Equal Educational Opportunity and the Community College

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Unquestionably, community colleges have experienced a boom in student population since the mid 1960s. There has also been a concomitant increase in the number of such public institutions, from 366 in 1962 to 901 in 1974. What is especially noteworthy are the following factors: (1) there continues to be a pronounced discrepancy between faculty background characteristics and the functions of the community college; and (2) the often-stated mission of the community college to provide equal educational opportunity (which was precipitated by the various social forces of the 1960s) is inextricably tied to the perceptual roles and functions of the faculty. This paper examines some selected-areas of conflict between faculty background characteristics and the function of the community college. Since fifty percent of Black college enrollment is concentrated in the community college, the question of the impact of these observations is critical in terms of the ramifications of access and opportunity. Opportunity beyond access seems to be the crux of the matter. For instance, how can attitudes be changed when a gap continues to exist between graduate education and the preparation of community college instructors and the real needs of the population being served? Karabell states that increased access does not automatically lead to a genuine expansion of educational opportunity. The critical question is not who gains access to higher education, but rather what happens to people once they get there. It seems

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Two approaches to making judgments about moral urgency in educational policy have prevailed in American law and public policy. One approach holds that educational policy should aspire to realizing equal opportunities in education for all. The other approach holds that educational policy should aspire to realizing adequate opportunities in education for all. Although the former has deep roots in American culture and its jurisprudence, a common narrative is that in recent years the equal opportunities approach has been displaced by the educational adequacy approach, which is said both to have enjoyed much greater success in the school financing litigation as well as to be theoretically more defensible. The present article is designed to make a contribution to the retrieval of the equal opportunities approach. It does so by sketching out a theory of equal opportunities in education organized around the idea of stakes fairness that can withstand the criticisms often made of that approach and by showing how that theory is better able than the educational adequacy approach to address the fairness of a more robust educational policy agenda that extends beyond school financing.

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Whom Must We Treat Equally for Educational Opportunity to be Equal?
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Americans never argue about whether educational opportunity should be equal. Egalitarians say equal opportunity is not enough. Pragmatists say it is unattainable. But no significant group defends unequal opportunity, either in education or elsewhere. Instead of arguing about the desirability of equal educational opportunity, we argue about its meaning. We all assume that equal opportunity is compatible with our vision of a good society. Since we disagree about what such a society should be like, we usually disagree about the meaning of equal educational opportunity as well. Everyone's conception of equal educational opportunity requires that educational institutions equals equally. But we have dramatically different views about whom educational institutions should treat equally and whom they can legitimately treat unequally. Indeed, the enduring popularity of equal educational opportunity probably derives from the fact that we can all define it in different ways without realizing how profound our differences really are. This paper discusses five common ways of thinking about equal educational opportunity, each of which draws on a different tradition and each of which has different practical consequences.1 To illustrate both the differences among these five conceptions of equal opportunity

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Higher education and equality of opportunity in Italy
  • Oct 15, 2008
  • Vito Peragine + 1 more

Purpose: This paper aims at studying the degree of equality of educational opportunity in the Italian university system. Methodology: We build on the approaches developed by Peragine (2004, 2005) and Lefranc et al. (2006a, 2006b) and focus on the equality of educational opportunities for individuals of different social background. We propose different definitions of equality of opportunity in education. Then, we provide testable conditions with the aim of (i) testing for the existence of equality of opportunity (EOp) in a given distribution and (ii) ranking distributions on the basis of EOp. Definitions and conditions resort to standard stochastic conditions that are tested by using nonparametric tests developed by Beach and Davidson (1983) and Davidson and Duclos (2000). Findings: Our empirical results show a strong family effect on the performances of students in the higher education and on the transition of graduates in the labor market. Moreover the inequality of opportunity turns out to be more severe in the South than in the regions of the North-Center. Originality: This work contributes to the literature in three ways: first, it proposes a definition of equality of educational opportunities. Second, the paper develops a methodology in order to test for the existence of equality of opportunity in a given distribution and to rank distributions according to equality of opportunity. Third, we present empirical evidence on the degree of equality of educational opportunity in the Italian university system.

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