume encyclopedia surveys America's long and troubled history of political violence from the colonial era to the present, with a particular emphasis on factors driving political violence and intimidation in the United States in the 21st century. Americans like to think of their nation as one grounded in high-minded democratic ideals and peaceful transitions of power. In reality, though, American politics has been heavily laced with expressions of violence and intimidation since the nation's very inception, which saw a campaign of violent rebellion against British rule. Since then, America has endured the deaths of four presidents from assassination; a four-year civil war; racist attacks on civil rights activists and ordinary citizens; deadly clashes between protesting citizens and law enforcement; sustained campaigns of violence against marginalized populations seeking greater political or economic equality; politically motivated mass shootings; and, on January 6, 2021, the shocking spectacle of a politically motivated mob attack on the U.S. Capitol. How and why did these events transpire? What were the root causes? What factors are driving political violence and intimidation in America today? And are there changes that we could make to our country's political discourse that would reduce such outbreaks of bloodshed? This authoritative multivolume encyclopedia provides answers to all these questions and more.

I. Introduction Western imperialism began in the 15th century, as Spain and Portugal explored and colonized lands in the Americas and West Indies. The period of imperialist expansion continued for more than 400 years as Italy, Spain, Britain, Germany, Portugal, France, Belgium and even the United States continued land grabs for resources. Many theorists and historians regard the beginning of World War I as the climax of imperialism. However, aggressive desires to restore the idea of empire resurfaced in Nazi Germany and in the present-day United States, a nation that maintains an unchallenged hegemony through military and economic supremacy and technological and scientific advancement. The historical periods noted provide a framework for British imperialism, German fascism, and American capitalism. From the mid-nineteenth century onward, each of the ideologies influenced the creation of national identities that inspired patriotic fervor so volatile, it necessitated outward expansion and colonization of indigenous populations and cultures, the privileging of social groups, the redistribution of wealth and resources, the creation of government infrastructures, and the institutionalization of new political systems. In the late-nineteenth century, patterns of discrimination were enforced by British and German imperial rule and a common search for national consciousness. Britain's First Empire was comprised of colonies of settlers in Ireland, Wales, and the Americas, prior to the thirteen colonies achieving independence from British rule in 1783. The Second Empire of the Victorian Period was made up of elements of the First Empire as well as India. (1) Britain's success at creating and sustaining empire, particularly during the Victorian period, was a motivating factor that shaped and directed the course of distinct hegemonies of fascist Germany and capitalist America. Germany's short-lived colonization of Africa and the Pacific, and its eventual concession of many colonial settlements at the end of World War I, set the stage for the growth of fascism during the early 1930s and 1940s. The same patterns of discrimination enacted by British imperialists resurfaced in America in the early 20th century, as waves of immigrants endured hostility, alienation, and disenfrachisement from native-born Americans. Massive swells in immigrants and a growing cultural diversity antagonized conceptions of national unity. During World War II, animosity and hostility toward German and Japanese Americans led to resettlement, encampment, and other restrictive measures that enforced policies of discrimination. In a similar fashion, Asian and Arab Americans endured social and cultural displacement during the Korean and Vietnam wars, and Gulf Wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Despite their ideological differences, British imperialism, German fascism, and American capitalism each directed cumulative energies toward establishing the threat of foreign and domestic antagonists effecting each nations' sovereignty. In so doing, these ideologies were used to exaggerate nationalist sympathies, to legitimize foreign and domestic policies of intolerance toward immigrants, and to promote fears of alien influences. Be they actual or potential threats, antagonists came to symbolize the ideological tensions between non-natives and national culture. Samuel Johnson once characterized patriotism as the last refuge of a scoundrel. (2) Although Johnson was not proclaiming patriots to be scoundrels, he was criticizing those whose pretended patriotism ... becomes a cloak for self-interest, his words do suggest how noble expressions of patriotism might become hegemonic, destructive, and ultimately nativistic. (3) Nativistic sentiment is reproduced through various modes of culture and affects domestic habits and dispositions. It is the replication of nativism that stimulates hegemonic forms of domination and hegemony. As British, American, and German cultures projected their hostilities outward and toward a perceived foreign antagonist, they also organized nativist movements to purge themselves of domestic minority groups that had any affiliation to such foreign influences. …

Since 1989 the former communist countries of Eastern Europe have witnessed a profound and dramatic upheaval. The economic coherence of this region, formerly maintained through the adoption of the Soviet system of government, has fractured. In The East European Economy in Context: Communism and Transition, David Turnock examines the transition from communist to free-market economies, both within and between the states of Eastern Europe. As well as containing an informative survey of the impact of communism, The East European Economy in Context provides* Political profiles of individual countries* A clear study of the contrasts between northern and balkan groups* Summaries of regional variations in the transition process* An exploration of the new state structures and resources* Discussion of political stability, inter-ethnic tensions and progress in economic change

The geographical boundaries of contemporary Sierra Leone resulted from the intense quest for imperial domains by European powers, specifically by Britain and France, during the 19th-century scramble for colonies. However, the country’s history runs deep into the past. While the peoples of the present-day republic did not have a history of large polities, there were, nonetheless, organized states with social, political, and economic structures, some of them based on conventional understandings of relations between the rulers and their peoples. Agricultural production, local, regional, and long-distance commerce facilitated not just economic exchanges, but also cross-cultural encounters between peoples from near and far. This engendered an integrative process that allowed for population growth and state expansion prior to the arrival of Europeans in the region of West Africa in the 15th century and the subsequent rise of the Atlantic slave trade. While the transatlantic system disrupted the existing political, economic, and social systems, the remarkable resilience of the peoples enabled them to rebound, only to be later subjugated to British colonial rule from 1808 to 1961. British colonialism encountered resistance in one form or another from its initial establishment until 1896, when a civil uprising devolved into a war of attrition between the people of the interior of Sierra Leone and the British colonial state. British rule and control of the colonial economy continued until the post-World War II period, when educated Africans across the continent sought to attain their independence. Sierra Leone’s educated elite organized, albeit along ethno-regional lines, to demand independence, which was granted in 1961. The post-independence experiment in democracy was subverted by political megalomania, the entrenchment of ethno-regionalism, corruption, and frequent military interventions in the state. The use of subaltern youth in the politics of the country by the state ultimately had the effect of producing a group of youths who sought to transform themselves from foot soldiers of the political groups to a military junta through violence, which engulfed the country in a decade-long civil war from 1991 to 2002.

The Chins migrating to India are variously labeled “refugees,” “economic migrants,” “illegal foreigners” and “stateless.” This essay attempts to understand how the borders drawn following the independence of India and Burma from British rule have transformed the relationship between the Chins and the Mizos in contemporary times. This is important in the context of shared ethnic ties and the belief in common descent as well as the political, economic and social factors that affected their relationship. Further this essay also attempts to explore the existing perceptions about Chins and how their migration can feed into the immigration and/or refugee policy in India.

Hindi, Hinglish: Head to Head

The terms cyprus, conflict, crisis and war have been almost inextricably intertwined throughout the history of this Mediterranean island. The education system played an important role socially and school buildings played an important role visually first in the dissemination of nationalism when the ethno-nationalist movements within the turkish and greek-cypriot communities increased dramatically under British colonial rule (1878-1960), and later in the dissemination of internationalism in the mid-twentieth century. Despite the increased conflict and nationalism, which was reflected by neo-greek architectural elements, the striking impact of the international style turned school buildings into representations of the communities' attitudes towards modernism. By the mid-1940s these attitudes towards modernism also served as a latent way for communities' identity struggles and for the sovereignty of each community to exist. After world war ii the style embodied by many school buildings conveyed science-based modern thought; modernization attempts for political, economic and social reforms; and the strong commitment of the first modernist cypriot architects to the spirit of the time and the philosophy of the modern. Under this scope, postwar school buildings in cyprus are identified as unique artifacts transformed from an ‘ethnicity-based' image into an ‘environment-based' form that is more associated with the modernization, decolonization and nation-building processes from which local nuances of mainstream modernism emerged. At this point the modernization process of the state, identity struggles of the communities and architects' modernist attempts could be interpreted as providing a fertile ground for new social and architectural experiments, and could answer questions about how postwar school architecture managed to avoid reference to historical, ethnic and religious identities when there was an intentional exacerbation of hostility between the two ethnic communities and about school buildings predominantly followed principles of the international style even though both the greek and turkish-cypriot education systems were instrumental in strengthening local nationalisms and even ethnic tensions.

The flip side of China's impressive economic achievements is the emergence of negative internal and external side effects. One of the domestic issues is ethnic tensions. Within the Uyghur population there is a small but militant separatist group who resent massive Han migration and what they perceive as a "foreign government" occupying its land. Its members have been carrying out suicide missions to "reclaim" their land. In 2014, for example, a car driven by four or five Uyghurs plowed into a crowd, killing or wounding a number of people in front of the Forbidden City.1 In the southern city of Kunming, knife-wielding Uyghurs slashed and killed a number of bystanders.2 The purpose of both attacks was to reestablish an independent nation, East Turkmenistan. Another difficult issue is strong opposition from Taiwan in reunifying with the mainland. Most people do not want to live under Communism, albeit two-thirds of the population preferred the status quo of de facto independence.3 In Hong Kong, the majority of its people do not support reunification because their memory of Communist repression is still fresh. A small minority even advocates independence or return to British colonial rule as, demonstrated by the 2014 prodemocracy student protest, said to be engineered by founders of the Occupy Central movement and the pandemocratic parties.4 It was a protest against the central government's stance that nominees of the Hong Kong chief executive position must be chosen by a committee of 12.000 persons representing the territory's major constituencies as outlined in the Basic Law (Hong Kong's mini constitution), a process that the protesters labeled as "fake democracy." Other domestic issues include corruption, environmental degradation, unequal wealth distribution, and cronyism.KeywordsChinese GovernmentGlobal ImpactDemocratic Progressive PartySpecial Administrative RegionTerritorial DisputeThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

This article investigates how police officers and prosecutors make sense of and speak about their work with hate crimes. Our analysis rests upon Robert Reiner's widely acknowledged claim that policing is inherently political. We identified three core issues that illustrate the political nature of policing hate crimes. First, the politically contingent boundary work of distinguishing criminal from legal acts. Second, the impact of the enforcement of hate crime laws on the reproduction of social inequalities. Third, the “diversity politics” of gaining legitimacy and trust among minorities, which hate crime legislation is meant to protect. While a strong commitment to policing hate crimes is evident among our interviewees, we ask if the politically invested discourse they present may contribute to an absence of critical reflections regarding the limited effect of law enforcement, as well as a lack of engagement with pressing concerns regarding racialized crime control and racism.

Research suggests there has been a rise in the number of hate crimes since 1985. At the same time, legislatures at the local, state, and national level have enacted policies that both track and regulate hate crime. This article is an effort to determine the factors influencing hate crime policy and implementation efforts. The project is divided into three sections: In the first section, the characteristics and extent of hate crime are discussed. Section two describes hate crime policy as social regulatory policy and uses this theoretical framework to explain state variation in laws con cerning hate crimes. In section three, I present a model of policy imple mentation to predict state implementation efforts of federal hate crime policy Based on the variables suggested by these theoretical frameworks, I present hypotheses and conduct a multiple regression analysis using a fifty-state data set. The results indicate hate crime policies and imple mentation efforts are largely attempts by politicians to satisfy organized interests in competitive political systems. I discuss the implications of these findings and suggest avenues for future research.

This chapter focuses on Moritz’s analysis of political spaces in Reisen eines Deutschen in England im Jahre 1782 (A German’s Travels in England in the Year 1782) and in his political theory in the Kinderlogik. The Reisen sharply contrasts England’s politics of popular participation with the exclusivity and subordination characteristic of Prussian absolutism. At the same time, though, it exposes rigid hierarchical structures that subtend representative government in England, focusing on how these structures are spatially articulated in the House of Commons. The Kinderlogik pushes these critical observations further, employing an extended architectural metaphor to suggest that political stratification does not simply result from limited electoral representation; rather, it is inherent in the system of representation, and constitutive of statehood as such. As with absolute cognitive freedom, Moritz does not ultimately hold absolute political freedom to be attainable. Nevertheless, he affirms the possibility of transforming the hierarchical architecture of the state, in a never-ending search for a common political space to which all members of the state have full and equal access.

The article discusses the Kenyan post-2007 elections political crisis within the framework of ‘libertarian communitarianism’ that integrates individualistic self-interest with traditional collectivist solidarity in the era of globalization in Africa. The author argues that behind the Kenyan post-election anarchy can be analyzed as a type of ‘prisoner's dilemma’ framework in which self-interested rationality is placed in a collectivist social contract setting. In Kenya, this has allowed political manipulation of ethnicity as well as bad governance, both of which have prevented the building of a strong, impartial state. In Kenya, socio-economic disparities and historical injustices due to corruption, nepotism, cronyism and other forms of favoritism have maintained ethnic and other internal tensions, which exploded into open conflict after the disputed December 2007 elections. The author shows how the ‘libertarian communitarist’ politico-economic context lacks shared values and precludes forward-looking solutions for social justice that promote public good and national unity. Instead, a nation remains divided with its people set up in competitive positions, because there is public trust neither in partisan and self-interested governments nor in inefficient state structures with often (ethnically and/or regionally) biased (re)distribution of resources and unequal service delivery. The greed of the political elites and grievances of the ordinary citizenry maintain distrust across the nation and focus on past injustices rather than finding a shared agenda for future unity. The author suggests that in order to build up public trust, to strengthen the state structures and to gain national unity, it is necessary to focus on shared values and a forward-looking concept of justice, acceptable to all.

Putnam's metaphor of a two‐level game that state representatives play when they face the dual constraints of international bargaining and domestic pressures has been applied across different political systems. This paper argues that it is important to take into account differences in state structures and political processes in the study of international negotiations. That state structures and processes are important has become a common theme in current research on foreign policy, decision making, and international conflict. Building on this literature, this study involves a meta‐analysis of existing case studies of two‐level games. The previously completed cases provide evidence of variation in the characteristics of two‐level games. Independent measures of the institutional structures of the states involved in the set of case studies are collected from the POLITY III dataset. Hypotheses on how differences in state structures might influence the characteristics of two‐level bargaining are then examined. The study finds that differences in state structures do influence the dynamics of two‐level games. Some of the results support the conventional wisdom on this relationship, while other results suggest counter‐intuitive insights. A framework conceptualizing state characteristics at three levels is proposed for future research.