Ephemeral Diversity: Georgia’s Small Peripheral City Akhaltsikhe as a Changing Religioscape

Treatment of cultural and religious diversity is one of the most important debates in education, especially in societies in the first decades of the 21st century, in which globalization processes have led to increased migration. Different models exist for addressing religious and cultural diversity in compulsory education, linked to the different ways of approaching the integration of immigrant groups. The treatment of diversity, equality, and respect for fundamental rights are the axes on which most of these proposals revolve, which in the case of the religious issue acquire specific dimensions by generating a wider debate. In the Spanish case, the treatment of cultural diversity and, fundamentally, religious diversity is situated both within the framework of general conceptions and with particular elements. The contemporary scenario of how the Spanish educational system addresses cultural and religious diversity is determined from the particular features of Spanish education and the immigration “boom” in Spain in much of the first decade of the 21st century. The evolution of legislation on diversity, the fact that education is a subject for ideological debate, and the need to face the challenge of a new social structure because of immigration, together with the importance of the Catholic Church in Spain, determine to a large extent the way this country has addressed religious diversity. The treatment of religious and cultural diversity continues to generate an important discussion in Spain, based on different theories about the topic.

The religious diversity in Catalonia is a challenge for the coexistence in the public space and for the education of future educators. This article emphasizes the challenge of religious diversity in the educational context, analyzing which attitudes have the educational agents of the future towards: a) the religious diversity, b) the interreligious and intercultural dialogue, and c) the role of education in the management of this diversity. In order to ask these questions has been conducted a survey study on the framework of the Project AGAUR-2014RELIG00019 named Attitudes towards religious and cultural diversity in education for intercultural dialogue and interfaith scale. The population of the study has been the students in Teacher Training in Primary and Early Childhood, Social Education, Social Work and Pedagogy degree of all catalan Public Universities. The conclusions highlight a) the favorable attitude towards cultural and religious diversity and interreligious dialogue and b) the relevance to the education given by the students, as an key role in the management of religious and cultural diversity.

ABSTRACTThis paper explores the attitudes of secondary-school head teachers towards religious diversity, intercultural and interreligious dialogue and the role of education in fostering intercultural and interreligious dialogue. A sample comprising 275 head teachers in Catalan secondary schools answered an online questionnaire. The results revealed attitudes which were moderately favourable towards cultural and religious diversity, more strongly favourable towards interreligious dialogue, and less favourable towards education playing a major role in managing religious and cultural diversity and in fostering interreligious dialogue. We found significant differences in head teachers’ attitudes in line with the specific features of the schools where they worked. Amongst these differences, it was noticeable that heads of religious and private–public schools had more positive attitudes towards managing religious and cultural diversity and towards education playing a leading role in promoting dialogue. Also, we identified three groups of head teachers who showed differing degrees of positivity according to the perceived religious diversity of their schools. The more diverse the school, the less favourable the attitude, and vice-versa; the most moderate favourability was also associated with the most moderate diversity.

This research aims to analyze the contribution of Islamic figures in the formulation of Pancasila. This research is qualitative research using the library research model, historical approach, political approach, and figure study. The political approach referred to in this research is a paradigm review that adopts the thoughts of figures, namely the main figures in the research (KH. Agus Salim and KH Wahid Hasyim) and other nationalist groups, both religious and secular. Primary sources in this research refer to writings written by the figure who is the subject of the research, namely the writings of KH. Agus Salim and KH. Wahid Hasyim. The method used in this research is to collect information and review books, literature, notes, and various reports related to the problem at hand. The data analysis techniques used in this research consist of data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions. The results of this research reveal that Pancasila is the foundational philosophy of the Republic of Indonesia, consisting of five principles that guide the nation. While Pancasila itself is not directly derived from Islamic teachings, some Islamic figures have played roles in the formulation and development of the philosophy, especially during Indonesia's struggle for independence. It's important to note that Pancasila aims to be inclusive and is not specific to any particular religious or ideological group. While Pancasila incorporates universal values, including social justice, democracy, and national unity, it has roots in Indonesia's cultural and religious diversity. The influence of Islamic figures during the formulation of Pancasila reflects the collaborative effort to create a philosophy that could serve as a unifying force for the newly independent nation. In conclusion, the contribution of Islamic figures in the formulation of Pancasila is a testament to the inclusive and collaborative spirit that prevailed during Indonesia's struggle for independence. The resulting philosophy seeks to accommodate the nation's religious and cultural diversity while promoting values of justice, unity, and social welfare. The efforts of these Islamic figures have helped shape Indonesia as a nation that values pluralism and tolerance.

For a country of such modest size, Georgia has recently been at the center of considerable international attention. One major reason for this is the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline, a project initiated in the 1990s during the presidency of Eduard Shevardnadze. This pipeline is essentially complete and will soon transport a million barrels of oil per day to the West without going through Russia, Iran, or the Bosporus Straits. It is so important for the region that analysts assert that it reconfigures the mental map with which political observers and decision-makers look at the world.1Equally important for the future of Georgia, however, is the Rose Revolution of 2003 and the events that have unfolded in its wake. The revolution was an important step in creating one of the most important laboratories for democracy in the world today, and it provides a context in which political, cultural, and economic issues have played out over the past year and a half.The effects of the BTC pipeline and Rose Revolution have been interpreted in different ways, and part of this article is devoted to presenting the different perspectives involved. In particular, American and Russian views often stand in sharp contrast to each other, providing a continuing source of friction between the two countries. The upshot for Georgia is that it will continue to receive considerable international attention for the foreseeable future.As many events in the former Soviet Union have shown, predicting the future in a place such as Georgia is a high-risk venture; therefore, I shall not attempt to do so in this article. It is possible, however, to identify some core issues around which the future will be worked out. These issues will be my focus. The three issues I discuss are: (1) economic development, (2) territory, and (3) the development of a strong, well-functioning state. The first case concerns the economic viability of the country, the second involves the extent and organization of Georgia's territory, and the third deals with whether the country can develop the norms required of a modern state.These three issues are interrelated, but they tend to show up in different discussions conducted by different policy and academic communities. One thing they have in common, however, is that they are playing out against the backdrop of the Rose Revolution, so I shall begin with a brief review of this event.The Rose Revolution as BackdropThe Rose Revolution was an extraordinary event that put Georgia on the international stage for several days in November 2003. It brought Mikheil Saakashvili, a young populist critic of Shevardnadze's corrupt government, to power and initiated the region's most important experiment in democracy. The ramifications of this revolution extend well beyond Georgia's borders. It has made democratic movements thinkable in places such as Ukraine, a country where Georgian flags sprouted in the rallies of the Orange Revolution last winter. It is also brought up in discussions about potential democratic transitions in other places, including Russia.A few basic forces at work prior to the Rose Revolution provide insight into why it took place. The first was the civil society that was struggling to emerge at the time. Numerous nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) had been active in Georgia for years, and they clearly had an impact on government and society by the time of the parliamentary elections of November 2, 2003. Some of these NGOs had actively defended the rights of religious and ethnic groups, which helped create a new kind of public discourse. Opinion differs as to just how important NGOs were in the revolution, but observers generally agree that they at least played a role in laying the groundwork for the event. This view is supported by the fact that after the Rose Revolution, leaders of countries such as Uzbekistan, Russia, and Kazakhstan, where such upheaval is viewed with trepidation, have restricted or simply closed down several NGOs. …

Eat, Swim, Pray

In existing literature relating to the determinants of economic growth, such explanatory variables as income inequality and cultural diversity have been treated separately. In this chapter, we try to discuss their joint effects. Evidence from a broad panel of nations reveals somewhat ambiguous results in that economic growth is quite independent from the variables of inequality and cultural (linguistic and religious) diversity. But for the post-Cold War era, there is also an indication that religious diversity tends to retard growth in high-inequality nations and to encourage growth in low-inequality places. Besides, we find some evidence that supports the view that inequality tends to encourage growth in low religious diversity nations, but not in high religious diversity places. The estimated results show that higher religious diversity could become a source of productive factors contributing to economic growth for low-inequality nations; but in nations with high degrees of religious diversity, high inequality could seriously affect economic growth. In nations with low degrees of religious diversity, income inequality could generate higher economic growth since there are very few, if any, intercultural barriers within each religiously homogeneous nation.

Travel accounts are among the most critical sources for history researchers due to the detailed information they contain. People who travelled to Istanbul, the capital of the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century, had recorded various characteristics of the biggest city in Europe at that time. The texts written by Protestant theologians Gerlach and Schweigger provided an especially interesting comparison in a period when conflicts were intense due to religious and cultural differences in Europe. This article will focus on the observations of German travellers in terms of religious and cultural diversity in Istanbul, and explore how the Ottoman Empire facilitated such religious and cultural diversity.

This study aims to understand the contextualization of hadith regarding tolerance to religious and cultural diversity with a focus on the meaning of the text, the historical context of tolerance at the time of the Prophet and the contextualization of hadiths . Data analysis was in the form of content analysis. It was found that first, there were six editorials of hadith tolerance using the word samaha which means compassion, generosity and is equated with the word patient. Second, the historical context of the prophet's tolerance attitude was recorded in building a pluralist society in the form of forgiveness, good prejudice, recognizing other religions and cooperate with each other. Third, the contextualization of the hadith that the basic concept of Islam in a pluralist society must be based on the principles of living in harmony, peace and prioritizing spirituality and humanity and ignoring group subjectivity. Departing from this finding, the universality of Islamic teachings is able to respond to the social reality of Indonesian society through religious tolerance in cultural and religious diversity

Social workers are being increasingly called upon, especially within interdisciplinary teams, to participate in complex ethical decision making that requires cultural sensitivity and cultural competence. The development of cultural sensitivity, cultural competence and respect for religious and cultural diversity is enhanced by increasing our knowledge of clients' frames of reference. llrrough the use of a qualitative, interpretative, feminist research methodology that guided an empiiical approach to data collection via twenty-four case studies, this study explored the relationship between religious and ethical beliefs and new reproductive technologies (NR Ts) Sewpaul, 1995). Given the particular focus of the study, efforts were made to ensure that cultural and religious diversity were represented in the sample. While race is not equivalent to culture, in the South African context a person's cultural beliefs (especially religious affiliation and religious beliefs) are more often than not linked to the ethnic group from which they come. Thus efforts were made to ensure inclusion of African, Indian, Coloured and White1 participants in the study. All seven of the Indian couples belonged to the Hindu faith. All others in the sample were of the Christian faith, with all of the African couples subscribing to both Christianity and African Traditional Religion. All the African couples indicated that, while they held their Christian faith to be important, it was African Traditional Religion that they turned to when dealing with significant aspects of their lives. Thus, as far as religion was concerned, the African couples appeared to be successfully biculturally socialised. While they were affiliated to Western religion, they were at the same time quite profoundly connected with African Traditional Religion (Sewpaul, 1999). Keywords: Religious, culture sensitive, social work

<p>The recurrent discussions on the presumed “death of multiculturalism”, and the growing cultural diversity all over the globe, makes it now more than ever necessary to approach the issue of cultural diversity with a fresh look. What does it mean, in practice, to manage cultural diversity in a way consistent with the principles of human development? Which are the costs of ignoring cultural diversity? And what are the costs of lost opportunities because of the discrimination on the grounds of ethnicity, religion, race or language? How can public policies contribute to turning cultural diversity into an asset for employment, productivity and overall economic growth</p> <p>More specifically, can affirmative action be an effective answer to discrimination and exclusion of minority and immigrant groups? What are the advantages and pitfalls of keeping ethnic statistics? Are such statistics necessary to reveal and address different types of discrimination, or are they rather a risk as they disclose people’s ethnic, religious or cultural affiliation? The legacy of World War II in Europe in this respect remains still too sensitive, but can we go beyond it? </p> <p>This Policy Brief aims to answers these questions on the basis of recent research carried out by the Global Governance Programme Research Strand on Cultural Pluralism and discussed with a group of European policymakers and leading academics in the field of cultural diversity who met for the High-Level Policy Seminar “What Policies are Needed to Turn Cultural Diversity into an Asset for Socio-Economic Development?”, at the European University Institute on 10 May 2013. </p> <p>We suggest that managing cultural and religious diversity is more cost effective than simply ignoring the challenges that diversity brings. </p> <p>Measures should be taken to encourage cultural diversity in the workplace: culturally and religiously diverse staff shows more creativity and innovation when confronted with complex issues or when devising new products. </p> <p>Combating discrimination is also important so as to avoid wasting human resources. This requires an effective monitoring strategy, notably the use of “ethnic statistics” that will allow to assess the effectiveness of anti-discrimination policies.</p> <p>Affirmative action is an important and necessary measure to combat ethnic disadvantage especially when a group is particularly marginalised. Affirmative action is an important first step for empowering the group and re-integrating in politics, the labour market or education. Affirmative action policies should however be periodically assessed so that they are not eventually perceived as mere favourable treatment of some groups over the majority </p>

<p>The recurrent discussions on the presumed “death of multiculturalism”, and the growing cultural diversity all over the globe, makes it now more than ever necessary to approach the issue of cultural diversity with a fresh look. What does it mean, in practice, to manage cultural diversity in a way consistent with the principles of human development? Which are the costs of ignoring cultural diversity? And what are the costs of lost opportunities because of the discrimination on the grounds of ethnicity, religion, race or language? How can public policies contribute to turning cultural diversity into an asset for employment, productivity and overall economic growth</p> <p>More specifically, can affirmative action be an effective answer to discrimination and exclusion of minority and immigrant groups? What are the advantages and pitfalls of keeping ethnic statistics? Are such statistics necessary to reveal and address different types of discrimination, or are they rather a risk as they disclose people’s ethnic, religious or cultural affiliation? The legacy of World War II in Europe in this respect remains still too sensitive, but can we go beyond it? </p> <p>This Policy Brief aims to answers these questions on the basis of recent research carried out by the Global Governance Programme Research Strand on Cultural Pluralism and discussed with a group of European policymakers and leading academics in the field of cultural diversity who met for the High-Level Policy Seminar “What Policies are Needed to Turn Cultural Diversity into an Asset for Socio-Economic Development?”, at the European University Institute on 10 May 2013. </p> <p>We suggest that managing cultural and religious diversity is more cost effective than simply ignoring the challenges that diversity brings. </p> <p>Measures should be taken to encourage cultural diversity in the workplace: culturally and religiously diverse staff shows more creativity and innovation when confronted with complex issues or when devising new products. </p> <p>Combating discrimination is also important so as to avoid wasting human resources. This requires an effective monitoring strategy, notably the use of “ethnic statistics” that will allow to assess the effectiveness of anti-discrimination policies.</p> <p>Affirmative action is an important and necessary measure to combat ethnic disadvantage especially when a group is particularly marginalised. Affirmative action is an important first step for empowering the group and re-integrating in politics, the labour market or education. Affirmative action policies should however be periodically assessed so that they are not eventually perceived as mere favourable treatment of some groups over the majority </p>

This study aims to analyze the role of religious considerations in educational policies within a multicultural society, focusing on how educational policies can accommodate religious and cultural diversity in communities with different social and religious backgrounds. Multicultural societies face challenges in creating educational policies that can fairly include all religious groups, without prioritizing one religion or culture over others. Therefore, this research focuses on how educational policies can be structured to create an inclusive education system that is sensitive to religious diversity. The study uses a library research method, collecting and analyzing relevant literature on religious education policies in multicultural countries such as Indonesia, India, and European nations. Through this approach, the author explores information about the implementation of educational policies that consider religious diversity and their impact on social integration. The findings indicate that religious education policies, when properly designed, can be an effective tool to strengthen tolerance and social integration in multicultural societies. However, to achieve this goal, policies must carefully consider the rights of minority groups to prevent discrimination. Educational policies should also undergo regular evaluations and adjustments to ensure inclusivity and equality for all religious groups in education.

U radu se bavi normativnim značenjem multikulturalizma i idejom promicanja kulturne različitosti putem politika identiteta, politika različitosti i politika priznavanja te multikulturalističkim politikama kao odgovorima na izazove povezane s kulturnim i religijskim različitostima. Iznošenjem triju multikulturnih teorija – liberalnog multikulturalizma, egalitarnog multikulturalizma i dijaloškog multikulturalizma i njihovom kritikom želi se upozoriti na ograničene dosege i nesuglasja u vezi s načinima uključivanja različitih kulturnih skupina u društvo. Da bi se upozorilo na propuste multikulturalističkih politika u integraciji migranata, raspravlja se o kritici multikulturalizma iz aspekta političkih lidera Njemačke, Velike Britanije i Francuske, povezanosti etničke različitosti, multikulturalizma i socijalne države te o integracijskim učincima multikulturalističkih politika u zemljama s izdašnom socijalnom državom. Na kraju se predlažu napuštanje jednodimenzionalnog shvaćanja multikulturalizma i uvođenje pristupa koji će u sebi objediniti politiku ekonomske redistribucije i politiku priznavanja različitosti.

The results showed that the post-conflict Multicultural Islamic Education that took place in North Luwu seemed to emphasize religious moral values, such as compassion, love, help, respect for differences of opinion, respect for diversity of beliefs, and other attitudes that can create relationships. harmony between faith and culture. Multicultural education instilled in students is awareness of living in cultural diversity in society, respect for human rights, and efforts to minimize prejudice, especially interreligious prejudice that has been built up in North Luwu. All of these achievements are aimed at enlivening a harmonious society in terms of ethnic, religious and cultural diversity. In its implementation, the multicultural paradigm of religious education in North Luwu allows students to appreciate plurality and heterogeneity as well as the consequences of cultural, ethnic, sectarian and religious diversity which are the reality of the North Luwu community. The post-conflict Islamic education model in North Luwu consists of three models, namely through educational institutions both public schools and Islamic institutions, through mass and political organizations, and through Islamic organizations.