Essequibo on the Scales of History: The Evolution of the Position of Guyana on the Territorial Dispute with Venezuela

Purpose The purpose of this study is to develop the Counterintelligence Strategy as a conceptual document in the field of state security of Ukraine, identifying current security threats to Ukraine, which global landscape has been significantly transformed since the adoption of the Law of Ukraine “On Counterintelligence”, is substantiated. It is proved that the provisions of such Strategy should determine the current and projected counterintelligence environment via a set of the following elements. The nature of real and potential threats in the process of implementing state foreign and domestic policy course determined by Ukraine. Sources of such threats (individual states and their intelligence agencies, terrorist organizations, transnational organized crime, etc.). Features of the identified encroachment objects of foreign intelligence agencies, terrorist and other criminal organizations, including transnational ones. Long time strategy treats like COVID-19 pandemic. Design/methodology/approach During the past decades of the XXI century, intelligence has become a crucial tool in the system of determining and implementing the foreign policy in international relations. Modern realities confirm that this political and legal phenomenon directly affects the formation of the foreign policy course of any state, the development of its geopolitical strategy and defense doctrine. Possessing a powerful apparatus for obtaining primary information, fulfillment of government orders for monitoring, evaluation, analysis, forecasting and modeling of possible scenarios of global- or regional-scale events and processes, special services take an active part in perspective and current foreign and domestic policy implementation. Findings Thus, based on the state security paradigm, which cannot be defined in the absence of threats and ensured by their complete elimination, since negative factors for state security objects will always exist, the ensuring of its development requires first of all creation of the conditions under which threats will not be able to limit its development. That is why it is necessary not only to minimize the impact of such factors on vulnerable objects, but also to create a certain “immunity” to their impact, i.e. the ability of the state security system to function effectively in spite of the negative impact. Thus, maintaining the ability to function in terms of the existing threats is the most important area of practical activity for the state security protection, as well as ensuring the legitimate interests of the state. Originality/value During the paper decades of the XXI century, intelligence has become a crucial tool in the system of determining and implementing the foreign policy in international relations. Modern realities confirm that this political and legal phenomenon directly affects the formation of the foreign policy course of any state, the development of its geopolitical strategy and defense doctrine. Possessing a powerful apparatus for obtaining primary information, fulfillment of government orders for monitoring, evaluation, analysis, forecasting and modeling of possible scenarios of global- or regional-scale events and processes, special services take an active part in perspective and current foreign and domestic policy implementation.

The article investigates the formation of the foreign policy course of US President John F. Kennedy on China in January-October 1961. There were characterized the election statements of the US presidential candidate from the Democratic Party J.F. Kennedy on China. The practical implementation of pre-election initiatives by the administration of the President John F. Kennedy in the Chinese direction in January-October 1961 was studied. There were analyzed reasons, course and consequences of intensification of Washington’s foreign policy strategy towards Beijing during the during investigated period. The role of various groups in the American establishment in the process of forming the foreign policy course of the new administration towards China in January-October 1961 is outlined. It is described the specific US foreign policy actions towards communist China at the beginning of J.F. Kennedy presidential period. The victory of J.F. Kennedy in the presidential election in 1960 was accompanied by a series of changes in the system of geopolitical and military priorities of the United States. The new administration’s more realistic approach to China was due primarily to the fact that Beijing, which renounced its alliances and claimed the role of a “third force”, was a weak player in the international arena and therefore minor, insignificant deviations from traditional policies of “containment and isolation” seemed acceptable. Moreover, the policy of “isolation” did not justify itself, as China has intensified its foreign policy, established relations with many countries, including the US allies. Gradually, the number of states that supported China’s demands for a seat in the UN grew, which created a real prospect for broad recognition of communist China. At the beginning of the presidency of J.F. Kennedy in January-October 1961, his administration was unable to quickly develop and begin to implement a holistic concept of “new frontiers” for China. His Chinese policy was inextricably linked to the US foreign policy in Asia and reflected the clash of American and Chinese interests in the region. At the same time, the representatives of the American establishment did not have a clear idea of how they could influence Soviet-Chinese relations in order to deepen the rift between the USSR and China, and what concrete benefits they could derive from this. This was due to a number of reasons. First of all, when he was elected, the administration of J.F. Kennedy joined the more important events at that time in terms of the US military and political interests than the policy towards China (European problems, issues of Atlantic unity, the Berlin crisis). Secondly, Washington still viewed communist China as a state that threatened American interests in Asia and was eager to expand its influence and strengthen its military power. An important influence on the formation of the foreign policy course of the administration J.F. Kennedy also had at the beginning of his presidency the fact that, having won the election with a minimal advantage, he did not risk starting a major change in Chinese policy and abandoning the policy of “containment”. In such way, the 35th President of the United States tried, at first, to show that he respected public opinion within the country, which was negative about communist China. Secondly, by demonstrating his propensity for the heredity of politics, he hoped to strengthen his vulnerable foreign policy position. That is why J.F. Kennedy, who did not rule out the possibility of changing China’s US policy, saw in his own practical actions toward China at the time no reason to abandon the doctrine of “containment”. Particularly, the idea of “containment” of China was the basis of a number of decisions of the John F. Kennedy administration, which eventually led to the escalation of American military intervention in Indochina.

The goal of this paper is to explore Turkish Eurasianism, ascertaining and analyzing diverse types and concepts of Eurasianism in Türkiye. The objectives of the study are to examine theoretical, conceptual, and ideological origins and foundations of various types of Eurasianism in Türkiye and look into how they influence foreign policy course of Ankara, particularly in diverting the country away from the traditional unidimensional pro-Western Kemalist orientation and drifting it towards Eurasia by cultivating closer rapprochement and forging a strategic alliance with leading powers of the continent. The relevance and novelty of the topic are reflected in the in-depth critical analyses of the pertinent sources as well as in identifying the character and peculiarities of Eurasianist discourses in Türkiye. The results of the study have demonstrated that although Turkish Eurasianists are not a united political force and are not unanimous in foreign policy matters, to a certain degree they tend to exhibit anti-imperialist, anti-Western and counter-hegemonic attitudes. Adhering to anti-Western and more autonomous foreign policy course, Turkish Eurasianists tend to give a top priority for Ankara’s strategic independence from the West and its closer rapprochement with Russia, China, Turkic states and other countries in Greater Eurasia. Despite their ardent support and advocacy for a greater autonomy from the West and reorienting the country to Greater Eurasia, as domestic political movements they are rather marginal, holding limited sway over Türkiye’s internal and external policy. Therefore, to have a voice and a meaningful influence over Türkiye’s foreign policy course, Turkish Eurasianists are periodically forced to ally themselves with powerful political parties such as Erdoğan’s AK Party (AKP). Although Turkish Eurasianists consistently advocate for reorienting Türkiye to Eurasia, Ankara’s foreign policy is mostly determined by pragmatic approaches. From this perspective, although after the collapse of the bi-polar world order Türkiye has increasingly sought to cultivate a balanced international policy as a ‘middle power’, the nation’s full disengagement from the Western strategic security system has never been a priority for Türkiye. As Ankara is deeply integrated and embedded within the policy and security system of the West since the inception of the Cold War, Turkish policymakers have emphasized the strategic partnership with the Transatlantic alliance system, focusing on EU membership.

The subject and key goal of this research consist in analysis of the impact of “American exceptionalism” concept upon U. S. foreign policy at the initial state of George W. Bush presidency. It is demonstrated how the phenomenon of “American exceptionalism”, being an intrinsic part of messianic idea of the United States, found its reelection in the foreign policy course of George W. Bush, particularly in the doctrine that virtually outlined the contours for the “global war against terrorism” and subsequent military operation in Iraq in 2003. In order to achieve the indicated goal, the author sets two tasks: deconstruction of the phenomenon of “American exceptionalism”, and demonstration of how these components were integrated into the Bush’s doctrine. Foreign sources and historiography allowed demonstrating the evolution of the phenomenon of “American exceptionalism” and its conceptual grounds. For tracing the patterns of the impact of this phenomenon upon the U. S. foreign policy course, the author applied historical-genetic method. The use of specific-historical analysis illustrated the influence of the phenomenon of “American exceptionalism” upon the U. S. foreign policy course overall, and the doctrine of George W. Bush in particular. The conclusion is made that the phenomenon of “American exceptionalism” gradually shifted from the field of U. S. domestic policy towards foreign policy; and the September 11 events prompted final consolidation of “American exceptionalism” in the U. S. foreign policy. The novelty of this work is defined by the fact that impact of the phenomenon of “American exceptionalism” upon establishment of the doctrine of George W. Bush is analyzed in detail for the first time.

The author made an observation of foreign policy course of the United States of America during D. Trump presidency. The United States foreign policy in the 21st century is strategically oriented to global leadership, forming of the new world order, and active application of information space as a foreign policy instrument that is supposed to implement national interests. Such an approach causes significant consequences due to presidential administrations activity, their realization and reaction to global challenges and threats that appear as a result of single countries and their alliances policy. The author of the article has made attempts to analyze D. Trump foreign policy course during his presidency. Controversial rhetoric of the candidate during the election campaign considerably differs from D. Trump foreign policy as a president. Early election campaign includes public statements about renewal of relationships with the Russian Federation, staying apart from being involved in conflicts in the Middle East, refusal to extend idea of democracy in the world, reluctancy to use military troops as means of solving problems in international relations. The article focuses on American-Russian and American-Ukrainian relationships that seemed to be controversial from time to time. D. Trump foreign policy doctrine is identified and described. Its essence is in escalation for de-escalation. The author singled out and described the situations, which demonstrate public statements as effective means used in information space for strengthening of president's power and foreign policy of the United States. The author came to the conclusion that D. Trump policy course and his international political subjectness reflect unstable policy movement from interventionism to isolationism.

This article describes the training system of special operations forces of the Indian Armed Forces. Selection for the units of special operations forces is carried out from army units, in which psychological and intellectual tests are conducted, as well as a check of physical fitness level. The training takes place in various geographical conditions, including in the desert and mountains. Also, urban tactics are practiced. Units of special operations forces perform combat tasks using force methods in extreme conditions with the use of special tactics in specific conditions, which requires a high level of psychological, ideological, physical and combat training of military personnel. The doctrine of joint training of the Armed Forces of India demonstrates the intention of the country’s leaders to put into practice contemporary technologies for training the Armed Forces personnel, to increase the effectiveness of troops in modern military warfare, which are characterized by the use of hybrid forms of armed struggle. The doctrine reveals the essence and content of challenges and threats to national security. According to the military and political leadership of the state, it is considered the result of the activities of terrorist organizations and the foreign policy courses of China and Pakistan, which are aimed at reducing the role of India in South Asia. The existence of interstate disagreements with the countries of South Asia on territorial issues, the implementation by the leadership of neighboring states of military programs aimed primarily at increasing nuclear potential, is considered by Delhi as the main source of military conflict in the region, in which the armed forces may be involved.

This article explores the problems of Ukraine's integration into the European security system. Special attention is given to the questions of cooperation with the European Union, NATO and the OSCE that play an important role in promotion of security in the European continent. Emphasis is made on the analysis of the Ukrainian normative legal framework responsible for inclusion of Ukraine into the core structures of European security. Since 1991 to the present, all presidents of post-Soviet Ukraine from L. Kravchuk to V. Zelensky contributed considerably to the country’s integration into the European security system. With the development of relations with NATO, EU and OSCE, Ukraine sought to cooperate with the Eastern European countries within the framework of the key institutions of European security. Ukraine’s relations with certain Balkan states have experienced intense contradictions, for example dispute over the plan to liquidate Bolhradsky district in Odessa Region that was predominantly populated by ethnic Bulgarians. Since 2004, the territorial dispute between Ukraine and Romania pertaining to delimitation of continental shelf around the Snake Island has not been fully settled. The conflict between the two countries also aggravated due to the policy of reducing the Romanian-language educational establishments in Ukraine. Ukraine’s inclusion into the key structures of the European security is also impeded by Donbass armed conflict, the fact that the government of Ukraine does not recognize the Republic of Crimea's claim to sovereignty, as well as regularization of relations with the Russian Federation. The acquired results allow determining the motives underlying the foreign policy course of Ukraine that is aimed at its accession to the European Union and NATO, as well as the attempts to take its place within the European security system.

This article offers a comprehensive analysis of Western media coverage of the Hungarian government's political course under Viktor Orban and the FIDESZ-KDNP coalition from 2010 to 2024. The study encompasses a wide range of aspects of Hungary's domestic and foreign policy, tracing the evolution of "Orbanism" perception in international media discourse. The author examines in detail the key themes that dominated Western media regarding Hungary, namely: The transformation of the country's democratic system and discussions around the concept of "illiberal democracy". Systematic conflicts between Hungary and the European Union, especially on issues of rule of law and democratic values. Hungary's strict migration policy and its impact on European policy in this area. Economic reforms known as "Orbanomics" and their controversial perception in the international arena. Changes in Hungary's media landscape and discussions about press freedom. Hungary's foreign policy course, including its relations with Russia, China, the USA, and neighboring countries. Special attention is paid to the impact of the Hungarian governance model on regional politics in Central and Eastern Europe, as well as its perception by right-wing and conservative movements in Europe and the USA. The article also examines the dynamics of Hungary's relations with the EU and NATO, particularly in the context of Russian aggression against Ukraine and Hungary's position on this conflict. The research is based on a wide range of Western media sources, including leading newspapers, magazines, television channels, and online publications. The author traces changes in the tone and focus of coverage of Hungarian politics during the specified period, identifying key trends and turning points in the international perception of Hungary. The article also examines Western media's reaction to Hungary's presidency of the Council of the European Union. The author summarizes the main trends in Western media coverage of Hungarian politics and assesses their impact on Hungary's international reputation and its relations with key partners.

The article deals with the policy of the United States of America, Peoples’ Republic of China (PRC) and the Russian Federation in the Asia-Pacific Region. Leadership ambitions of the countries became evident in political, economic, military, technological and space spheres especially over the last few years. The purpose of the article is to analyze American-Chinese and Russian-Chinese relationships in the Asia-Pacific and identify reasons for their foreign policy course. Both countries, China and the USA are eager to play leader’s part in the regional politics. The relationships between the PRC and the United States significantly deteriorated, especially during D. Trump presidency. The author draws attention to the US policy and its attempts to strengthen its own positions in the region as well as to China’s economic activity reflected in transport projects, for instance – One Belt, One Road initiative, perceived by Washington as a challenge to its leader’s position. Tensions between two countries increased due to aggressive regional policy of China which claimed sovereignty over few small islands in the South China Sea. Beijing and Washington compete for leadership in the sphere of technology where China is ahead of the USA.

Position and place of Egypt in the international arena is changing the vector, but does not rule out the already conservative nature. Undoubtedly, the country's leaders do not deviate from traditions and religious beliefs in the implementation of both domestic and foreign policy, but President Abdul As-Sisi introduces changes that mitigate the country's legislation. This is evident in the changes in the rights of women and children, corruption, employment rights and marriage. The persistent and prolonged authoritarian regime was the reason for the reluctance to cooperate with the Club of Dictators. The President did not consider cooperation with the Western countries as possible, because in the Arab World the idea was that the West was the source of sin. That is why the spread of the West to the Arab World is not possible. However, the revolutionary actions of the end of 2010 – the beginning of 2011. Since the life of the population did not meet the standards of their leaders, the struggle for democracy, human rights, women's rights, freedom of choice, freedom of speech, unemployment, corruption, and led to a struggle between different political groups and ideological forces in the direction and strategy of transformation and resources, exit to the surface. The purpose of the study is to determine the peculiarities of the transformation of the course of foreign policy of the Arab world. Object: the foreign policy of Egypt, and that is why the subject acts – the transformation of the course of the foreign policy of Egypt. The tasks were as follows: analyze the foreign policy of Egypt in the dynamics; identify the peculiarities of transformation; to outline the role and place of a leader in the implementation of foreign policy. The methodological basis of the work was the systematic structural approach, empirical and systematic methods, comparison, synthesis and constructivism. The systematic-structural approach provides an opportunity to explore the complex structural context, which partially determines the possibilities or obstacles for the implementation of their foreign policy. The structural-functional method, together with the system, allows us to investigate the specifics of the internal structure of political regimes. Among the empirical methods the primary role is played by the analysis of primary sources. Scientific novelty lies in determining the peculiarities of the transformation of the foreign policy of Egypt and determining the key role of the leader in the formation of foreign policy.

Pakistan, a country in the South Asian region, is located at the pivot of global trading routes. However, it has remained a security state with threat perception constantly driving its foreign policy. Multiple causes can be associated with the security-driven course of foreign policy and numerous consequences can be derived from such a course of foreign policy. The main aim of this explanatory study is to revisit the foreign policy of Pakistan to shift its economic and trade interests from security state to welfare state. The dynamics of international relations are changing from security-led alliances to economic interdependence. China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) provides Pakistan with a significant opportunity to realize its geo-economic and geopolitical strength and revenue potential. Through a foreign policy driven by economics and trade interests to neighboring countries and the regions Pakistan’s not only become a welfare state but also a Great Power. In a nutshell, Pakistan has the potential to become another Germany which evolved from a security state to a welfare state.

The article investigates the formation of the foreign policy course of US President Richard M. Nixon on China in January-February 1969. The practical implementation of pre-election initiatives by the administration of President Richard M. Nixon in the Chinese direction in January-February 1969 was studied. There were analyzed reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of Washington's foreign policy strategy toward Beijing during the investigated period. The role of various groups in the American establishment in the process of forming the foreign policy course of the new administration towards China in January-February 1969 is outlined. It describes the specific US foreign policy actions towards communist China at the beginning of Richard M. Nixon's presidential period. Despite the presence in the political, academic, and social circles of the United States of certain attitudes in favor of the recognition of the People's Republic of China as the political reality of international life, the question of the legal recognition of China in the second half of the 1960s constantly moved to the background. The victory of Richard М. Nixon in the presidential election in 1968 was accompanied by a series of changes in the system of geopolitical and military priorities of the United States. The new administration’s more realistic approach to China was due primarily to the fact that Beijing, which renounced its alliances and claimed the role of a «third force», was a strong player in the international arena. Moreover, the policy of Kennedy–Johnson did not justify itself, as China has intensified its foreign policy, and established relations with many countries, including the US allies. At the beginning of the presidency of Richard М. Nixon, in January-February 1969, his administration managed to quickly develop and begin to implement a holistic concept of «new policy» for China. His Chinese policy was inextricably linked to the US foreign policy in Asia and reflected the clash of American and Chinese interests in the region. At the same time, the representatives of the American establishment had a clear idea of how they could influence Soviet-Chinese relations in order to deepen the rift between the USSR and China and what concrete benefits they could derive from this. A number of objective and subjective factors did not prevent the administration of the 37th President of the United States, Richard М. Nixon, radically changing Washington’s Chinese policy. Communist China continued to be recognized as a powerful factor in the US-Soviet dialogue. In spite of this, in the late 60s of the twentieth century, the objective preconditions began to evolve gradually, which promoted the normalization of US-China relations in the future and allowed to resolve most of the controversial issues that ultimately led to the international recognition of the People’s Republic of China by the United States of America.

The article investigates the formation of the foreign policy course of US President Richard M. Nixon on China in March-July 1969. The practical implementation of pre-election initiatives by the administration of the President Richard M. Nixon in the Chinese direction in March-July 1969 was studied. There were analyzed reasons, course and consequences of intensification of Washington's foreign policy strategy towards Beijing during the during investigated period. The role of various groups in the American establishment in the process of forming the foreign policy course of the new administration towards China in March-July 1969 is outlined. It is described the specific US foreign policy actions towards communist China at the beginning of Richard M. Nixon presidential period. Despite the presence in the political, academic and social circles of the United States of certain attitudes in favor of the recognition of the People's Republic of China as the political reality of international life, the question of the legal recognition of China in the second half of the 1960’s constantly moved to the background. The victory of Richard М. Nixon in the presidential election in 1968 was accompanied by a series of changes in the system of geopolitical and military priorities of the United States. The new administration’s more realistic approach to China was due primarily to the fact that Beijing, which renounced its alliances and claimed the role of a «third force», was a strong player in the international arena. Moreover, the policy of Kennedy–Johnson did not justify itself, as China has intensified its foreign policy, established relations with many countries, including the US allies. At the beginning of the presidency of Richard М. Nixon in March-July 1969, his administration was managed to quickly develop and begin to implement a holistic concept of «new policy» for China. His Chinese policy was inextricably linked to the US foreign policy in Asia and reflected the clash of American and Chinese interests in the region. At the same time, the representatives of the American establishment have a clear idea of how they could influence Soviet-Chinese relations in order to deepen the rift between the USSR and China, and what concrete benefits they could derive from this. A number of objective and subjective factors not prevented the administration of the 37th President of the United States, Richard М. Nixon, radically changing Washington’s Chinese policy. Communist China continued to be recognized as a powerful factor in the US-Soviet dialogue. In spite of this, in the late 60’s of the twentieth century the objective preconditions began to evolve gradually, which promoted to the normalization of US-China relations in the future, and allowed to resolve most of the controversial issues that ultimately led to the international recognition of the People’s Republic of China by the United States of America.

The article focuses attention on the role of the state in the implementation of Ukraine's foreign policy course - the acquisition of full membership in the European Union and the North Atlantic Alliance, as well as on the role of Ukraine in international cooperation aimed at preserving, maintaining and restoring peace, developing respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms to all. Attention is focused on the types of subjects of constitutional and legal relations, among which a separate group is the state, state authorities and local self­government bodies, their structural formations, in particular the parliamentary majority and the parliamentary opposition, parliamentary factions, committees, etc.; deputies, officials and officials. Attention is drawn to the common features of constitutional and legal responsibility and legal responsibility (responsibility is a consequence of an offense; it is related to the implementation of sanctions established by law). Emphasis is placed on the established doctrinal approach to the concept of constitutional and legal responsibility. Part 2 of Art. 3 of the Constitution of Ukraine according to which the state is responsible to the person for its activities, as well as the provision «affirmation and provision of human rights and freedoms is the main duty of the state» and Art. 9, part 2 of Art. 55 of the Constitution of Ukraine, which guarantees everyone the right to appeal in court decisions, actions or inaction of state authorities, local self-government bodies, officials and officials, part 5 of Art. 55, which guarantees everyone the right, in particular, to apply to the European Court of Human Rights with an individual application against the state, art. 56 of the Constitution of Ukraine, which guarantees everyone the right to compensation at the expense of the state or local self-government bodies for material and moral damage caused by illegal decisions, actions or inaction of state authorities, local self-government bodies, their officials and employees in the exercise of their powers, the Convention on protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, the Law of Ukraine «On the Implementation of Decisions and Application of Practice of the European Court of Human Rights», doctrinal approaches. Attention is focused on measures of a general nature. The article argues that the state is a special subject of constitutional and legal responsibility. It is emphasized that the state bears constitutional and legal responsibility in the event of non­fulfillment of its obligations, if as a result of this harm is caused to anyone.

The article highlights the peculiarities of the development of China's geopolitical potential in the face of modern challenges. It is pointed out that today China is increasing its political, economic and cultural influence in the world. It is noted that China is one of the fastest growing economies in the world, it has become the largest exporter in the world, while also increasing imports. Thus, the average growth of Chinese exports in recent decades has increased 5 times, and the growth of imports – 4.7 times. It is emphasized that in response to China's economic growth in the West and in some Asian countries, including Japan, the concept of the "Chinese threat" has emerged, not always taking into account the interests of other Asian countries. The peculiarities of the current foreign policy course of China are determined, in particular, it is noted that serious attention is still paid to relations with the great powers. Yes, Xi Jin Ping is in active contact with the United States, the European Union and India. Significant emphasis is placed on a balanced foreign policy course. Much attention is paid to the BRICS countries, including Russia, India and South Africa. China is also strengthening relations with developing countries. This is evidenced by Xi Jinping's visit to South Africa and the Caribbean. Much attention is paid to the Russian vector, which is aimed at jointly confronting the United States and NATO. It is emphasized that China's economic and geopolitical growth is also holding back a number of issues that need to be addressed. These are, first of all: incomplete transition to a market economy, excessive state intervention in the economy, in the banking sector, lack of rule of law, violation of human rights and freedoms, high dependence on exports, strong excess credit and growing debt, environmental problems.