Erín Moure’s “Homenaxes á auga / Homages to Water”: The (Poetic) Material that Resists the War

Erín Moure’s “Homenaxes á auga / Homages to Water” features the ingredients of borscht. My reading argues that poetic language can function as a criticism of capitalism (Morrison), environmental destruction, and militarism. That is, giving poetic shape to her mother’s recipe, Moure approaches herstorical memory; her focus on a vegetarian version of borscht leads to a consideration of animal abuse and food waste; the lyrical-critical allusions to armed conflicts encourage readers both to remember past wars and to be alert to violence in the present and future. The poet thus offers readers alternative paradigms from feminist new materialisms (Alaimo; Barad; Bennett; Braidotti), as a means to vindicate affection and respect. Finally, the natural world is portrayed as a model for ethics.

Reducing our waste size

As households contribute significantly to food waste, it can be assumed that they bear considerable responsibility for the environmental footprint of it. In Germany, household food waste comprises over half of all food loss and waste, with a notable share attributable to young people. To explore their environmental footprint, data from fifty young households in Schleswig-Holstein, northern Germany, is analyzed using the Food Loss and Waste Value Calculator with an integrated life cycle assessment. We evaluate the environmental footprint of animal and plant food waste across five categories: climate change, water scarcity footprint, soil quality index, phosphorus and nitrogen eutrophication. Surprisingly, animal food waste, though representing only 18% of the total volume of all available food waste in our study, exhibits a more substantial impact in all categories except water scarcity. Specifically, animal food waste is found to be an important factor in soil degradation. Our results generally indicate an inverse relationship between the volume of animal-based and plant-based food waste in young households and its environmental footprint. However, the case study highlights a troubling connection between plant food waste and significant water scarcity issues in European agriculture.

Energy from food waste

Simple SummaryHave you ever thrown away food that you didn’t eat? Most people do this all around the world but throwing away food can actually harm the environment. One way to reduce this harm is by turning the food scraps into animal feed. This not only helps the environment but also makes livestock production cheaper. Different technologies have been developed to make a safe and healthy animal feed from food waste. This helps us to get rid of waste by giving animals a new source of protein and recycling the discarded food waste. This article talks about how to turn food waste into animal food and its advantages. However, it is important to make sure the feed is of high quality and safe for the animals. It is also important to do research and development to make even better food-waste-based animal feed by reducing production costs and waste disposal, thereby making things better for both the animals and the environment. Overall, using food waste as animal food is a good waste management idea that provides food security and preserves the environment. So, next time when you have some leftover food, remember that it could be turned into something useful instead of being thrown away.The growing population and healthy food demands have led to a rise in food waste generation, causing severe environmental and economic impacts. However, food waste (FW) can be converted into sustainable animal feed, reducing waste disposal and providing an alternative protein source for animals. The utilization of FW as animal feed presents a solution that not only tackles challenges pertaining to FW management and food security but also lessens the demand for the development of traditional feed, which is an endeavour that is both resource and environmentally intensive in nature. Moreover, this approach can also contribute to the circular economy by creating a closed-loop system that reduces the use of natural resources and minimizes environmental pollution. Therefore, this review discusses the characteristics and types of FW, as well as advanced treatment methods that can be used to recycle FW into high-quality animal feed and its limitations, as well as the benefits and drawbacks of using FW as animal feed. Finally, the review concludes that utilization of FW as animal feed can provide a sustainable solution for FW management, food security, preserving resources, reducing environmental impacts, and contributing to the circular bioeconomy.

Background : One of the success of food serving at the hospital is patient satisfaction. Lower patient satisfaction has an influence on how patient will be eat and left the food. The object of the study is to know the correlation of patient satisfaction factors and food waste at Arafah Islamic Hospital Rembang. Method : This study used observational analytic with an across sectional approach. The population are all patient at Musdalifah room and Dzulkhulaifah room of Arafah Islamic Hospital Rembang with sample criteria, at least 2 days was treated and got a normal and soft food. The sample of this study are 31 respondents used consecutive sampling. The instruments used are questionnaire and Comstock form. The normality test of the data usedKolmogorof -Smirnov test. The statistical test used is Rank-Spearman test. Results : This study found all of the respondents 100% of exact food time distribution. Most respondents 77, 4 % that said a variation of the food. 48, 8 % said the taste is delicious. All of the respondent (100%) the food equipments are clean and the server is friendly. Most respondents 83, 9% attractive for the served food. Food waste from breakfast : main course 6,5%, animal side dish 3,2%, vegetable side dish 16,5%, vegetables 9,7%. At lunch: main course 6,5%, animal side dish 3,2%, vegetable side dish 12,9%, vegetables19,4%. At dinner: main course 3,2%, animal side dish 9,7%, vegetable side dish 12,9%, vegetables 9,7%. There is no correlation between menu variation with food waste but, the relation between animal side dish and food waste at breakfast has a correlation value p=0, 037. There is no correlation between the taste of the food and food waste (p> 0, 05). There is no correlation between appearance of food and food waste but the relation between animal side dish and food waste at breakfast has correlation value p=0, 038. Keywords: The Patient Satisfaction’s Factors, food waste, taste of food, appearance of food

Food waste is a critical problem in the U.S. and globally. Most household food waste is landfilled, with just a small proportion composted. House­hold food waste accounts for a substantial amount of the food waste problem, but because it occurs in the privacy of people’s homes, we have a limited understanding of it, hindering our ability to create policies or programs to address the issue. Commu­nity composting programs have the potential to reduce the amount of landfilled food waste and convert it into a valuable resource. One strategy to address this gap is citizen science, whereby the public is trained to collect data and participate in the research cycle. This technique is particularly useful for answering research questions in real-world conditions to which researchers typically do not have access, such as individuals’ daily lives and activities in their homes. The purpose of this study was to gain a baseline understanding of the amount of food waste individual households contribute to a community compost program, the primary rea­sons people generate food waste, the types of packaging households typically discard, and individuals’ knowledge, attitudes, and beliefs about food waste and the impact that a community-based compost program has on their lives. Participants in a com­munity-based compost program in Florida have positive attitudes and beliefs about reducing food waste, but they have a less positive perception of the value judgments of influential people in their social circles (i.e., social norms) regarding food waste. Participants have limited confidence that they can reduce their food waste. Community-based compost program participants indicate that the program has increased their awareness of food waste, reduced their waste, and increased their appreciation of community-based circular food sys­tems (CB-CFS), i.e., systems that support commu­nity well-being while minimizing environmental harm and resource depletion. This study highlights the value of a community-based compost program for diverting food waste from individual house­holds, increasing knowledge, and changing resident attitudes and behaviors related to food waste. Our findings suggest that key behavioral variables, such as self-confidence, may support individual ability to reduce food waste, and that participation in an community composting program may bolster self-confidence and increase the likelihood that individuals reduce household food waste. We recommend that stakeholders interested in developing a com­munity composting program conduct feasibility assessments and provide education to program participants.

“IF WE DIDN’T EAT THEM, THEY WOULDN’T EXIST” The Nonidentity Problem’s Implications for Animals (Including Humans)

Environmental protection initiatives are increasingly focusing on converting food and organic waste into renewable energy. In India, anaerobic digestion processes food waste and agricultural by-products into biogas, offering an eco-friendly alternative to fossil fuels for cooking, heating, and electricity. This approach aligns with the principles of a circular economy by minimizing resource waste, reducing environmental pollution, and promoting sustainable resource management, all of which contribute to a more resilient and efficient food system. This study explores an Economic Order Quantity (EOQ) model that incorporates the circularity of food waste. The EOQ model improves food waste systems by efficiently minimizing costs and lowering environmental impacts, including greenhouse gas emissions. The goal is to reduce waste, reduce emissions, and reduce ordering costs while maximizing profits. The degree of circularity in products influences consumer demand and unit profits, as consumers are increasingly aware of their environmental impact. In addition, we analyze how changes in system parameters affect optimal strategies, providing valuable insights for industry managers. This research helps determine the optimal product circularity index, thus minimizing food waste, increasing profits, and reducing environmental harm. We illustrate the performance of the integrated system using sensitivity analysis and visual tools, complemented by non-linear approaches to assess strategic impact.

Addressing food waste is a growing priority for hotel groups. However, aligning corporate sustainability goals with the practicalities of individual hotels is challenging. While hotels increasingly adopt certification programs to enable transparency on sustainability performance, there is a risk that compliance-based assessment systems may not fully capture the nuances of each hotel’s local context. The notion of regeneration, emphasizing reinvestment in people, place and the natural world, offers the potential to bridge the gap between corporate waste targets, hotel operations and local outcomes. Food waste, recoverable through a biological cycle, aligns with the principles of regeneration. This study explores the perspectives of practitioners involved in certification and benchmarking and those advocating for regeneration in the tourism sector. This study explores whether compliance assessment systems are sufficient to account for the challenges associated with hotel food waste and whether regenerative enhancements could be conceptualised. Through in-depth interviews, the research reveals a divide between compliance assessment and regeneration across key areas. A conceptual framework is introduced, highlighting areas of convergence that could enhance existing certification programs – with the ultimate aim of helping hotels reconsider their relationship with food waste and their local ecological system.

This paper addresses the critical issue of food waste, which contributes to economic losses and environmental harm [1]. We propose a mobile application, Foodnomics, leveraging AI technology to estimate food waste costs and raise awareness among users [2]. The app utilizes image recognition to identify leftover food, estimate portion sizes, and calculate associated costs. Our experiments revealed strong accuracy in classifying common food items but highlighted challenges with less familiar items and regional price discrepancies. The proposed solution builds on existing methodologies by focusing on individual consumer behavior and providing actionable insights. By empowering users to track and reduce their food waste, our project offers a scalable and impactful tool for promoting sustainability and reducing food insecurity [3]. The study concludes with recommendations for further improvements, including expanding the training dataset and incorporating realtime pricing models.

As global food demand grows, the limited availability of natural resources exacerbates environmental and food security challenges. Household food waste is a major yet underexplored issue, contributing to inefficiencies, economic losses, and environmental harm. This study applies the Environmental-Economic Footprint (EN-EC) index to assess household food waste in Ireland. By integrating environmental and economic data, this index facilitates a comprehensive dual-perspective evaluation of food waste impacts. Data were collected from 1000 Irish households, analyzing waste patterns across 12 food categories. Environmental impacts were quantified using global warming potential (GWP) and water footprint (WF), while economic costs were based on waste generation and disposal. The EN-EC index synthesizes these parameters to facilitate informed decision-making. On average, Irish households reported approximately 966 g (0.97 kg) of edible food waste per week, equivalent to around 50 kg annually per household. This amount results in substantial associated impacts, including greenhouse gas emissions and water consumption, quantified through literature-based footprint coefficients. Red meat, particularly beef, contributes disproportionately to environmental and economic burdens despite its relatively lower waste volume. A 50% reduction in meat waste could cut CO2 emissions by 2.5 kg, water use by 563.50 L, and costs by €3623.48. These insights equip policymakers with targeted strategies to mitigate food waste, aligning with global sustainability goals.

Based on fieldwork with people involved in the environmental movement in Scotland, this article describes the connections they made between the future of reproduction and the future of the environment. While we are used to thinking of Euro-American kinship in terms of the passing on of biogenetic substances, in this case an ecological ethic of reproduction, which places the emphasis on considering the kinds of environments into which children will be born, is more salient. An ecological ethic of reproduction urges (potential) parents to consider whether it is responsible to bring future generations into a world with stretched and unequally distributed resources and in which the accumulated consequences of human actions may be altering not only the natural world, but also the ability to reproduce at all. Résumé À partir d'un travail de terrain parmi des sympathisants du mouvement écologiste écossais, l'article décrit les liens qu'établissent ceux-ci entre le futur de la reproduction et le futur de l'environnement. Si l'on pense habituellement la parenté euro-américaine en termes de transmission de matériel biogénétique, on remarque davantage ici une éthique écologique de la reproduction, qui met l'accent sur les environnements dans lesquels les enfants vont naître. L'éthique écologique de la reproduction incite les parents (potentiels) à se demander s'il est responsable d'engendrer de nouvelles générations dans un monde où les ressources sont surexploitées et inégalement distribuées et où les conséquences cumulées des actions humaines pourraient peser non seulement sur l'environnement naturel mais même sur la capacité de l'espèce à se reproduire. Between late 2005 and summer 2007, I conducted fieldwork in a tiny village called Spey Bay on the Moray Firth coast in northeast Scotland, amongst the people who work and volunteer in the wildlife centre there. The Moray Firth has a resident population of over one hundred bottlenose dolphins, and sightings of dolphins, seals, porpoises and minke whales are common in the summer months. Although they are aware that cetaceans are wild animals, the people who work and volunteer at the wildlife centre think of them as intelligent, social, and generally kind-spirited; they represent what is good about the natural world and the ethical imperative to conserve and protect the environment (see also Dow 2016b). The staff and volunteers of the wildlife centre in Spey Bay have placed themselves in the role of caring for these animals, and by extension the wider environment. Along with their specific interest in cetacean conservation, they are influenced by the environmental movement, which compels them to reduce their carbon emissions, recycle their waste, and consume products that have been produced and traded fairly.1 In this article, I will focus on people in Spey Bay's visions of the future, and, specifically, the place of reproduction in the future. As they recognize, while access to food and a safe environment in which to live are of course crucial to individuals' survival, the endangerment and extinction of species are ultimately caused by the failure to reproduce future generations. In the article, I will trace some of the connections people in Spey Bay made between reproduction, time, and the environment, focusing particularly on their concerns about infertility and endangerment. In thinking about the present and the future, people considered how best to manage natural resources, how to deal with natural drives, and what to do with things that humans have produced. In other words, when people in Spey Bay thought about the future, they worried most about what gets left behind for future generations. Running through all this are their ideas about the cumulative effects of human actions on the natural world and a view of the future as the accumulation of past and present events, decisions, and actions. People in Spey Bay think of having children less in terms of the inheritance of biogenetic substances and more in terms of ensuring a stable environment in which future generations can lead safe and healthy lives. I will call this an ecological ethic of reproduction. It is a model of kinship in which reproductive ethics are primarily about critically assessing the kind of world in which any future child will grow up. Rather than prioritizing a molecular perspective on the creation of new lives, which might be expected when discussing reproduction in the UK in the twenty-first century, it draws the focus out to the environmental scale – asking not whether a particular constellation of sperm, egg, and uterus will create a baby, but whether a person born in the future will be able to make a good life. As Marilyn Strathern (1992a; 1992b) has established (see also Bowlby 2013), in British kinship thinking in the late twentieth century, children were the future to their parents' past. Kinship and reproduction have been characterized by questions about the future, including the inheritance of property, the solidification of lineages, the passing on of genes, blood, and other bodily substances, and the transfer of memories, artefacts, and stories from one generation to the next. In British kinship, reproduction entails the downward, future-orientated flow of these myriad inheritances from past and present generations to those yet to come (see also Carsten 2001).2 This common-sense connection between reproduction and the future has, since the late twentieth century, most audibly manifested itself in public debates about assisted reproductive technologies (ART), with many early examples characterized by questions about what kind of future we might unwittingly create through tinkering with life itself (see Edwards, Franklin, Hirsch, Price & Strathern 1993; Mulkay 1997). Many scholars of ART have pointed out that one of the revolutionary aspects of these technologies is that they have brought the previously private matters of marital relations, reproductive health, fertility, and parenting into the public domain, though this is also within a context of shifting family structures and kinship norms. But these debates also touched on much wider questions. For example, in his interviews with people about the potential future of ART in the 1990s, Eric Hirsch (1993) found that, in working out the likely effects of these technologies, people drew on the domains of the state and market exchange, which contrasts with the sense that a separation of family from such 'public' spheres is characteristic of modern life. In her most recent book, Biological relatives, Sarah Franklin (2013: 300-5) discusses the long history of anxiety about technology being coupled with fears about the future of reproduction. She illustrates this using the case of Plato and Socrates' dismissal of the 'sterile' and 'barren' technology of writing. This ancient example of Plato and Socrates' mistrust of writing shows the ambivalence that technology commonly provokes and how vital ideas about time, progress, kinship, and inheritance are to that ambivalence. Ambivalence about technology parallels ambivalence about the future: 'It is the fear of degeneration in the wake of technological change, set against a more confident expectation of an improved, more fruitful, future, that has long characterized technological ambivalence', Franklin writes (2013: 300). One of the most striking characteristics of these fears is how quickly they turn to questions about the future of kinship and fertility. It may seem obvious that ART would provoke concerns about kinship, since many have supposed that this is what they are all about, but Franklin makes the important point that this relationship between technology and kinship is not unique to ART – it may even apply to something as (now) banal as writing. Similarly, when people worry about the future of kinship and reproduction, they may be concerned about much more than family. By positing a crisis on the global scale in which every single person is implicated, environmentalism makes connections across, and thereby potentially renders meaningless, the boundaries around domestic, local, national, and natural worlds. This is its power and its challenge. British people's concerns about human interventions in both the environment and reproduction suggest radical consequences for the concept of nature and its ability to act as the ultimate context. At the end of the twentieth century, as Strathern (1992a) has pointed out, it seemed that interfering with nature by manipulating embryos in vitro or destroying the rainforests could have epochal3 implications: human interventions, whether at the microscopic or the industrial scale, put nature's status and its future in question. Fears about the destruction of the natural world were not only potentially catastrophic in a practical sense, but also had enormous conceptual ramifications, as they created a sense that nature might not be as all-encompassing or powerful as modernist thinking had assumed. Despite these predictions about the effects of ART and environmental destruction on nature, what was less clear at the end of the twentieth century was what effect environmentalism might have on kinship. In an ecological ethic of reproduction, the importance of biogenetic substance in creating relatedness is still assumed, and the universality of the desire to have a child 'of one's own' goes unquestioned, but the main concern is whether it is responsible and ethical to bring children into a world that has been severely damaged by human actions and which has stretched, dwindling, and unequally distributed resources. An ecological ethic of reproduction is one aspect of a worldview in which humans are part of an interdependent and biodiverse environment, which cautions that straying too far from nature is dangerous for everyone, and which conceptualizes parental responsibility as reaching beyond the individual parent or nuclear family to whole communities and societies which create the conditions into which children are born. This article attempts both to describe how this reproductive ethic is manifested in Spey Bay and to suggest its wider implications for our understandings of kinship, reproduction, time, and the environment – and how they might be connected. In my fieldwork in Spey Bay, I followed Strathern's (1992a) approach of tracing analogies and connections, paying particular attention to the ways in which analogy compels action (Street & Copeman 2014). Analogies cross boundaries and show no deference for scale. It behoves anthropologists to focus on these apparent transgressions, since they can make our ways of knowing visible. In talking about reproduction, people in Spey Bay made connections between different worlds and they considered the ramifications of such connections. In conversations about reproduction, they discussed kinship, relatedness, and family, but also nonhuman animals, industry, government, the state of the natural world, and the future of humanity. People in Spey Bay worried not only about their own children or grandchildren, but also about unknown and not yet conceived future generations, including those of other species. Along with this attention to the ways in which people make connections across domains, it will become clear that there is some slippage in the kinds of environments that people in Spey Bay are concerned about in relation to reproduction. They are, certainly, explicitly informed by environmentalism and concomitant concerns about 'the environment',4 as in that which surrounds all species and provides the habitat and resources upon which we rely for survival, but they are also concerned about other environments. Their anxieties about the future of reproduction are about the domestic, economic, social, political, and ecological environments in which future generations will live. Not only is this a reflection of the capacious nature of the term 'environment', but it also indicates the fact that environmentalists are attentive to the interactions between these different environments. In other words, they are particularly concerned about the effects that humans have on the natural world, and so are attentive not only to the state of the ecological environment but also to human society. As I will show, thinking about the relationship between reproduction and the wider world is a reflection of the interdependence that environmentalists perceive between humans and nature. By following the promiscuous connections people in Spey Bay made between different domains of life, I will show their sense of the connectedness of humans and their environments, as well as the centrality of reproduction to how they think about the future. Before focusing my attention squarely on the reproduction of future generations, I will give a sense of what everyday life in Spey Bay is like, with specific reference to the problem of the proper management of waste, illustrated by the examples of public beach cleaning and household recycling. The people with whom I worked in the wildlife centre in Spey Bay, their friends and family, ranged in age from their late teens to sixties. Some had grown up in the area, but most had grown up elsewhere in Scotland or England, and a few were from Western Europe and North America. While some volunteers come to Spey Bay only for a set period of time, everyone saw it as a place in which they could build a good life, and many of the permanent staff in the centre are former volunteers who have decided to settle in the area. The thirty or so houses that make up Spey Bay sit along a road that heads north, then, just before it reaches the sea, turns left to a dead end which becomes the wildlife centre's car park. Beyond that is the mouth of the River Spey. The wildlife centre is based in a complex of buildings, now owned by the Crown Estate, which once housed a successful salmon fishing station that operated between the eighteenth and twentieth centuries.5 In the 1990s, a local couple converted some of the buildings into a wildlife centre aimed at locals and tourists. Later that decade, it was taken over by an international conservation charity, which still runs the centre as its flagship national site for advocacy, education, and fundraising. While the people who work and volunteer in the wildlife centre are those most obviously involved in the environmental movement in the area, I had many conversations with visitors to the centre and other locals who are concerned about the environment and climate change. Although they might not all identify themselves as environmentalists, living 'close to nature' seems to compel people there to think about their relationship to their environment. This is in line with the mainstreaming of environmental ideas and values in the last few decades. Indeed, the Scottish Government (2014) included a pledge to pursue environmentally friendly policies in its draft constitution for a potential independent Scotland. Caring for the environment is popularly perceived (and sometimes derided) in Britain as a middle-class concern, and most of the people who work in the wildlife centre are middle class. There is certainly a congruence between their core ethical values – taking responsibility, planning for the future, and making good lives – and their own socio-economic positions, but this popular association of environmentalism with a certain class also overlooks the foundational role that many more marginalized groups have played in the environmental movement (see Taylor 2011 on environmental justice and environmental racism in the US; see also Klein 2014 for numerous examples of indigenous peoples' battles against environmental exploitation). One important aspect of caring for the environment entails recognizing that everyone will be affected by climate change, but that its effects will be unevenly distributed, and that those best resourced to cope also have the most power to prevent it. The wildlife centre in Spey Bay holds regular beach cleans on Sunday afternoons. These events represent a crucial opportunity to educate visitors about the anthropogenic pressures faced by marine creatures and their environments. At the beginning of the beach cleans, staff give the participating adults and children protective gloves, litter picks, and tips about what to look out for as they comb the shoreline for human-made debris. The rubbish is collected together further up the beach, to be sorted by staff and later removed by the local council. When they have finished collecting, participants are faced with piles of car tyres, innumerable types of plastic, rope, and netting, glass bottles and cans, and plenty of other more unusual finds besides. At this point, wildlife centre staff point out what the presence of all this rubbish might mean for the species that live in the sea. They tell children that turtles and whales often eat carrier bags, mistaking them for squid or jellyfish, and that dolphins and fish can get entangled in abandoned fishing nets. Through this example, they show them the consequences of careless waste management, or what gets left behind. They remind them not to drop litter, especially in parks and nature reserves. They encourage adults to recycle their household waste and to use reusable fabric shopping bags rather than plastic ones. Finally, they thank them and congratulate them on the important job they have done and remind them about the generous servings of cake on offer in the wildlife centre's café. Twenty-first-century environmentalism is, in many ways, a contemporary reworking of the Green movement(s) of the 1970s and 1980s, to a context of and The beach cleans in Spey Bay the connection between and the environment and the that especially about the effects of waste on the environment will bring about a in their the environmental has sometimes been explicitly and yet most people who about the environment not it to themselves from in their everyday lives. For many environmentalists in an of a more of the is to focus on questions of (see some environmental that it is too late to this and to focus on and & 2014). Klein (2014) has called for a global of our that and its core in which the natural world primarily resources for humans to is the main to catastrophic climate change. Similarly, that to prevent climate have so far been the of industrial ways of is a term that in but in the to what with household For this parallels a in focus from industrial to individual by ideas about the of waste, and as well as and early ideas about and While of people are to live their lives in more ways, these will ultimately have to be by and which far more carbon than As the beach example the management of waste is an important part of the everyday that people in Spey Bay make to their environmental though in fact when it to the management of their own household waste, it more than it When I to Spey Bay, I in the for just to the wildlife centre volunteers were a food by the that runs the and they often and They their food to be from a local While many were with their for the of natural resources and of they think that these were a of food in this particular When they had the those who had less would often and shopping with from local independent especially those that and While living in the I that the which was collected in in the would often build up for a long before with it. At the time, the not from so to prevent it into the waste had to be taken to the This was only a few the main but far to a car to the of up to people's This an for the many of whom that regular car to the were environmentally By not household they thought that the was being and them in an the of the wildlife who the volunteers to their not the centre had to be to be the of in its own staff As the only person living in the volunteer who owned a and as an rather than an I often the to the – to be and I had a for it especially since the was to In a sense, I was prioritizing our environment over the of the natural By I the volunteers in some of their about making a car by in to deal with their waste in a more environmentally friendly though of course it also as an as who was to put her environmental to one in the of as a and as so The everyday ethics of people in Spey Bay might be using term to create a by which actions that both for present conditions to in the future and the of in These of and in the future point to questions of and which are far from the of as their actions out, people in Spey Bay do some for the future, even only the future. They fear environmental crisis rather than it. of are and but to people's is one of what they now and in the future. In public debates about have concerns about what technological interventions into the creation of human life might mean for the future, from of to a of to the creation of could be with a catastrophic though up in the of such fears – rather than their – is to the These fears are not so much about the end of the world as about what might be one is taken and not they what kind of world people now and in the is from it has in his with such that the can no This into the future to which his is while the of before This is what we call environmentalism and the reproduction of children are concerned and the future. But the of reproduction and of environmentalism are not the one people in Spey Bay in of and of progress, on the they that the future is the rather than the or of the past and The of that the the the and the all But for people in Spey Bay, as is to and in the the of history is and, rather than the of the it in the future. People in Spey Bay brought up ideas of inheritance in the sense of or when we about reproduction and kinship, but they the sense that future generations will the environments that we This is in a practical sense, by their that parental responsibility with planning and creating a for children to be born who is with a used this when the conditions in which to become a and it her and anxieties for future generations, which were by everyone I the social, economic, and ecological and a the family the the and other environments in Scotland has the of the that make up the UK and is than children though this is out by Government In my with people in Spey Bay, it apparent that many were aware of this of Scotland have to and Moray in which Spey Bay is and have some of the to the Scottish Government some of this may be by of people to or their from to as a of market and of life People living in Spey Bay certainly see it as a good place in which to bring up and many of their ideas about what makes a good life are with those about what makes a stable environment in which to to and to the and to wildlife were to be to both children and The fact that could to live in houses rather than often with their own on public and was also I people in Spey Bay whether they thought the state have any role in a in Scotland, or whether it offer for to have children while they are people were with state in reproductive and that, the population in the UK as a the in Scotland was not a People perceived infertility as a which had effects on people's lives and so thought it and to access to but many about whether the much to this of its resources. While they were to the and the desire to have no one thought that having children was a commonly view amongst people in Spey Bay was that there are of children parents or in the world and many that people who to become parents or not they are consider was a volunteer in the wildlife centre at Spey was in his in a and had no though to have them in the future. everyone I with the desire to have children 'of one's this by that there is on this in terms of to his concerns about whether it was for people to turn to infertility also at the wildlife the world as and and think is itself was in her early has children and as a and was to people's to have and drew on her own of later in life to her with people technological to a the that would be to an couple a to the of the children of the and

As the food supply chain (FSC) is facing new challenges such as climate change, fair trade, food waste (FW) and food security, increasing consumer awareness, and governmental regulations, it is becoming a necessity to consider ways to produce, process, distribute and consume food more sustainably. These changes in FSC have led to the development of the trending concept: Sustainable Food Supply Chain Management (SFSCM). In this study, we develop integrated FW assessment and network models that improve the FSC responsiveness and leverage the social, environmental, and economic implications of sustainability, simultaneously. First, while existing literature reviews in SFSCM only consider the forward FSC, we present in this study a comprehensive analysis of recent research directions in the closed-loop SFSCM with a focus on the design and planning of sustainable models in the food sector. We first develop a general structure of a closed-loop SFSC that demonstrates the reverse logistics operations and FW recovery options. Then, we conducted a thorough literature review in the areas of reverse logistics, closed-loop, and sustainability in the FSC. Second, the animal and plant-based FW valorization alternatives are evaluated from a sustainability perspective. Using FW characteristics, we estimate the sustainable benefits such as food security, reduced human toxicity, energy utilization, and GHG emission reduction for each FW processing technique. We formulate the FW network as a strategic linear programming (LP) and weighted goal programming models. We test the efficiency of the proposed framework by designing a sustainable FW treatment network for the state of Massachusetts, USA. Results show that with a marginal increase in the treatment cost of FW, the model achieved zero net emissions, zero net energy use, and a competitive sustainability impact. Lastly, we study the sustainable impact of animal and plant-based food surplus donation activities through food banks. The goal is to determine the optimal number and location of the distribution centers. A Mixed Integer Linear Programming (MILP) model is formulated and by solving the model for different budget constraints, we identify the distribution centers by which the responsiveness of the system is increased. Finally, we propose future research trends.--Author's abstract

Food waste has been a major barrier to achieving global food security and environmental sustainability for many decades. Unfortunately, food waste has become an even bigger problem in many countries because of supply chain disruptions during the COVID-19 pandemic and African Swine Fever epidemic. Although Japan and South Korea have been leaders in recycling food waste into animal feed, countries that produce much greater amounts of food waste, such as the United States and the European Union, have lagged far behind. Concerns about the risk of transmission of bacteria, prions, parasites, and viruses have been the main obstacles limiting the recycling of food waste streams containing animal-derived tissues into animal feed and have led to government regulations restricting this practice in the U.S. and EU. However, adequate thermal processing is effective for inactivating all biological agents of concern, perhaps except for prions from infected ruminant tissues. The tremendous opportunity for nitrogen and phosphorus resource recovery along with several other environmental benefits from recycling food waste streams and rendered animal by-products into animal feed have not been fully appreciated for their substantial contribution toward solving our climate crisis. It is time to revisit our global approach to improving economic and environmental sustainability by more efficiently utilizing the abundant supply of food waste and animal tissues to a greater extent in animal feed while protecting human and animal health in food animal production systems.