Abstract
The present paper examines the correlation between the pro -drop parameter and rich verbal morphology. With evidence from Greek, Old French (OF) and Brazilian Portuguese (BP), it is shown that null subjects are not licensed only in languages that have rich verbal morphology (e.g. Greek), but also in languages in which the verb may lack some agreement properties (e.g. OF and BP). Moreover, it is argued that the licensing of null subjects is triggered not only for syntactic but also for discourse reasons. Based on evidence from the aforementioned languages the featural requirement represented by the EPP is revisited; EPP simply encodes a P(honological)-feature.
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