Ethnic Rights as Human Rights: The Case of the Baltic States and Hungary

Reviews 575 Povolny, Mojm?r. ??pas o lidsk? prava. Rada svobodn?ho Ceskoslovenskaa hebinsky proc?s. Stylus Press, Brno, 2007. 382 pp. Illustrations. Appendix. Index. K 290.00. The issue of human rights in Central and Eastern Europe during the Cold War has been the subject of a number of prominent works. However, the involvement of theCzechoslovak democratic exilewas not properly addressed prior to the emergence ofMojm?r Povolny's book dealing with the Council of Free Czechoslovakia and the Helsinki Accords. Povolny was not only a leading participant in the struggle for human rights behind the Iron Curtain (at one stage he even served as the chairman of the Council of Free Czechoslovakia), but also a political scientist specializing inEastern Europe at Lawrence University in Appleton, Wisconsin. His scholarly meticulousness and his own personal recollections demonstrate that Povolny is eminendy qualified to address the topic at hand. Povolny has chosen towrite thisbook in the form of a memoir. This in no way detracts from the scholarly value of thework. On the contrary, the style and quality of the language used makes the book more enjoyable to read and gives the reader a sense of the atmosphere inwhich particular events took place. The introduction touches upon the general history of the human rights issue in the twentieth century. The United Nations Charter ismentioned, as is theUniversal Declaration ofHuman Rights. In addition, theWestern European experience with human rights is contrasted with that ofCommunist Europe, and theCzechoslovak Communists' tendency to sign treaties such as theHelsinki Final Act without adhering to their terms is emphasized. The first section, which contains five individual chapters, deals with themotivations and historical background of events leading to Helsinki. Interestingly, the Soviet Union was concerned, first and foremost,with the institutionalization of the post-war status quo inEurope and, accordingly, launched a diplomatic offensive in the late 1960s,which later resulted in the Western European and American agreement to hold an international security conference inHelsinki where human rightswere also to be discussed. The ultimate result of this lengthy diplomatic wrangling was the signing of the Helsinki Final Act on rAugust 1975which, apart from other provisions, obligated signatories to respect human rights.The second section addresses the effortsof the demo cratic Czechoslovak exile to influence events inCzechoslovakia and to point out systematic Czechoslovak violations of key Helsinki human rights provi sions. The Council of Free Czechoslovakia, founded in 1949,was themain organization of the post-1948 democratic Czechoslovak exile. On the basis of his own research, this reviewer can confirm Povolny's assertion that the Council expressed concerns about violations of basic human rights in Czechoslovakia long before the issue of human rights became prominent in the international arena. The Council viewed Soviet diplomatic moves leading to Helsinki with suspicion. It is necessary to keep inmind that the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia inAugust 1968 and the 'normalization' process that ensued were painful events which embittered all pro-democratic Czechoslovaks, and even ledmany formerly ferventCommunists to see the evils of the Communist system.Therefore, after the signing of theHelsinki Final Act, the Council continued towork hard to keep theworld informed 576 SEER, 88, 3, JULY 20IO of ongoing repression inCzechoslovakia. The significance of domestic opposi tion inCzechoslovakia is important. Charter 77was themain domestic dissi dent organization from the 1970s onward. Far from being a revolutionary movement, Charter 77 merely called on the Communist Czechoslovak Government to enforce itsown laws, especially theHelsinki provisions ithad committed itselfto.After some dispute among the exiles, theCouncil of Free Czechoslovakia finally decided to support the activities of Charter 77. It can be said that theCouncil did itsbest towork with the domestic opposition and democratically-minded sympathizers in other countries to stand up for the rights of Czechoslovaks behind the Iron Curtain from its founding in 1949 until the collapse of Communism in 1989. In his conclusion, Povolny makes this abundandy clear to the reader. Copies of original documents appended at the end of thework add to its scholarly integrity,as do theEnglish-language summary and the index. Mojmir Povolny has produced an excellent work, which will surely broad en the horizons of all who read it.The younger generations of the post-Cold War Czech...

The conceptions of the anthropological bases of natural human rights and current views of scientists, are investigated in this paper. The ideas how to improve the anthropological conception of natural human rights are offered in this paper. Fundamental theories of origin of natural human rights, which contain the anthropological approach to understanding the concept of human rights, and their incipience are analysed. It is ascertained, that every of existing approaches to anthropological understanding the concept of natural human rights has some disadvantages, caused by the multiform of the category ‘human rights’. The purpose of this scientific paper is to investigate the conceptions of the anthropological bases of natural human rights and current views of scientists, to offer the ideas how to improve the anthropological conception of natural human rights. It is offered to determine the anthropological basis of natural human rights on two points: 1) from the position of a single individual and peculiarities, which are inherent to a person regardless of social environment. Anthropological basis consists in aspiration of every single person for keeping the individuality and providing the worthy living conditions; 2) from the position of society, because every individual has an interest in setting up of some legal rules, which would improve the quality of living within society, protect the private life from infringement, establish the boundaries of sphere in which society and state may interfere. It is proved that anthropological and legal basis of natural human rights depends on legal culture, that is formed during the certain historical period in a definite country. It is ascertained, that the assertion that natural human rights are invariable, can be considered as erroneous, because the interpretation of the basic human rights is changing together with the changing of direction of legal conception. The issue that anthropological basis of human rights can be used to restrict some rights is considered. It is reasoned that it is important to take into consideration during the determination the anthropological basis of natural human rights, that definition of human nature does not exist. It is considered that anthropological and legal basis of natural human rights is perspective field for further researches, because scientific discussion about the origin and essence of human rights is not complete. It is proved that it is impossible to make an impartial determination of the essentiality of the human rights only on the base on one scientific approach, due to the versatility of the category human rights. Keywords: anthropological basis, natural human rights, natural legal understanding, essentiality of the human rights.

This paper examines economic explanations of governmental basic human rights performance in more than one hundred nations. Following Henry Shue's conceptualization of basic rights, I analyze a set of key economic variables (level of development, income distribution, rate of growth, foreign trade, and foreign investment) in terms of their impact on basic socioeconomic and political rights (defined here are subsistence and security rights).Drawing on criticisms of the existing literature, the paper calls for a new empirical approach to cross‐regional comparative human rights studies. The article first conceptualizes and operationalizes the concept of basic rights. It then provides a critical review of the relevant literature on economic explanations of rights. Analyzing both individual and combined effects by using correlations analysis, cross‐tabulations, bivariate and multiple regression techniques, I interpret my findings as follows: Basic human rights performance is much more varied across nations of comparable economic background than indicated by most other studies of a similar nature. While economic conditions have a significant impact on all basic rights, there are, nevertheless, important differences with respect to the type of basic right and the specific economic variable concerned. Security rights tend to be less affected by economic factors than subsistence rights. Below the threshold of about $1,000 Gross National Product (GNP)/capita income countries are generally unable to guarantee even a modicum of subsistence rights. While level of development can explain close to 50% of the variation in basic human rights performance, income distribution becomes more crucial the more developed nations are. Other findings show foreign trade to have a significantly negative impact on security rights while being somewhat positively related with subsistence rights.

Ratner, Steven R. <i>The Thin Justice of International Law: A Moral Reckoning of the Law of Nations</i>.New York: Oxford University Press, 2015. Pp. 496. $85.00 (cloth).

Distorting boundaries, amalgamating perspectives: A proposed integration of international law on protection of refugees and stateless persons in higher education curricula

Introduction: human dignity – an integrative and open concept ‘Human dignity’ has become one of the most important integrative formulas in international politics. Since 1948, when it was introduced into Article 1 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it has successfully functioned as an umbrella concept that bridges seemingly insurmountable ideological gulfs and provides a basis for consensus and compromise. Similarly to other political guiding concepts such as justice, liberty, peace or, more recently, sustainability, human dignity is an essentially open concept that leaves room for varying interpretations and contextualizations and thereby allows even the otherwise fiercest adversaries to speak with one voice. Another reason why human dignity has been increasingly introduced into constitutions and international treaties since 1948 is the wish for an absolute – a foundational principle that overarches, as it were, all constitutional and other political principles, a common reference point that is beyond controversy and conflict and plays the role, in Kantian terms, of an a priori to which all other political ideas are subject. Human dignity is predestined for this role because of two characteristic factors: the openness of its content and its independence of any particular metaphysical background theory. The extent to which the concept is semantically open is documented by its function as a heuristic tool in the process of gradually extending the canon of basic human rights. Although it is generally agreed that there is a stable connection between the idea of human dignity and the idea of basic human rights, the number and identity of the rights associated with the idea of human dignity is not static but, rather, dynamic. What human dignity implies – its content and consequences – has no fixed magnitude but is open to interpretations that extend its range and content into new directions, though in continuity with its established content. Extensions usually respond to new threats posed, for example, by new and unexpected political constellations, natural phenomena or technological developments. That human dignity shares this dynamic character with human basic rights supports the widely held assumption that the notions of human dignity and basic human rights are closely linked to each other.

Clinician Perspectives on Ethics and COVID-19: Minding the Gap in Sexual and Reproductive Health.

Today, it is not easy to find a view that denies that the purpose or basis for the existence of the state is the protection or realization of the basic human rights of the people. In other words, state power or state order that neglects the protection and realization of the human rights or basic rights of the people cannot be evaluated as legitimate. Since modern times, the consciousness that a democratic rule of law should not infringe on the freedom and equality of the people but should protect and realize them has become common. To harmoniously realize the basic rights of the entire people in today's world, on the one hand, if the state restricts the basic rights of the people, the necessity and legitimacy must be demonstrated, and on the other hand, the argument that the state bears the obligation to improve the overall legal system, such as organizations and procedures, to substantially and objectively guarantee the freedom and rights of the people is gradually gaining traction based on the basic rights protection obligation theory. Despite such developments in constitutional theory, the problem of state power infringing on the basic rights of the people has not been solved. In addition, although the infringement of basic rights (such as the right to self-determination of personal information and personal rights) by private persons has been made more frequently and in a more sophisticated way due to deepfakes, hacking, and flooding of false and manipulated information, doubts or criticism about the function and capacity of the state to solve this problem has been sharply raised. In this situation, the topic of “human rights of the state and the people” itself needs to be considered to determine what approach is desirable despite its constitutional significance and importance. It does not stop at redefining the constitutional theory that defines the basic rights of the people as “the people's public right by the rule of law” and has the character of the people as a subjective public authority and as a standard or guideline for forming the state's objective value order. This paper aims to examine the relevant laws and conditions in detail, focusing on the mechanisms by which the state and local governments protect and realize the basic human rights of the people. By cross-examining the history, universality, cultural diversity, and specificity of human rights, the relationship with state power, and the meaning of human rights in the national order were identified, and the role and limitations of the state to protect the basic rights of the people were reviewed, focusing on the third generation of human rights that are emerging today.

A GERMAN PERSPECTIVE ON EASTWEST RELATIONS Karsten Voight Xhe essential question facing the Western alliance is how and when nato should react to martial law in Poland in order to pursue the common goals ofthe Western alliance with the greatest possible success. Again, the question is not whether the alliance should react, but how. One answer lies in an analysis of the European political power constellation , as a product of World War II and Yalta. As a result of power shifts after World War II, the Soviet Union was able to spread its influence across Eastern and parts of Central Europe without encountering any great resistance and, at times, with the approval of the Western allies. However, various forces in Eastern and Central Europe have demonstrated their resistance to this situation. The workers' revolt in East Berlin, the Hungarian rebellion, the Prague Spring, and the recurring protest and reform movements in Poland are clear signs of this resistance. In Eastern Europe and the West, there are many ongoing discussions about this situation, whether it can be changed, and if so, how. Two possible solutions can be eliminated from the start. The first solution is that only force can change the situation. Even during the most critical stages of the cold war, this approach was never seriously considered in the West, although the United States had an atomicweapons monopoly at that time. The second alternative—a return to the cold war—must also be rejected. This was the politics of crisis speculation—pressure escalating to the brink of war, which the Americans referred to as "brinkmanship." The attempt to Karsten Voight is the parliamentary foreign affairs spokesman for the present Social Democratic government in the Federal Republic of Germany. This article was translated by Pamela M. Kesting, an M.A. candidate at SAIS. 73 74 SAIS REVIEW implement change through military pressure ended in a fiasco. During this "roll-back" period the Soviets became an atomic power, then a world power, and finally an equal world power. The cold war had only two consequences for Germany and Europe: it deepened the chasm between Germany and Europe and allowed the German Democratic Republic (gdr) to become a state. A return to a cold war philosophy would be a masochistic political move. The West must abandon its posture of "verbal radicalism." It should not voice support for reform movements in the Eastern bloc as though it were willing to intervene forcefully in Central and Eastern Europe. Hungary is a classic example ofpolitical rhetoric that creates the illusion that reform movements in the Eastern bloc will receive preventive help from the West. As long as we realize that this kind of help would lead to a new world war, it cannot even be considered in theory, let alone in practice. The people of Eastern Europe would foot the bill in the long run. The West's policy must be to initiate change through rapprochement. It is not as though we are bereft of any means of influencing the developments in the Eastern bloc. The rejection of force—which is the core of rapprochement—has allowed the West during the past ten years to pursue détente in Eastern Europe. As a result, gradual progress was made in the field of human rights. Détente facilitated numerous human contacts and began to penetrate the so-called Iron Curtain. Sports, cultural, economic, and political contacts among the peoples of Europe have begun to reunite them, helping to relax the cold war atmosphere. Thus, détente has picked up on the old European tradition of human rights, which was confirmed in Helsinki, even by the Soviets. The basis for détente is the December 13, 1967, Harmel Report from nato, which clarifies the two primary functions of the Atlantic Alliance. "The first objective is to maintain a sufficient military strength and political solidarity in order to weaken aggressions and other forms of pressure, and to protect the member-states in the event of possible aggression. Under these conditions, the members of the alliance will maintain the potential necessary for balanced military forces and thus create a climate of stability, security and trust." This is necessary in order...

This book describes and analyzes important moral theories as they pertain to international politics and the study of international relations, examining the role that moral thinking actually played in specific cases in American foreign policy.

John Rawls produced two versions of the law of peoples: an article, published in 1993, and a book, published in 1999. Both versions defend basic human rights as a minimum requirement of a just law of peoples. However, in an apparent effort to strengthen his defense of this requirement, the argument changed. This paper examines the apparent difficulties that forced the changes and maintains that they still do not succeed in justifying basic human rights. The source of the difficulty, I argue, is Rawls’s reluctance to impose liberal values on nonliberal societies, and the imposition of such values, I suggest, is unavoidable if basic human rights are to be justified. Hence, if our best attempts to justify basic human rights ultimately show that appeals to liberal values are unavoidable, then we should regard such appeals as no more of an imposition than the expectation that all societies must protect basic human rights. Even more significantly, if such appeals justify liberal freedoms that go beyond basic human rights, then arguments in support of basic human rights would also justify international efforts to advance further liberal reforms within nonliberal societies.

This study seeks to enhance the practical ability of the basic human rights promotion plan in the future by comparing the policy directions and detailed projects of the basic human rights promotion plan in local governments as the interest in human rights expands. The Basic Human Rights Promotion Plan is a comprehensive human rights plan that improves laws, systems, policies and practices by reflecting the Charter or Declaration of Human Rights in a policy manner, usually on a three- to five-year basis. It also proposes a basic direction and action plan for human rights policies to gradually implement human rights norms at the local government level. The establishment of a basic plan for the promotion of human rights by local governments, despite its importance, often gives meaning to the planning itself or is set up as a plan for the planning without being linked to the execution. In addition, many of the human rights plans overlap with the universal projects of welfare programs, with the basic human rights promotion plan not clearly divided between human rights and welfare. This is something to consider and need to be improved in the development of a basic human rights plan.

The main objective of the study is to examine the depiction of democratic and human rights abuses in Amelmal’s, Yältäkoäche Guzo (Unfinished Journey). One of the considerable importances of literature all over the world is its use of sympathetic and attractive literary language to expose basic human right abuses since human rights are also part of human life. Therefore, analyzing the roles of literatures that are written in Amharic language in portraying basic human rights violations is paramount. However, literatures written in Amharic language are not well studied from human rights violation perspectives. This article, therefore, explores how the violations of basic human rights are depicted in the selected novel. Because there was no computable data used, the study considered qualitative research method. Regardless of the system by which a country is ruled, human rights are inviolable because they are innate. The analysis of the novel, however, depicts that the inviolable human and democratic rights of human beings have been violated. The finding of the study showed that the depiction of human and democratic rights violations was explicit. It showed that people’s rights to life, rights to equality, rights to liberty, and rights to election were abused during the two political regimes.

광주광역시 광산구 인권보장 및 증진에 관한 기본 조례의 내용과 문제점 및 향후 과제를 살펴보고자 한다. 국가인권위원회법, 광주광역시 인권보장 및 증진에 관한 조례, 다른 지방자치단체의 인권조례의 내용을 비교 검토한다. 궁극적으로 광산구 인권위원회와 인권팀이 조화롭게 운영됨으로써 주민의 인권 보장과 증진을 위한 실효적인 제도로써 운영될 수 있도록 그 근거가 되는 광산구 인권기본조례의 내용 및 개선안을 살펴보고, 중&#65381;장기적인 개선과제까지 함께 제시한다. 이론적&#65381;정책적으로 보완하여야 할 주요과제를 정리하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 지방자치단체가 법령이 정한 기준을 넘어 기본권을 보다 잘 보장하는 조례를 제정할 경우 이 조례를 법령에 위반된다는 이유로 무효라고 해석해서는 안 된다. 둘째, 위원회의 권고결정의 실효성을 제고시키기 위해서는 국가인권위원회법이 규정하는 권고사항의 이행계획 통지, 불이행할 경우 그 이유 통지, 통지내용 공표제도를 추가적으로 규정해야 한다. 인권기본조례의 목적을 효과적으로 달성하고 그 실효성을 제고하기 위해서는 인권전담부서를 독립적으로 설치하는 것이 필요하다. 셋째, 광산구는 인권영향평가를 현실적으로 실시할 수 있는 제도적 기반이 부족한 상황이다. 인권영향평가의 주체 및 절차에 관해서 세부적인 사항을 운영규칙에 규정하는 것이 필요하다. 그리고 인권인지예산제도가 시행될 수 있도록 조례에 근거를 신설하고, 지방자치단체장의 임기기간동안 최소한 1회 이상 인권백서를 발행할 수 있도록 이에 대한 근거규정을 광산구 인권기본조례에 신설하는 것이 필요하다. 넷째, 지방자치단체의 인권위원회는 중앙정부 차원에서 구현하기 어려운 인권의 공백을 메우는 기능을 하는데 멈춰서는 안 되고, 적극적으로 중앙정부의 인권 보장을 선도할 수 있도록 하여야 한다. 마지막으로 인권기본조례의 실효성을 제고시키기 위해서는 사후적인 입법평가작업이 이루어져야 하고, 계속적인 보완개정이 이루어져야 한다.This study examines the contents of the basic ordinance on the protection and promotion of human rights in Gwangsan-gu by comparing and reviewing the contents of the National Human Rights Commission of Korea, the Act on the Protection and Promotion of Human Rights in Gwangju and other local governments. Ultimately, the Human Rights Commission and the Human Rights Team of the Gwangsan-gu are managed harmoniously, and the basic regulations of the Gwangsan-gu are reviewed and presented for improvement so that they can be operated as an effective system to ensure and promote the human rights of residents. The main tasks to be supplemented theoretically and in policy are as follows. First, if local governments enact ordinances that better guarantee basic rights beyond the standards set by the Act, they should not be construed as invalid on the grounds that they are in violation of the Act. Second, in order to enhance the effectiveness of the Committee s recommended decision, it should additionally stipulate notification of the plan for implementation of the recommendations prescribed by the National Human Rights Commission Act, notification of the reasons for failure, and the system for publishing the notice contents. And in order to effectively achieve the purpose of the Basic Human Rights Ordinance and enhance its effectiveness, it is necessary to establish a human rights preamble department independently. Third, It lacks the institutional foundation to conduct the human rights impact assessment realistically. It is necessary to prescribe details in the operational rules regarding the subject and procedure of the human rights impact assessment. In addition, it is necessary to establish a basis in the ordinance so that the human rights awareness budget system can be implemented, and to establish a basic ordinance on human rights so that a Public paper can be issued at least once during the term of the head of a local government. Fourth, the Commission on Human Rights in local governments should not stop functioning to fill gaps in human rights that are difficult to implement at the central government level, but actively lead the central government s guarantee of human rights. Finally, in order to enhance the effectiveness of the basic human rights ordinance, post-legislative evaluation work must be carried out, and continuous supplemental revision must be made.

Hanefî usûlünün kurucu isimlerinden Ebû Zeyd ed-Debûsî (ö. 430/1039), dünya hukuk tarihinde ilk defa temel ve devredilemez insan haklarından bahseden hukukçudur. İnsanın hukuki ve ahlâkî kapasitesini “ehliyet” başlığı altında fıkıh usûlünün önemli bir bahsi hâline getiren Debûsî olduğu gibi, ehliyeti ilk defa “vücub ehliyeti” ve “edâ ehliyeti” şeklinde iki kategoriye ayıran da kendisidir. Bu ayrım kendisinden sonra Hanefî geleneğinde yaygın bir kabul görmüştür. Bu gelenek vücub ehliyetinin zemininde “zimmet”in, yani modern anlamıyla hukuki kişiliğin bulunduğunu kabul etmiş ve fakat modern yaklaşımlardan farklı olarak ehliyet ve zimmeti “emanet” ile, yani Yüce Yaratıcı’ya gönüllü kulluk edebilme sorumluluk ve kabiliyetiyle ve insanoğlunun ezelde Yüce Allah ile yaptığı “İlk Sözleşme” ile irtibatlandırmıştır. Debûsî ilâhî hitabı anlamanın ilkesi olarak aklı, kişinin hukuki ve ahlâkî yükümlülükler altına girmesinin zemini olarak da zimmeti tespit ettikten sonra, akıl ve zimmetin işlev görebilmesi için insanın üç temel ve devredilemez hak ile, yani ismet, hürriyet ve mâlikiyet ile donatıldığını ifade etmiştir. Akıl ve zimmet insana Allah tarafından verili olduğu gibi, bu üç temel hak da O’nun tarafından ve emaneti yüklenen insanın insanlık vazifesini yerine getirebilmesi için bahşedilmiştir. Böylelikle temel ve devredilemez haklar teorisi dünya tarihinde ilk defa İslâm-Hanefî hukuk teorisi içerisinde dile getirilmiş olmaktadır. Batı’da ius naturale ibaresi hem kadîm bir tarihe sahip olan “doğal hukuk”, hem de “doğal haklar”ı kapsar. Objektif doğal hak/klasik doğal hukuk geleneği ödev ve yükümlülük merkezliyken, sübjektif doğal hak/modern doğal hukuk anlayışı bireysel özgürlük ve bireyin egemenliği fikri üzerinde temellenmektedir. Klasik doğal hukuk anlayışı, şeylerin düzeni ve amaçlılık (her varlığın kendisine mahsus bir amaca yönelmişliği) fikirleriyle elele yürür. Böylece kâinat bütün unsurlarıyla amaçlı ve ahlâkî bir düzen olmuş olur. Bazı müellifler modern doğal hakların, klasik doğal hukukun bir devamı olduğunu savunurken, bazıları ise modern doğal haklar anlayışının doğal hukuktan bir kopuşu temsil ettiği kanaatindedir. Leo Strauss’a göre Hobbes ve Locke ile başlayan bu dönüşüm, ikisini farklı doktrinler olarak görmemizi gerektiren esasa ilişkin bir dönüşümdür. Michel Villey modern sübjektif doğal hak anlayışını Ockhamlı William ile başlatırken, Brian Tierney söz konusu anlayışının kökenlerini William’dan epeyce önce, 12. ve 13. yüzyılda yaşayan kanon (kilise hukuku) hukukçularının çalışmalarıyla başlatır. Fakat hiçbir araştırmacı, sübjektif doğal haklar ile 11. yüzyılın ilk yarısında vefat eden Debûsî’nin üç temel hakkı arasında bir bağlantı kurmamıştır. Doğal insan hakları anlayışının Batı’ya mahsus bir icat olduğunu söyleyen ve bu anlayışın kökenlerini en erken 12 ve 13. yüzyıl Orta Çağ Hristiyan hukuk düşüncesinde bulan yaklaşımların yanısıra, doğal insan hakları anlayışının yine Batı icadı olduğunu kabul etmekle birlikte bu anlayışın aynı zamanda modern bir icat olduğunu savunanlar da vardır. Modernitenin özne merkezli kavrayışına yönelik eleştirilerde bu düşünce ortaya çıkar ve bu yaklaşımda doğal insan hakları anlayışı, öznel bireyciliğin ayrılmaz bir unsuru olarak kavrandığı için kabul edilmeyen bir fikir olarak görülür. Haklar ancak bağımsız birer birey olarak kavranabilen fertler için söz konusu olabileceğine göre, toplumu esas alan sosyalist ve komüniteryan düşünceler de doğal insan hakları düşüncesini liberalizmin karakteristik bir unsuru olarak görüp reddetmişlerdir. Böyle yaklaşımlar için haklar değil vazifeler esastır. Hukuki pozitivistler ise hak kavramını, metafizik yüklü olduğu gerekçesiyle devre dışı bırakmışlardır. Batı düşüncesinde John Locke’un (ö. 1704) ifade ettiği ve Debûsî’nin listesiyle aynı olan üç temel hak, zamanla modern insan hakları anlayışının çekirdek fikrini oluşturmuştur. John Locke, siyasî toplumun meydana gelmesinden önceki doğa durumunda her insanın hayat, hürriyet ve mülkiyet haklarına eşit olarak ve ellerinden alınamaz bir biçimde sahip olduklarını ifade eder. Öyle anlaşılıyor ki ilk defa Debûsî’nin dile getirdiği ve sonradan Hanefîlerin müşterek anlayışı hâline gelen ehliyet ve doğal haklar teorisi Locke tarafından -doğrudan veya Orta Çağ hukukçuları aracılığıyla dolaylı olarak- kendi liberal haklar anlayışı içerisine kısmen sekülerize edilmek suretiyle adapte edilmiş, sonrasında ise bu anlayış daha da sekülerleştirilerek (Tanrı ile alâkası tamamen kesilerek) bugün bildiğimiz temel insan hakları anlayışının nüvesini oluşturmuştur. Müslüman toplumlarda toplumsal ve siyâsî hayat esas olduğu için, Hobbes ve Locke gibi düşünürlerin tasavvur ettiği türden muhayyel bir doğal durum (tabiat hâli: status naturae) anlayışına ihtiyaç duyulmamıştır. Doğal insan hakları düşüncesi 18. yüzyıldaki büyük devrimlere ilham kaynağı olmuştur. 1776 tarihli Amerikan Bağımsızlık Bildirisi’nde (Declaration of Independence) Bütün insanların eşit yaratıldıkları ve Tanrı tarafından kendilerine devredilemez bazı haklar verildiği ifade edilir. Bu tarihten 13 yıl sonra, Fransız İnsan ve Yurttaş Hakları Bildirisi’nde (Déclaration des Droits de l’Homme et du Citoyen) ise doğal haklar anlayışı kendinde apaçık bir hakikat imiş gibi kabul edilmekle birlikte bu hakların kaynağına, yani Tanrı’ya herhangi bir atıf yapılmaz. Doğal insan hakları anlayışı 19. yüzyılda hukuki pozitivizmin hâkimiyeti nedeniyle metafizik bir bakiye olarak görüldüğü için gözden düşmüş, 20. yüzyılın ilk yarısında ise, iki dünya savaşının oluşturduğu fiilî zorunluluklar sebebiyle tekrar Batı hukuk ve siyaset düşüncesinin gündemine girmiştir. Fakat artık doğal hakların dayandığı metafizik zemin kalmamıştır, bu sebeple günümüzde doğal insan hakları felsefî açıdan bir köken krizi içindedir.