Abstract
The paper provides a straightforward analysis of some phonological processes attested in the Djelfa dialect, viz., epenthesis, and devocalization. The Djelfa dialect is one of the varieties of Algerian Arabic that has never been investigated before. Thus, this paper aims at delving into some of its phonological intricacies. The paper is couched within Optimality Theory framework (OT) and reveals the interaction underlying the markedness and faithfulness constraints to yield the well-formed syllable structures attested in the dialect. It mainly accounts for /i/ epenthesis to repair the undesired word-final C(C)VVCC and C(C)VCCC syllable structures, which is primarily ascribed to the interplay between *ϛϛ and *3μ. Vowel hiatus, however, is resolved by glide epenthesis unless the first member of the hiatus is [-high] and accordingly, the hegemony of CONTIGUITY-IO ([-high]V) renders devocalization imperative.
Highlights
The Djelfa dialect, (DJ, ) is one of the varieties of Algerian Arabic that belong to the Maghrebi Arabic Language continuum
To fill such a gap, this paper attempts to account for /i/ epenthesis in word-final C(C)VCCC and C(C)VVCC syllables in DJ
We will show that the vowel hiatus resulting from the concatenation of the feminine morpheme /a/ to nouns and adjectives ending in the high vocalic segments /i/ and /u/ is resolved by intervocalic glide insertion, while the hiatus resulting from the concatenation of the plural morpheme /u/ and the imperative second singular feminine morpheme /i/, to verbs ending in the low vowel /a/ is repaired by devocalization as the first part of the hiatus is a low vowel
Summary
The Djelfa dialect, (DJ, ) is one of the varieties of Algerian Arabic that belong to the Maghrebi Arabic Language continuum. As far as I know, none of them has dealt with vowel epenthesis to break the undesired word-final C(C)VCCC and C(C)VVCC syllable structures. To fill such a gap, this paper attempts to account for /i/ epenthesis in word-final C(C)VCCC and C(C)VVCC syllables in DJ It addresses /i/ epenthesis in word-initial CCC clusters and devocalization in the light of OT by means of elucidating how DJ resorts to these phonotactic mechanisms to repair some banned syllable structures. Kiparsky [6], classifies Arabic dialects in terms of the docking site of the epenthetic segment inserted to break word-medial CCC clusters into three groups: CV-dialects, VC-dialects and C-dialects. The paper sheds light on /i/ epenthesis to resolve word-initial CCC clusters. We will show that the vowel hiatus resulting from the concatenation of the feminine morpheme /a/ to nouns and adjectives ending in the high vocalic segments /i/ and /u/ is resolved by intervocalic glide insertion, while the hiatus resulting from the concatenation of the plural morpheme /u/ and the imperative second singular feminine morpheme /i/, to verbs ending in the low vowel /a/ is repaired by devocalization as the first part of the hiatus is a low vowel
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