Ethnic Conflict, Unit Performance, and the Soviet Armed Forces

: Most Sovietologists agree that the Soviet Union is in a state of confusion and transition. Today's predictions will most certainly change tomorrow. Differences in philosophy exist in viewing the role of women in Soviet society, and more specifically, the role of women in the Soviet military. There are those who believe that the role of women was a planned, ideologically based decision. However, there are others who believe that the role of women in the Soviet Union and the Soviet military is totally a practical matter, directed by the exigencies of Soviet history. This paper discusses the role of women in the Soviet armed forces and projects this role into the future. The review is accomplished by first looking at women in the Soviet military force from a historical perspective, followed by their role in Soviet society. These areas, coupled with the current involvement of women in the Soviet military, provide the basis from which to project the future role of women in the Soviet armed forces.

Preface.- Theoretical Approaches in the Study of Ethno/Cultural Conflict.- Franco/Anglo Conflict in Canada.- Mexico's Ethnic Conflict.- Ethnic Conflict in Spain.- Ethnic Conflict in Ireland.- Muslims in the Netherlands.- Conflict in South Africa.- Confict in the South of Sudan.- Ideology of Small Differences: Dissolution and Fail of the Former Yugoslavia.- Crimea: Violence Avoided (A Study in Conflict Prevention).- Peacebuilding and Possibilities for Resolution in the Cyprus Conflict.- Armenians in Turkey.- Israel: The Homeland of Jews, Arabs, and Palestinians.- The Palestinians in Israel: Ethnic-national Identity Conflict.- Interobjectivity and Conflict within Islam.- Ethnic and Religious Conflicts in India.- Interethnic Conflict in Malaysia.- Ethnopolitical Conflict in Sri Lanka.- Ethnic Conflict in China.- Social Psychology of Peace and Conflict in Mindanao.- Ethnic Conflict in Australia.- Ethnic Relations in New Zealand: Culture, Conflict, and Cohesion.- Ethnocultural Conflict and Cooperation in Hawaii.- Lessons Learned: What We Know and What We Don't Know.

THE ACCIDENT at the Chernobyl nuclear power station (NPS) on 26 April 1986 was a disaster of global proportions that has changed the politics of nuclear power in the Soviet Union and abroad. It has also given rise to an enormous volume of governmental and corporate studies, scholarly and popular books and articles, and even poetry, films and plays. Except in Soviet newspaper and journal accounts, however, surprisingly little has been written about the performance of one of the major institutional actors at Chernobyl-the Soviet military.1 This article is an effort to correct, at least in part, this oversight. More specifically, it: (1) identifies the principal organisational actors in the Soviet armed forces that were active in the Chernobyl clean-up;2 (2) examines how and when the commanders of major units learned of the accident and arrived on the scene; (3) analyses the tasks performed by the Soviet military; (4) evaluates the performance of representative military units; and (5) seeks to discern lessons from the performance of the military that may be applicable to other crisis situations. In support of this last task, a comparison is also made of the Soviet military's performance at Chernobyl and after the 1988 Armenian earthquake.

Preface 1. The Soviet Armed Forces in Their Final Decade 2. The Soviet Armed Forces and Domestic Security: The Repression of 1989-1991 3. The Transformation of the Soviet Armed Forces in its Final Years (1989-1991) 4. The Defection of the Soviet Armed Forces and the End of the USSR: The August Putsch of 1991 5. The Re-Construction and Evolution of the Armed Forces in the Soviet Successor States: Russia, Armenia, Georgia, and Ukraine 6. The New Armed Forces and Domestic Security: Revolutions and Repression in Russia 1993, Armenia 1996, Georgia 2003, and Ukraine 2004 Conclusion: Paths to New National Armies, Recent Developments, and Looking Ahead

The article gives a brief review of main research trends in the field of ethnical relationships in contemporaryRussia. Ethnic and social problems are viewed through the prism of ethnic-based sociology, but the interdisciplinary features of such research in this field are also highlighted. The article also charts the development of and correlates it with changes in ethnical studies in this field and also with the emergence of new approaches in analyzing such problems as nationalism, ethnical conflicts, national identity, xenophobia, ethnical status and ethnical stereotypes, tolerance, and so forth. The dynamic of changes in public opinion concerning ethnic relations since 1989 have been analyzed in this article. The importance of fundamental scientific researches focused on ethnical processes and strategic national policy development is emphasized. Refs 17. Tables 3.

Adopted in 1991, ethnic federalism indeed paved the way for the recognition, accommodation, and institutionalization of ethnocultural diversity for the first time in the country’s history since its modern existence. What is equally important is, the practice of ethnic federalism complicated state-society and inter-group relationships creating a favorable environment for ethnic confrontation and conflict to take place in the country threatening national unity, eroded century-old values of coexistence, a hard ethnic boundary where administrative boundaries are served as political and ethnic differentiators like the Oromo and Somali conflict over contested boundaries. Territorial recognition, and institutionalization of ethnicity gave room for the emergence of ‘ethnic like and ethnic others’ thinking, made minorities in different regions victims of politics and failed to provide sound accommodation mechanisms from them, severely restricted people’s constitutional rights including the right to mobility and right to work, created room for the re-emergence of secessionist tendency. Hence, ethnic federalism while solving old problems of ethnic inequality and injustice; has created new problems of ethnic tensions and conflict across Ethiopia. It is the purpose of this study to investigate how and why federalism is being considered as the source of ethnic conflicts in the Ethiopian context. The study adopted a qualitative comparative approach while FGDs and key informant interviews were used to gather data. The finding of the study shows that though multinational federation plays an irreplaceable role to accommodate and institutionalize ethnocultural diversity, the notion and implementation of federalism instigate ethnic conflict in the Ethiopian context.

Journal Article Politics, work and daily life in the USSR: a survey of former Soviet citizens Get access Politics, work and daily life in the USSR: a survey of former Soviet citizens. Edited By James R. Millar. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1987. 423pp. £35.00; ISBN 0 521 33476 4. Pb.: £12.95; ISBN 0 521 34890 0 Ronald J. Hill Ronald J. Hill 1Trinity College, Dublin Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 64, Issue 4, autumn 1988, Page 706, https://doi.org/10.2307/2626124 Published: 01 October 1988

Purpose: Although the Balkans have historically diverse ethnic groups, there have been ethnic and religious conflicts since modern times due to the failure to form a nation-state and the emergence of interests and socialist systems of neighboring powers. After Tito s death, Kosovo s armed conflict between Serbia and Albania intensi-fied, leading to NATO s involvement, and serious crimes during the war. The purpose of this study is to study the relationship between forces and war crimes that emerged during the war. Method: To examine ethnic problems in the Balkans and the formation of ethnic states, especially ethnic con-flicts and war patterns in Kosovo, and to analyze the armed struggle between the Serbian-led Yugoslav govern-ment and Albania s KLA. We also look at crimes committed by both groups and why NATO was involved. Results: Western support for the KLA s armed struggle to form an independent state in Kosovo resulted in Albanian ethnic groups taking over Kosovo and developing from autonomous to sovereign states. The war led to the kidnapping, torture, massacre and sexual assault of innocent citizens, but the leaders of the KLA were trans-formed from terrorists to official authorities in charge of the regime. Conclusion: Ethnic problems have internal problems that cannot be solved by external interference. In addi-tion, if external forces intervene under the pretext of resolving the problem of ethnic conflict, it can be seen that ultimately dominating hegemony within the region is essential. The international community s interest in human rights violations by the state during the war should be raised.

Purpose: Although the Balkans have historically diverse ethnic groups, there have been ethnic and religious conflicts since modern times due to the failure to form a nation-state and the emergence of interests and socialist systems of neighboring powers. After Tito s death, Kosovo s armed conflict between Serbia and Albania intensi-fied, leading to NATO s involvement, and serious crimes during the war. The purpose of this study is to study the relationship between forces and war crimes that emerged during the war. Method: To examine ethnic problems in the Balkans and the formation of ethnic states, especially ethnic con-flicts and war patterns in Kosovo, and to analyze the armed struggle between the Serbian-led Yugoslav govern-ment and Albania s KLA. We also look at crimes committed by both groups and why NATO was involved. Results: Western support for the KLA s armed struggle to form an independent state in Kosovo resulted in Albanian ethnic groups taking over Kosovo and developing from autonomous to sovereign states. The war led to the kidnapping, torture, massacre and sexual assault of innocent citizens, but the leaders of the KLA were trans-formed from terrorists to official authorities in charge of the regime. Conclusion: Ethnic problems have internal problems that cannot be solved by external interference. In addi-tion, if external forces intervene under the pretext of resolving the problem of ethnic conflict, it can be seen that ultimately dominating hegemony within the region is essential. The international community s interest in human rights violations by the state during the war should be raised.

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsViktor SuvorovHe is the product of the Brezhnev era and the new generation Soviet Army Officer. The author provides hitherto unpublished insights into Soviet military dispositions during the months leading up to the German attack. Suvorov is the author of three authoritative works on the Soviet Armed Forces: The Liberators, Inside the Soviet Army and Soviet Military Intelligence, he is now studying for a PhD and this article represents part of his thesis. Historians who have hithero uncritically accepted the thesis that Stalin was the victim of unprovoked aggression in the summer of 1941, may have cause to revise, or at least modify, their views.

The Soviet military is in the midst of the most comprehensive transformation in its history. At stake is not only the future shape and makeup of the Armed Forces, but the USSR's future as a competitive superpower. This metamorphosis, rooted in analyses conducted by the General Staff well before Gorbachev's ascendancy, seeks to fundamentally redefine what the Soviet Armed Forces will look like and how they will be prepared to fight through the end of this century and into the next. Insofar as this transcentury agenda impacts the entire gamut of East‐West relations, it must be factored into the Western national security calculus. The views expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position of the U.S. Department of Defense, the U.S. government, or any of its agencies.

The significance of intercultural relations in the construction--and destruction--of shared urban space in cities worldwide, has assumed a new level of intensity in the current postcolonial, post-Soviet and 'post-modernist' era. Crucially, the 'popular', public, media and political reactions to such increased intensity in 'identity politics', 'ethnic conflict' and the reassertion of 'other cultures' has been, and continues to be either stereotypical or consumerist, in most cases oversimplified, and in many culturally illiterate. Such severe shortcomings in our understanding and ability to find adequate responses to the complex material and meaningful realities of cultural identities and intersections can also be found in academic and intellectual interventions, as in such constructs as the 'Clash of Civilisations' thesis. In positive contrast, this paper by Carl Grodach demonstrates the careful unravelling of complexity, diversity, contestation and contradictions involved in the reconstruction of symbolic urban spaces after violent conflict, and the allied processes of cultural reinterpretation, political reconfiguration and material revaluation which accompany it. The paper analyses the reconstruction and redevelopment of the 16th-century historic centre of Mostar, Bosnia-Herzegovina, following the Bosnian Wars of 1992-1995. Reconstruction efforts centre around Stari Most, the 16th-century Ottoman bridge destroyed by Bosnian Croat military in 1993. In Mostar, both international and local organizations are in the process of reinterpreting Bosnia's legacy of Ottoman city spaces. This research and analysis illuminates how such spaces can be central to contemporary projects to redefine group identities and conceptions of place. It provides insight into the ways various groups are attempting to reshape outside perceptions of the city--and Bosnia's ethnic conflict--to articulate a new definition of local identity and ethnic relations and to remake a stable tourist economy through Mostar's urban spaces.

Since it declared its independence in 1991, the Republic of Macedonia has faced several problems of key importance. Apart from the economic underdevelopment, this country has been characterised by bad ethnic relations between the two most numerous communities in the country - the Macedonian and Albanian ones. The Albanian community, which makes approximately one fourth of the total population in Macedonia, has tended to define itself as a "constitutive nation" within the newly formed and independent Macedonia. The outstanding ethnic tensions present in 1990s turned into open armed conflicts in the February-August 2001 period. More than 200 people were killed, while 100,000 people were displaced from their homes in the conflicts between the Albanian militia and regular Macedonian police and armed forces. After the USA and EU had made pressures on the conflicting parties, they adopted the Framework Agreement on 13 August 2001 in Ohrid. It proposed the amendments to the 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia. The amendments have brought out changes in the constitutional and political system of Macedonia - "double majority" in the Parliament, increased number of members of ethnic communities in the police and administration, Albanian language as an official, strengthening of the local self-rule, etc. Apart from the Macedonian people as a holder of sovereignty, the preamble of the Constitution of Macedonia includes the Albanians, Turks, Vlachs, Serbs, Romans and members of other peoples who live in Macedonia. In September 2002, parliamentary elections took place in Macedonia. The coalition For Macedonia Together headed by the Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia won half of the seats in the Macedonian parliament. Then were defeated the nationalistic parties VMRO-DPMNE and Democratic Party of Albanians that had been in power during the ethnic conflicts. The Democratic Union for Integration (established in 2002) won almost 70 per cent of the Albanian votes while the Party for Democratic Prosperity and People's Democratic Party were defeated at the elections. After the September elections, the new government was forded and it embraced the members of the coalition For Macedonia Together and Democratic Union for Integration - with five Albanian ministers. The Ohrid Agreement is a step forward in settling the ethnic relations in Macedonia. Apart from the fact that it was adopted under the pressure of the international community, it is a basis for constitutional and political reforms, improving the position of the Albanians as the most numerous non-Macedonian community. However, it should be said that even today there are two parallel "societies" - Macedonian and Albanian ones, with no common touch between them, living separately from each other. In spite of all obstacles, it is necessary to insist on building of confidence and reconciliation between the Albanians and Macedonians. This can be achieved by repatriation of refugees and displaced persons to their homes, by implementation of the law that includes the provisions on the positive discrimination of the Albanian community and by strengthening of security and stability in the region. As the author assesses, the bad economic situation in Macedonia could set new priorities to the government and it would include improvement of living conditions for its citizens. On the other hand, the greatest danger to the peaceful development of Macedonia is the Albanian National Army (ANA) whose substantial aim is to achieve unification of the "Albanian" territories in Western Macedonia with Kosovo and "Albanian parts" of Montenegro and southern Serbia.

The story of the failure of bargaining among ethnic élites and of international diplomacy is well known. What has not been well explained is the spread and support for xenophobic nationalism and ethnic violence among people who had lived cooperatively for thirty-five years. I draw on key ideas of four views on ethnicity and ethnic conflict, and add the concept of cognitive frame in ethnic relations. Yugoslavs possessed two ethnic frames in their minds, an ethnic cooperation and peace frame for normal times, and a crisis frame anchored in World War II memories. Élite contention and mass media propaganda awakened the dormant crisis frame, suppressed the normal frame, and spread insecurity and fear. I explain why ethnic manipulation succeeded, people believed falsehoods, voted for nationalists, how moderates were purged and why men in militias killed innocent civilians.

This article examines the impact of nongovernmental organization-sponsored contact and communication on fostering peaceful solutions to ethnic conflict via case studies of the activities of the Project on Ethnic Relations (PER) in Romania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, and Serbia. It explores five operational principles that guide PER activity: creating credible, neutral forums for dialogue; maintaining momentum; working within political realities; encouraging indigenous solutions from within existing processes; and acting with the backing of powerful states. These principles explain PER's success as a “weak mediator” of ethnic conflicts. According to this analysis, PER also exhibits organizational characteristics that contribute to success, including nonpartisanship, area expertise and extensive networks of local contacts, and an ability to secure the trust of local actors. A significant indicator of the success of PER activities is the establishment by conflicting parties of institutionalized mechanisms for addressing their differences. Contrary to the view that electoral competition contributes to conflict, this study finds that the possibility of achieving an electoral advantage by participating cooperatively in conflict resolution activities creates incentives for local actors to recognize opportunities offered by PER activities and leads local actors to heed PER's advice. Finally, the article offers a cautionary observation. While PER's perceived influence with major international actors may contribute to its local successes, once a state actor with the power to impose a solution has committed itself to ending a conflict, its preferences outweigh any local interests in determining the outcome and renders the efforts of a “weak mediator” such as PER irrelevant.