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Establishing Forensic Anthropology Units in Indian Medical Colleges: From Theory to Praxis

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Forensic anthropology is integral to medico-legal investigations involving skeletal, decomposed, and fragmentary human remains. In India, despite increasing case requirements, forensic anthropology largely functions without dedicated institutional units. This article reviews the status of forensic anthropology practice in India and proposes a feasible implementation framework for establishing forensic anthropology units within Indian medical colleges. This article discusses the challenges in the establishment of a forensic anthropology unit in Indian medical colleges. Dedicated forensic anthropology units can be established within existing forensic medicine departments using modest infrastructure, basic anthropometric instruments, trained faculty, and interdepartmental collaboration. Institution-based forensic anthropology units are feasible, cost-effective, and essential for strengthening medico-legal services, training, and research in India.

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1 Department of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Knoxville, Tennessee, USA. *Correspondence to: Dawnie Wolfe Steadman, Department of Anthropology, University of Tennessee, 1621 Cumberland Avenue, Strong Hall Room #502A, Knoxville, TN 37996 USA. E-mail: osteo@utk.edu KEY WORDS: forensic anthropology, quantitative methods, medicolegal casework, human identification, skeletal analysis. Human Biology, Winter 2018, v. 90, no. 1. doi: 10.13110/humanbiology.90.1.05. Copyright © 2018 Wayne State University Press, Detroit, Michigan 48201 invited commentary Who Needs Data? I’ve Got Experience! Dawnie Wolfe Steadman1 * In 2009, the National Academy of Sciences released a blistering report on the current state of forensic science oversight and practice in the United States. The report skewered the current scientifijic integrity and standards of a number of forensic subdisciplines, including fijingerprints , blood spatter, bite marks, and ballistics, and offfered specifijic recommendations to improve forensicscience.Anthropologywasnotspecifijically mentioned in the report, but the same criticisms leveled at the other disciplines, including poor training in quantitative methods, little attention to standards, and the abject lack of errors associated with methods, were obviously relevant to forensic anthropology. To the credit of the discipline, anthropologists have produced scores of articles that focus on quantitative analyses (e.g., Algee-Hewitt 2016, 2017; Hefner et al. 2014; Kooi and Fairgrieve 2013; Megyesi et al. 2005; Slice and Algee-Hewitt 2015; Stoyanova et al. 2015, 2017), validation studies (e.g., Jooste et al. 2016; Kenyhercz et al. 2017a, 2017b; Kim 2016; Milner and Boldsen 2012; Savall et al. 2016; Suckling et al. 2016), and cognitive bias in our methods (Nakhaeizadeh et al. 2014a, 2014b, 2018). The rise of “computational anthropology ,”theuseof advancedcomputingtoproduce models, simulations, and predictive modeling to address complex problems in anthropology, offfers unlimited opportunities for forensic anthropology . The technological explosion of quantitative computing and big-data analysis tools has formed an important space in anthropology, including demography, ethnography, and past and present migration studies, yet forensic anthropology has remained largely unchanged by these advancements . Despite the warnings of the National Academy of Sciences and recent computational effforts in the fijield, those who are most likely to practice forensic anthropology continue to rely on traditional techniques and personal experience rather than quantitative approaches. Here I explore some of the historical and structural reasons behind the slow acceptance of new methods based on large (and/or simulated) data sets and computational approaches highlighted in these special issues of Human Biology and offfer some guidance for moving forward. Forensic anthropology is the application of the principles of skeletal biology to medicolegal questions, such as the identifijication of unknown remainsandinterpretationof traumatothebones. Forensic anthropologists are called into the most challengingforensiccontextsinthattheyworkwith humanremainsthataredecomposed,fragmentary, burnt,cremated,incomplete,andotherwisevisibly unidentifijiable. Unlike other forensic fijields that focus on a single set of techniques and tasks (e.g., fijingerprints, DNA, ballistics), forensic anthropologists can be asked to complete four disparate tasks in a single case: search and recovery of human remains, personal identifijication, trauma analysis, and estimation of the postmortem interval. Other 000 ■ Steadman specialized tasks may include facial reproduction techniquestogarnerleadsfromthepublicconcerning the identity of unknown remains and isotope analysis of human remains to assess geographic origins and migration history that may also assist with identifijication. These distinct responsibilities preclude the ability to develop a single set of best practices and lead to a crowded playing fijield of methods. For example, the task of personal identifijication begins with assessing the biological profijile—estimationsof sex,ancestry,age,andstature from the skeleton, each of which may consist of multiple methods. While stature estimates rely on regression formulas derived from various sized reference samples, most of the other methods are historically based on qualitative observations of skeletal morphological traits. Comfort levels with methods developed in the 1980s and 1990s based exclusively on macroscopic morphological age-, sex- or populationbasedvariation (calledhere“traditionalmethods”) seem to preclude the inclusion of important new techniques that use large sample sizes (including simulated data and machine learning), quantitative data such as three-dimensional imaging techniques, and sophisticated statistical analyses. For instance, transition analysis is a maximumlikelihood approach developed for bioarchaeological samples using three skeletal indicators and choiceof priors,providinganoutputof amaximum likelihood estimate and 95% confijidence interval...

  • Discussion
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Letter regarding "In consideration of subspecialty training in forensic anthropology for pathologists".
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Dr. Obenson laments a lack of forensic anthropologicalexpertise in his country (Canada) [1]. I am encouraged thathe recognizes the need, albeit sporadic in most districts.However, his article fails in two respects: his valuation ofthe gravity of the problem and his proposed solution.In Dr. Obenson’s own city there are two university-basedbiological anthropologists with doctorates who teach forensiccourses. Further, a well-establ ished forensic anthropologistwho directs a Master of Science degree program in forensicanthropology and who collaborates with local medico-legalinvestigators is approximately 300 km away, which by Cana-dian standards is equivalent to being a next-door neighbor [ 2].Elsewhere in Canada forensic ant hropologists routinely travelover500 kmtoworkoncases.Dr.Obensonisnot‘‘compelled’’to analyze skeletonized remains without anthropologicalassistance, nor should any forensic scientist practice beyondtheir expertise [3]. In Canada and other countries part of theproblem is a lack of knowledge of available experts. For this,forensic anthropologists share some responsibility by way oftheir lack of professional organization [4].Dr. Obenson’s proposed solution of anthropology certifica-tion for pathologists will almost certainly create more prob-lems. For years there has been active debate in Europe amongthe Forensic Anthropology Society of Europe (FASE) aboutcertification.OncontinentalEurope,biologicalanthropologyistypically taught in university departments of biology andmedicine, which has allowed medical students to receive lim-ited training in skeletal anatomy. After protracted debate andcriticism, FASE decided to allow those who have practiced‘‘forensic anthropology’’ for the past 10 years—typicallypathologists—to continue doing so (the so-called ‘‘oldergeneration’’ [5]). Although there is no guarantee that this oldergeneration has and will continue to practice forensic anthro-pologyinaqualifiedway,thisseemstobeatokengesturemadeby FASE to appease the old guard. In contrast, the ‘‘youngergeneration’’ of mostly biological anthropologists, will be sub-jected by FASE to written and practical exams for certification.By this process, and by their reliance on two U.S. board-certi-fied forensic anthropologists (not pathologists) as adjudicators,FASE demonstrates that forensic anthropology must be pro-fessionalized and must also be p racticed by anthropologists.Shouldwedismissthesenotions andoptforDr.Obenson’sfast-track forensic anthropological education for pathologists, wewould be moving backwards. Speed-training for forensicanthropology will produce exp erts that will be no more effec-tive at forensic anthropological analysis than tele-/photo-ana-lysis by true experts.References

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Forensic anthropology has traditionally relied on two-dimensional (2D) images, such as photographs and sketches, to perform analyses, and disseminate findings. However, as 3D imaging technology advances, it has become more widely implemented into forensic anthropology analysis and practice. Teaching and learning in forensic anthropology still often relies on 2D images, but increasingly three-dimensional (3D) models are available to be used by students training in anatomy and osteology. Additionally, 3D models have been found to be beneficial to comprehension in other contexts within forensic anthropology, such as in the courtroom. The use of these models in the teaching of forensic anthropology is not yet widely implemented and more importantly, the impact on learning is not yet understood. The use of 3D imaging and visualisation in other educational contexts has seen positive results, for example in medical training. To explore this further, a study was conducted using an online activity to compare the comprehension scores of students educated using 2D textbook style images or 3D models on Sketchfab. The results showed that the use of 3D images was not detrimental to comprehension. Students using the 3D models were more consistent in their performance and reported an increase in confidence regardless of prior experience. The results of this study are of particular importance when distance learning due to the COVID-19 pandemic which means that students cannot always learn in a laboratory environment.

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A Bioarchaeological Investigation into the Human Remains Discovered in the Chloorkop Area, South Africa
  • Sep 20, 2011
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  • A Meyer + 3 more

ABSTRACTIn November 2008, human skeletal remains were discovered during construction works undertaken by Carlop Properties in the Chloorkop industrial area, Kempton Park, Gauteng. The Forensic Anthropology Unit of the University of Pretoria, Forensic Anthropology Research Centre (FARC) was notified, and rescue excavations of both the exposed and the undisturbed remains were undertaken. The skeletonised remains of at least 18 individuals were recovered and sent to the Department of Anatomy at the University of Pretoria for standard anthropological analysis. The identity and the time period of these human remains are unknown, and during social consultation, no relatives could be identified. Excavations revealed a formal burial pattern, which suggests a formal cemetery, probably associated with a historic institution. All individuals were buried in wooden coffins in an extended, supine position. The remains consist of both adult and juvenile remains. Some of the remains were found in a commingled state because of disturbance caused by construction work. The minimum number of individuals was determined by the visual pair matching of skeletal elements on the basis of similarities observed in bone morphology, age and sex, trauma and pathology and taphonomic alterations. Bioarchaeological techniques were used, and the following results were obtained. Of the 18 individuals, at least 15 were identified to be males, one possibly female and two juveniles. At least five of the adult male individuals presented with cut marks associated with standard autopsy procedures. No reference to the individuals' identity or to the context of the cemetery within the historical span of the Chloorkop area has been located. However, the burial pattern observed, as well as the demographic profile and pathology observed on the skeletal remains, suggests that these individuals could be linked to the Klipfontein Organic Products Factory (ca 1941s–1970s), which employed many migrant labourers, most to whom lived in compounds on the factory premises. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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