Ethnic Identity and Ethnic Prejudice in Children: A Comparative Study of the Three Cities in Indonesia

The study aims to examine the influence of parent’s ethnic socialization, peer’s ethnic socialization, and school climate on children’s ethnic prejudice. This research was conducted in 3 cities: Bangkalan, Yogyakarta, and Medan. The population of this study was 11-14-year-old children. The data was collected in Islamic and public schools. A total of 453 children were involved in this study, comprising of 173 children from Bangkalan, 132 children from Yogyakarta and 148 children from Medan. The result confirms the hypothesis that parents’ ethnic socialization has a negative influence on children's ethnic prejudice. If children perceive that their parent’s attempt to propagate ethnicity-related attitude becomes more intensive, then their ethnic prejudice will decrease accordingly. This research also proves that there is an insignificant negative effect of peers' ethnic socialization on children's ethnic prejudice. This means that the presence of peers’ ethnic socialization has no impact on children's ethnic prejudice. The study also finds an insignificant negative effect of school climate on children's ethnic prejudice. Further explanation of the result will be discussed in this article. K eywords : Ethnic prejudice, children in Indonesia, ethnic socialization

Research on ethnic prejudice among children is important for contemporary multicultural schools seeking to enhance communication among students from different ethnic groups and provide effective intercultural education. Current scientific discourse points to the appearance of new implicit forms of prejudice, witnessed in modern multicultural societies, while traditional explicit prejudice tends to decline. However, empirical studies concerning the blatant–subtle distinction of prejudice in children are scarce. This paper examines ethnic prejudice in 329 ethnic majority preadolescents (aged 10–13 years) attending 10 urban and rural schools in central Greece. Data were collected using questionnaires constructed on the basis of focus group discussions with children, in addition to sociometric tests. Findings support the subtle–blatant distinction of prejudice in children and indicate that although blatant prejudice expressed as personal rejection is indeed low, perceptions of ethnic minority groups as a ‘problem’ for school life, as well as subtle prejudice, are substantial. Ethnic minority children are less popular and stigmatizing behaviour is common. Intimacy with an ethnic minority classmate is associated with lower levels of blatant prejudice at the individual level but the other forms of prejudice are not affected.

The literature on the development of social identities in children has largely adhered to a cognitive developmental framework. However, to date, there has been little or no direct empirical demonstration of cognitive developmental levels associated with age accounting for variations in the expression of social identities. The current study directly assessed this hypothesis within ethnic identity. Ethnic identity in school-age children was assessed with the components outlined by Bernal, Knight, Garza, Ocampo, and Cota (1990), whereas level of cognitive ability was measured with an adaptation of Piaget’s conservation and classification tasks. It was hypothesised that cognitive ability would account for age differences in the components of ethnic self-identification, ethnic constancy, and to a lesser extent, ethnic knowledge. The results demonstrated that level of cognitive ability did not account for the age differences in ethnic self-identification or ethnic constancy. However, they did account for differences in ethnic knowledge. It is possible that the age changes found in ethnic and other social identities may be caused by other age-related changes in development, such as changes in learning through socialisation. This would imply that other phenomena hypothesised to be caused by changes in cognitive ability, such as the development of in-group pride and prejudice in children, may be altered by changes in the way young children are socialised by familial and nonfamilial agents. Research on social identities may bene”t from a departure from cognitive developmental theory and from increased attention to other theories, such as socialisation theory, in understanding the development of ethnic identity and other social identities.

Group status, outgroup ethnicity and children's ethnic attitudes

Mapping the scientific knowledge and approaches to defining and measuring hate crime, hate speech, and hate incidents: A systematic review.

Prejudice in children's books children and literature have the classics had their day? prejudice and children's popular fiction anti-sexist and emancipatory books race and ethnic identity - literature, language and culture literature and society - age and disability equality and information books literature equality and the classroom.

In this book McCauley presents an overview of a comprehensive study on violent communal and civil conflicts across Africa. The study sought to illuminate the causes underlying the puzzling observation in ethnically diverse African countries – including Ivory Coast, Sudan and Nigeria – that violent conflict emerges along ethnic lines and then transforms into religious conflicts. The book broadens our understanding of African identity politics, showing us why in instances of violent conflict, parties remain the same, but the cause of the conflict transforms (ethnic to religious). In addition, the book explains why even though ethnic and religious identities in Africa are well-established, they are not always the cause the persistence of conflict. The author posits that Africans have multiple identities (ethnic and religious), and in the case of civil and communal conflict, political elites can manipulate those in conflict to exploit religious or ethnic tension, as necessary to fuel ongoing violence. The author explains that ethnic identity in Africa is associated with a homeland and local material well-being, whereas religious identities are associated with moral policies. In accordance with the research process, the book is divided into two main sections. In the first section, the author demonstrates both the results of qualitative field study conducted in Ivory Coast and Ghana, and findings obtained from the Afrobarometer Public Opinion Survey (measures identity attachment and policy preferences) administered to some 20,000 individuals. These data are then used to develop the hypothesis that ethnic and religious identities are separate concepts that evoke fundamentally different preferences in individuals that the political elite can exploit. In the book religious identity preferences in Africa are described as ‘rule-based identities’ characterized by religious rules that are subject to interpretation and change. In contrast, ethnic identity preferences are described as ‘land-based identities’ that emphasize a common ancestry, shared norms, and homeland.

The increasing flow of immigrants in many European countries and the growing presence of children from immigrant families in schools makes it relevant to study the development of prejudice in children. Parents play an important role in shaping children’s values and their attitudes toward members of other ethnic groups; an intergenerational transmission of prejudice has been found in a number of studies targeting adolescents. The present study aims to investigate the intergenerational transmission of ethnic prejudice in 3- to 9- year-old children and its relations to parenting styles. Parents’ blatant and subtle ethnic prejudice and parenting style are measured together with children’s explicit and implicit ethnic prejudice in pupils and parents of preschool and primary schools in the region of Rome, Italy (N = 318). Results show that parents’ subtle prejudice predicts children’s implicit prejudice regardless of the parenting style. Findings indicate that children might acquire prejudice by means of the parents’ implicit cognition and automatic behavior and educational actions. Implications for future studies and insights for possible applied interventions are discussed.

An extensive literature on the development of ethnic prejudice in children exists. Evidence of ethnic bias is found in children of primary age and even younger. However, there is a lack of longitudinal or other data that would guide us regarding the optimal age to intervene for the purpose of reducing ethnic prejudice and promoting positive interethnic social relations. The degree to which ethnic conflicts among children and adolescents are expressed in school violence may be one factor in selecting a target age group, at least initially, for intervention. The incidence of adolescent aggression and violence in schools has become an important matter of public concern and media interest. The problems of school violence and of ethnic conflict and prejudice among school children are interwoven l . This was one of the guiding factors in extending our earlier rationale, research, and intervention efforts addressed to empathy and aggression in middle elementary school age children to empathy, aggression, and social prejudice in adolescents. In an earlier intervention project, Feshbach and Feshbach2•3 found that training aggressive and non-aggressive boys and girls in exercises designed to enhance empathy, significantly influenced pro-social behaviors, modified aggressive behaviors, and promoted more positive self-concepts. In this newer project modifications in standard curriculum and instruction were introduced to classrooms attended by 13-15 year olds. These modifications entail the use of transformational principles derived from Norma Feshbach'ss theoretical model of empathl·S,7.

An extensive literature on the development of ethnic prejudice in children exists. Evidence of ethnic bias is found in children of primary age and even younger. However, there is a lack of longitudinal or other data that would guide us regarding the optimal age to intervene for the purpose of reducing ethnic prejudice and promoting positive interethnic social relations.

Reviewed by: Tough on Hate?: The Cultural Politics of Hate Crimes by Clara S. Lewis Rebecca Barrett-Fox TOUGH ON HATE?: The Cultural Politics of Hate Crimes. By Clara S. Lewis. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 2013. Although gay college student Matthew Shepard’s murder was not legally deemed a hate crime, Shepard has become the paradigmatic hate crime victim, his image so often invoked that the federal legislation against hate crimes is named after him and lynching victim James Byrd, Jr. Though their murders raised national consciousness about bias-based violence, Clara S. Lewis argues in Tough on Hate?: The Cultural Politics of Hate Crimes, the media, politicians, and the general public have used their images in ways that paradoxically decry “hate” while undermining “our collective sense of culpability” (25) so that we cannot act on the ongoing structural oppression that incubates hate. Lewis posits that our well-meaning narratives about hate crimes demand a post-difference citizenship, “whereby members of historically marginalized groups and their allies are given access to public support by condoning post-difference ideology” (91). Victims of hate crimes (or their family members) must deny their difference, [End Page 142] which otherwise challenges ideas about national unity. Victims of anti–Arab/Muslim hate crimes must stress their love of America and Islam’s non-threatening nature. Racial minorities must be “race blind,” relegating race-based violence to the Civil Rights era (except in the exceptional case at hand). Victims of homophobic violence cannot be sexual but, like Shepard, childlike and from “spectacularly normal” backgrounds (96). Yet victims are selected precisely because they are not normative; their religious, ethnic, racial, and sexual identities place them outside of the norm. In a post-difference world, these identities don’t matter—except that they do, sometimes to the point of death. By erasing the very difference that inspired the crime, the public again victimizes with its “overwhelming desire to prove that we, the people within the community where the crime occurred, are better than the crime” (3). Hate crime narratives focus on the normality of the victim. (How tempting it is, as Matthew Shepard’s mother Judy speaks, to think, “That could have been my son!” Except that it wouldn’t ever be your son unless your son is gay). They also place the perpetrators outside of society, as “loners” on the “fringe.” The public’s desire to depict perpetrators, who are actually “disturbingly conformist” (85), as abnormal is motivated by the same need to view such crimes as abnormal rather than as “an expression of extended histories of often state-sponsored violence against minority groups and of broader contemporary social forces” (60). If victims really are different and perpetrators really are conformists, we could no longer see these crimes as unthinkable but as violent, predictable consequences of oppression. Lewis skillfully analyzes the rhetoric around hate crimes, examining news coverage, political hearings, legislation, and documentary films, and deploying theories from diverse disciplines in a way that will engage American Studies scholars. Unfortunately, it draws from a limited number of high-profile crimes—for example, no anti-Semitic crimes are examined. That said, it is easy enough for readers to imagine how the rich critiques that Lewis articulates here could be applied to other hate crimes and, more importantly, to our responses to them. Rebecca Barrett-Fox Arkansas State University Copyright © 2014 Mid-America American Studies Association

Ethnic identity can have a different basis locally than it does at the level of the larger society or ethnic group. This point is illustrated with a reconstruction of the early twentieth-century ethnic classification used in three villages in southwestern Taiwan. Discrepancies between estimates of ethnic intermarriage based on government records and on interview reports result from cross-ethnic adoptions. Interview reports more accurately portray the social experience of ethnic identity for adopted daughters and thus yield better estimates of intermarriage. Analysis of the discrepancy shows the local basis of Han identity to be culture, not, as for most Han, ancestry. (Ethnic identity, historical records, memory, intermarriage, adoption, Taiwan) Ethnic identities are changeable in their content and (e.g., Harrell 1996), yet they are commonly portrayed as fixed, with clear-cut borders, the product of a person's culture and/or ancestry, in which there is no choice about belonging or departing. In order to mobilize people behind their political agendas ... [governments and ethnic leaders] actively hide the fluidity and changeability of identity and group membership (Harrell 1996:5); they discuss identity in terms of purported common descent and/or purported common culture (including language), even though ultimately it is common sociopolitical experience that binds group identity (Brown n.d.). The concealment of fluidity is accomplished by constructing of (Bhabha 1990:1; Harrell 1996:4), origin myths (Keyes 1981:8; Williams 1989:429), or a reified History (Duara 1995:4) that portrays the group as having a long and unified history distinguished from other groups.(2) These narratives draw heavily on selected historic sociopolitical events to galvanize support for the claim that the group constitutes a socially and/or culturally distinct people. Although these narratives attempt to mask them, relatively recent changes in ethnic identity can nevertheless be deciphered and the basis for such changes can be reconstructed. At the end of the twentieth century, political leaders frequently used ethnic identity as constructed by narratives of unfolding to motivate and justify warfare. Indeed, ethnic identity in relation to national identity fuels tensions between Taiwan and China that could potentially lead to warfare. Why have these ideologies succeeded in their hegemonic goal of naturalizing ethnic relations and tensions? To answer this question requires analysis of the experience of ethnic identity for ordinary people in addition to other analyses of social power hierarchies (e.g., Gates 1996). Reconstructing ethnic identity and its changes is no less an interpretation of the past than are narratives of unfolding, but it offers a different vantage point: ordinary people's experience rather than the ideology of the elite. This article contributes to our understanding of ordinary people's experience of ethnic identity in two ways. First, by analyzing ethnic identities in terms of the social experience of individuals, it shows that local ethnic identity can have a different basis than that underlying identity claims in the larger ethnic group or society.(3) With contemporaneous variation, there is the potential for future change. Second, it offers a methodology for reconstructing past ethnic identity by comparing documentary and oral history reports. Analyzing the early twentieth-century ethnic classification used in the southwestern Taiwan villages of Jiashe, Yishe, and Bingshe brings out discrepancies between information drawn from the Japanese-period government household registers and information drawn from interview reports. Jiashe, Yishe, and Bingshe were considered plains Aborigine villages in the early twentieth century, in spite of their cultural similarity to neighboring Han villages and in spite of some patrilineal Han ancestry.(4) About 1930, however, Jiashe, Yishe, and Bingshe changed their ethnic identity from plains Aborigine to Han (Brown 1996, n. …

This study explores how ethnic identity and intergroup prejudice are shaped, expressed and challenged within basketball fandom in North Macedonia, a multi-ethnic and divided society. While sports fan culture is widely recognized as a platform where group belonging and identity are developed, there is limited qualitative research in the Balkans that examines how these identities intersect with ethnic divisions in everyday fan practices. In particular, this study looks at whether sports can serve as a tool for inclusion and reducing ethnic-based prejudice among fans in post-conflict and multi-ethnic societies. To address this gap, we conducted six focus group discussions with 30 members of ethnic-Macedonian and ethnic-Albanian basketball fan groups. Using thematic analysis, we analyzed (a) how fan identities are shaped by group and ethnic belonging and expressed through group symbols, loyalty, and rituals; (b) how intergroup prejudice and exclusion are expressed through perceptions of rivalry and national representation, and (c) whether extended intergroup contact can reduce prejudice among fans. Our findings reveal that fan identities are intertwined with broader socio-political narratives, and that sporting spaces often reinforce, rather than bridge, symbolic boundaries. In addition, Extended Contact Hypothesis (ECH) remains largely ineffective due to emotional detachment and conditional acceptance of the other. These insights offer further understanding of the role of sports and the limitations of contact-based interventions in divided societies, such as North Macedonia.

Avoiding ethnic tension and conflict in South Africa: What can we learn from Paul’s experience?The dream of a ‘rainbow nation’ in South Africa appears to be on the wane as ethnic tension and conflict seem to simmer just beneath the surface. This article investigates Paul’s approach to the issue of ethnic identity with reference to ethnicity and social identity theory. Initially, Paul adopted a radical approach, which basically rendered ethnic identity irrelevant. However, he came to realise that ethnic differences need to be accommodated within the group of Jesus followers. The article applies these insights in calling for strong, moral, visionary and discerning leadership in South Africa.

Psychologists and sociologists offer very different perspectives on how children acquire prejudice over the lifecourse. The clearest contrast between the two can be seen in their basic assignment of cause: while psychologists attribute prejudice to normal adaptive development, sociologists look first to the social environment. Psychological theorists emphasize the internal mechanisms that lead to prejudicial thinking, the development of in-group and out-group theories, the social cognitive perspective, and the idea of social identity formation (Allport 1979, Tajfel and Turner 1979, Aboud 2005). Alternatively, sociologists focus on the impact and strains that social forces impose upon group relations, fostering theories on group frustration and anxiety (Parsons 1954), domination and subordination (Blumer 1958), and ethnic and racial social distance (Bogardus 1925).